Christianity has survived in Gaza through the rise and fall of empires, religious transformations, and centuries of political upheaval, but Israel's devastating war has raised the possibility that one of the faith's oldest communities could disappear from its ancestral homeland.

Before October 2023, approximately 1,000 Christians lived in Gaza. Today, estimates suggest that only 500 to 600 remain, with hundreds having fled the territory during Israel's war and genocide.

Bishop William Shomali, the Latin Patriarchal Vicar of Jerusalem, has warned that Gaza's remaining Christians are exhausted and increasingly wish to leave, raising questions about whether the community can survive another generation.

For Palestinian Christian activist Ihab Hassan, the danger is not simply the loss of individual families, but the possibility that an ageing population will become incapable of sustaining itself.

"Many of those who remain are elderly, and the young are the most likely to leave. A community of grandparents cannot survive on its own," he told The New Arab.

Christianity's ancient roots in Palestine

The history of Christianity in Gaza traces back to the earliest centuries of the faith, when Palestine was part of the Roman Empire, and Christianity was emerging from the land where Jesus Christ had lived, preached, and been crucified.

For Gaza's Christians, this history is not merely an archaeological inheritance. Their religious traditions connect them to the earliest Christian communities of the Holy Land, whose presence predates the emergence of Christianity as Europe's dominant religion.

Pastor Hanna Massad, a Gaza-born Palestinian Christian and founder of Christian Mission to Gaza, believes the possible disappearance of this community would represent a profound historical and spiritual loss.

"Two thousand years ago, the gospel was proclaimed in Jerusalem, where Peter preached his first sermon on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:9-11). People from many different nations and ethnic groups were present, including Arabs," he told The New Arab.

"Our Christian roots in this region go back to the earliest days of the church. It's heartbreaking to imagine that one day there may be no Christians left in Gaza and only small Christian communities remaining in the West Bank, in the very land where Christianity began."

By the fourth century, Gaza had become an important centre of Christian monasticism. Among its most influential figures was St Hilarion, born near Gaza around AD 291, who is traditionally credited with pioneering monastic life in Palestine.

The monastery associated with him at Tell Umm Amer became an important religious centre during the Byzantine period. In 2024, UNESCO designated the site a World Heritage Site and simultaneously placed it on its List of World Heritage in Danger because of the conflict.

Gaza City also contains the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Porphyrius, named after the fourth- and fifth-century bishop who helped consolidate Christianity in the city.

Although Gaza's population became overwhelmingly Muslim over subsequent centuries, its Christian community endured, maintaining churches, schools and religious traditions through successive political transformations.

Most of Gaza's remaining Christians are Greek Orthodox, alongside a significant Catholic population and a handful of Protestants.

For Hassan, the significance of their continued presence extends beyond religion.

"If it disappears, we lose more than a minority. We lose a chain of memory that runs back almost to the Apostles."

The destruction of a living heritage

The war has brought unprecedented devastation to the physical foundations of Gaza's Christian community.

In October 2023, an Israeli airstrike struck a building within the Saint Porphyrius church compound, where displaced Palestinians had sought shelter, killing civilians and damaging part of the historic complex.

UNESCO has verified damage to the church compound, while the conflict has also endangered archaeological sites, including the monastery of St Hilarion.

Yet the destruction of historic buildings represents only one dimension of the threat. Churches depend on congregations, schools on pupils, and community institutions on the families who sustain them.

Lex Pouliot, Manager of Middle East and Special Projects at the Vulnerable People Project, said the devastation had extended across Gaza's Christian neighbourhoods and institutions.

"By current estimates, nearly 80% of Christian homes have been destroyed, along with almost every Christian institution in the Strip, including schools, cultural centres, libraries, and the YMCA," she told The New Arab.

Families who initially sheltered inside church compounds have since moved into damaged homes or rented apartments, according to Pouliot. Some church schools have reopened, but conditions remain precarious.

She said two Christian women killed this month had recently moved into rented accommodation.

Hassan also described the community's losses in human terms.

"Christians were not spared in this war. Around 60 have died, about half of them killed directly by the Israeli army. Most of their homes have been destroyed," he said.

The destruction has therefore created a dilemma that cannot be resolved simply by restoring religious monuments.

Even if Gaza's historic churches survive, their significance as places of worship depends on whether Christians remain to use them.

As Hassan put it: "A restored church without a congregation becomes just a site."

An exodus without return?

Gaza's Christian population had been declining long before the present war, reflecting decades of economic hardship, restrictions on movement and emigration.

Wadie Abunassar, coordinator of the Forum of Holy Land Christians, told The New Arab that the community numbered approximately 5,000 in the late 1980s, falling to around 1,000 before October 2023 and roughly 500 today.

The latest displacement has intensified a longstanding concern among church leaders: that families who establish themselves overseas may never return, even if Gaza is eventually rebuilt.

Massad said hundreds of Christians had left since October 2023, with many resettling in Australia and other Western countries.

"I believe most of those who have left are unlikely to return unless there is significant change and lasting peace and stability in Gaza," he said.

Emigration can become permanent as children enter schools, parents find employment and families establish new relationships abroad. For a community already numbering only a few hundred, the departure of even a relatively small number of young families can have lasting consequences.

Abunassar believes that experience elsewhere in the Middle East offers little encouragement.

"I believe that more than 90 percent of those who left, the chances to see them coming back are very close to zero," he said.

His estimate reflects his assessment of wider regional migration patterns rather than a measured return rate for Gaza's displaced Christians.

A wider Palestinian struggle

Although Gaza's destruction is exceptional, the pressures confronting its Christians are part of a wider struggle over the future of Palestinian Christian communities.

In the occupied West Bank, movement restrictions, economic difficulties and Israeli settler violence have raised concerns about the security of Christian towns and villages, including Taybeh, near Ramallah.

Hana Bendcowsky, an expert on Holy Land Christians at the Rossing Center, cautioned against treating the circumstances in Gaza and the West Bank as equivalent.

"While Palestinians in the West Bank face enormous hardships, the situation in Gaza is catastrophic," she told The New Arab.

She also emphasised the difference between choosing to emigrate and being driven from one's home by war.

"We must also distinguish between emigration and displacement or becoming a refugee, which is more relevant to Gaza."

For Bendcowsky, the departure of Gaza's remaining families could mean the end of its longstanding Christian lay community, even if churches, hospitals and charitable institutions continue operating.

Nevertheless, she stressed that the preservation of religious heritage could never justify exposing people to danger simply to maintain a historical presence.

The possible disappearance of Gaza's Christians would also diminish the religious diversity that has long characterised Palestinian society.

"Gaza's Christians are Palestinians, and their story is part of Palestinian history," Hassan said.

"Palestinian identity has always included both Muslims and Christians. They shared everything, including hardship, wars, and displacement."

Can Gaza's Christians return?

The future of Gaza's Christian community ultimately depends on conditions affecting the entire Palestinian population: security, housing, employment, education and the possibility of rebuilding lives without renewed displacement.

Church leaders have sought to encourage Christians to remain in their homeland while recognising the circumstances that compel families to leave.

Abunassar said the churches were working to preserve their communities, but argued that resolving the underlying political crisis was beyond their capacity. He called for a genuine ceasefire and a peaceful settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Massad similarly argued that a lasting solution must address the Israeli occupation and guarantee Palestinians the right to live in dignity in an independent state.

For Pouliot, the fate of Gaza's Christians cannot be separated from the survival and recovery of their Muslim neighbours.

"Whether Christians can rebuild their lives depends on whether Gaza itself is rebuilt, and on an end to the occupation and the siege."

But reconstruction alone may not reverse the exodus. Families who have lost relatives, homes and livelihoods must also believe that returning would offer their children a future.

Hassan argued that meaningful recovery would require fundamental political change, including an end to both Israeli occupation and Hamas's rule.

"A community depends on more than houses and church buildings. It needs families, schools, work, safety, and the freedom to worship and stay connected with relatives and other Christian communities," he said.

For a community whose history reaches back to Christianity's earliest centuries, the possibility of return is therefore inseparable from the question of whether Gaza can once again become a place where families can safely build their lives.

Despite his pessimism about the prospects of reversing the exodus, Abunassar said the aspiration of Christian leaders remained unchanged.

"On one hand, we don't want anyone to leave. For sure, not the Christians of Gaza, not the Christians of the West Bank, not the Christians inside Israel," he said.

"On the contrary, we want those who left to come back."

Sam Hamad is a historian, freelance writer, and editor 

Edited by Charlie Hoyle

East Jerusalem - On 9 October 2026, two weeks after the right-wing Israeli newspaper Olam Katan reported that the Israeli military would open a section of Route 463 to settler traffic, hundreds marched from the Israeli settlement of Beit El to the settlement of Dolev along the road in celebration.

In recent months, settlers have been protesting in the highway’s vicinity, demanding they use what’s referred to as the “Wallerstein Road”, which Israeli civilians have been barred from since the start of the Second Intifada in 2000.

Their provocative demonstrations often involved waving Israeli flags and hurling stones at Palestinian vehicles, under the Israeli army’s protection.

And the pressure from settlers worked. “The decision in principle has been made, and the IDF [Israeli military] has already begun preparations for the opening of the highway,” head of the Mateh Binyamin Settlement Council, Israel Ganz, said in an interview with Olam Katan.

Israel’s military spokesperson confirmed the news, saying, "The IDF is working to put in place special security arrangements for future travel on the route."

Named after Pinchas Wallerstein, a founder of the settler movement, the 10-kilometre stretch of road runs from al-Bireh and Jalazone refugee camp in the east to the Palestinian village of Ein Qiniya in the west.

Wallerstein, then-head of the Mateh Binyamin Settlement Council, carved out the road without official permits in 1994. Six years later, the army shuttered it to both Israelis and Palestinians when the Second Intifada began.

Gradually, Palestinians gained access to the road again, which passes through Ramallah’s northern area and connects the city to seven Palestinian towns, a university, a school, a major hospital, and a sewage treatment plant.

Opening the road to settlers means isolating eight villages and two large residential neighbourhoods (totalling tens of thousands of Palestinians) in the north from the rest of Ramallah-Al-Bireh, according to the Palestine Liberation Organisation’s (PLO) Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission.

In turn, these residents will be forced to use a different route near the Jalazone refugee camp, which is already severely congested and cannot accommodate more traffic.

“Ramallah will be cut off from all its surrounding villages. Not just its villages, but also the other cities in the north that are coming to Ramallah, [which] mostly use this road,” Jamal Juma, coordinator of the Popular Campaign to Resist the Wall and Settlements, told The New Arab. “It's blocking Ramallah totally.”

Juma explained that in addition to fragmenting Ramallah, Israel’s military presence will increase in the area with the army erecting checkpoints, watchtowers, and fences along the highway. He also warned that Bedouin communities in proximity to the road could be expelled.

“The settlers are the spearhead of Israeli plans in the West Bank,” Juma said. “It's a very strong message that there will be no Palestinian place without settlements and that [Israeli] sovereignty is over every single inch of the West Bank,” he added.

“And it's a message to the Palestinian Authority, saying you have no future whatsoever, as you think and as you were promised by the Oslo agreements.”

Violating the Oslo Accords

The road in question is located mostly in Area B, with some small sections crossing through Area C and two smaller sections crossing into Area A.

Upon the signing of the second agreement of the Oslo Accords in 1995, the peace deal meant to establish a Palestinian state, the West Bank was divided into Areas A, B, and C.

Area A is governed fully by the Palestinian Authority (PA), the governmental body created under Oslo, and Area B is split - with the PA taking administrative responsibility and the Israeli army handling security affairs. Area C, the majority of the West Bank, is under full Israeli military control.

Most of Area A comprises major Palestinian cities, like Ramallah, where the PA headquarters are located.

“Ramallah is the most important urban centre of the PA. This is the city where the administrations are concentrated, and this is the most important city in the West Bank, in terms of administration,” Dror Etkes, founder of Kerem Navot, an Israeli NGO monitoring land policies in the West Bank, told The New Arab.

“So if the settlers have been successful in splitting it, planting facts on the ground, and connecting the settlements north and east of Ramallah with the settlements west of Ramallah, that would be a major achievement in this direction of dissolving the Oslo agreement.”

In recent years, the Israeli state has increasingly adopted new measures seen as eroding the PA’s power in the West Bank.

Following the Israeli army’s mass displacement campaign of Jenin, Tulkarem, and Nur Shams refugee camps, the army established a permanent military base next to Jenin refugee camp (in Area A) as well as five other outposts and is planning to set up more.

The military has also confiscated land in Area A to build settler roads, and Israel’s Security Cabinet granted the Civil Administration, the military body implementing Israeli civilian policy in the West Bank, enforcement powers related to the environment, water, and archaeology in Areas A and B.

The Civil Administration also stripped the municipalities of Hebron and Bethlehem of planning and construction responsibilities related to the Israeli settlement inside Hebron and Rachel’s Tomb in Bethlehem.

Those in government aren’t shy about their motives, either. Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has repeatedly called to dismantle the PA, most recently advocating for a war against the West Bank, stating that Israel must “do there what we did in Gaza, to dismantle the Palestinian Authority, which is a terror authority”.

As the Israeli state reneges on its obligations as part of the Oslo Accords, Israeli settlers are encroaching further into PA territory.

Since 2024, settlers have built 32 outposts, settler encampments established without Israeli government permission, inside Area B, and at least three in Area A. The goal seems clear to Etkes: Israeli settlers and the state are working together to unravel the Oslo Accords.

“More and more initiatives starting from the settlers and going up to the military, and of course, by the politicians who are supporting them in order to bring about the collapse of the Oslo agreement and to cancel the geopolitical categories of Oslo - A, B, C,” Etkes said.

“That’s all part of a bigger plan to force Palestinians into very, very small enclaves to eventually force them out of the country.”

The PA was meant to be an interim self-government that would phase out in five years and transition into full Palestinian self-governance over the West Bank. That never materialised, and instead what we are seeing today is the Oslo process in reverse.

Settler takeover, not only of Palestinian land, but also of infrastructure, is integral to that process.

Settlers aren’t just calling for access to 'Wallerstein Road', but also the Beitunia bypass road, or Road 4437, which Israelis have also been barred from using since the Second Intifada.

According to Olam Katan, settler access to that road has also been approved, although no official statement has been released yet. The Israeli army did not respond to The New Arab requests for verification at the time of writing.

These highways aren’t the first Palestinian roads settlers have encroached on, however. Roughly a decade ago, settlers from the Negohot settlement near Hebron gained access to an unnamed road running through Areas A and B in the southern West Bank, Etkes said.

“The road partially became a settlers-only road, especially since October 7th. They completely blocked parts of this road to Palestinians,” Etkes said.

“So this is not the first road which Israel is opening. There is already a precedent that the settlers have been able to establish.”

Jessica Buxbaum is a Jerusalem-based journalist covering Palestine and Israel. Her work has been featured in Middle East Eye, The National, and Gulf News

Follow her on Twitter: @jess_buxbaum

Edited by Charlie Hoyle

Across the occupied West Bank, the olive harvest, one of Palestine’s most cherished cultural traditions, is underway.

But every year, Israeli settlers have a tradition of their own: attacking farmers and disrupting the harvest in whatever ways they can.

Olive farming supports the livelihoods of roughly 100,000 Palestinian families.

But the economic toll of Israeli settler attacks and military operations has been devastating, with tens of millions in damages caused to the industry last year. 

And this year, settler attacks across the West Bank are occurring at the highest rate ever recorded by the UN.

Without any meaningful means of self-defence, Palestinians are increasingly relying on a small but growing network of international and Israeli activists who help with the harvest and stand between Palestinian farmers and Israeli settlers.

Ultimately, though, their support is not enough.

Watch Fin de Pencier’s In-Depth dispatch from the occupied West Bank to find out more

Sudan’s civil war has created opportunities for businesses to profit from the country’s collapsing economy.

In Egypt, state-linked companies have expanded their role in wartime trade, supplying essential goods while benefiting from the flow of Sudanese gold across the border

The conflict has reshaped regional trade networks, allowing commercial relationships with military-linked businesses to continue despite international sanctions.

Gold exports have surged, highlighting how valuable commodities can move through neighbouring countries and into global markets even as war devastates Sudan.

So how does wartime trade work - and who benefits?

Anas Ambri traces the trade networks generating profits from the conflict in this special In-Depth video report