Henry Hernández vio en la televisión local que una de sus panaderías cubanas favoritas en el sur de Miami había recibido al candidato demócrata al Congreso Elliot Rodríguez y al líder de la minoría demócrata en la Cámara de Representantes, Hakeem Jeffries, el viernes de la semana pasada. Tanto le indignó la visita de los políticos, a quienes tilda de “socialistas”, que este miércoles ha venido a tomarse una última colada de café y a decirle a la cajera: “Vengo a despedirme, porque yo no vuelvo más”.

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La orden de arresto está dada. La jueza Ariana Fajardo Orshan, del Undécimo Circuito Judicial de Florida, consideró que existen las pruebas suficientes para demostrar que Raúl Castro conspiró y, por tanto, es responsable de la muerte de cuatro personas tras el derribo de las avionetas de la organización humanitaria Hermanos al Rescate. Luego de tres décadas del incidente, Orshan firmó una orden estatal de arresto sin derecho a fianza contra el expresidente de 96 años por un capítulo que marcó para siempre al exilio cubano.

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The last two years have been, she says, “an emotional roller coaster.” She voted for Donald Trump for president, immigration authorities took away her husband, she was left alone to run the freight trucking business and care for their three children, and she watched her life plans slowly slip through her fingers. Now there are exactly 20 days left until the U.S. midterm elections and no campaign promise—neither from the Republicans nor the Democrats—has convinced Jessica Ruiz about the need to get up on November 3, drive through the streets of Miami and go to the polling place for Florida’s 28th District.

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John Roberts, the discreet justice who has presided over the United States Supreme Court for two decades, was upset some time ago that people believed the nation’s highest court was making “political decisions.” In several polls, Americans said they were worried not only about how much power the court had amassed but also about all the rulings that have ended up bolstering Donald Trump and his control over the federal government.

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María Elvira Salazar wore a dark blouse and a striking pearl necklace when she arrived at journalist Juan Manuel Cao’s studio in Miami. She took a seat, tucked her hair behind her ears, made sure she had good lighting and found the best camera angle. She’s well trained in the ways of television.

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Sandro Castro, Fidel’s influencer grandson who runs several Havana nightclubs, was asked a question on Instagram a few days ago that was seen by his more than 165,000 followers. “When will change come to Cuba?” The young Castro posted a photo of himself with a Cuban flag draped over his back while gazing at Havana’s cracked skyline from afar: “Cuba is already changing, or haven’t you noticed?” he replied. Certainly, the country that existed in January is not the same nine months later: most people still watch life slip away amid shortages and long power outages, but a new private class is taking on roles that used to belong to the state — supplying pharmacies, importing and distributing diesel, and ensuring food sales.

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Among so many faces, Roberto Mosquera remembered one in particular the day he arrived in Eswatini, a small country tucked away in southern Africa. He kept seeing that face over the following 14 months, which passed slowly and unbearably in the compressed world between the white and gray walls of the maximum-security cell at Matsapha prison. The man is serious, tall, dark-skinned and wears round glasses. His name is Jabulani Kunene and he is the prison official in charge. For more than a year, Mosquera has asked him the same question every time he passes by: “How long are you going to keep me locked up here?” Kunene has always given him the same answer: “I don’t know, Roberto, I don’t know.”

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