Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)

In the Zaporozhye direction, Russian units of the “East” and “Dnepr” groupings are fighting near Novopavlovka, Yalta, Komar and Omelnyk, while the 58th Army is advancing in the central part of Orekhov. In the Slavyansk direction, heavy protracted fighting continues: Ukrainian units are employing infiltration and accumulation tactics, operating in groups from Karpovka, Glushchenkovo and Novy Mir toward Novomikhaylovka, Katerinovka and Ivanovka. In the Sumy direction, assault units of the “North” grouping are pressing the defenses, advancing near Kiyanitsa and Khoten, while Ukrainian units are transferring new drone crews and attacking civilian objects. In the Kharkiv direction, Russian assault groups are enveloping centers of resistance inside the “Volchansk cauldron”, delivering precision strikes against identified concentrations and advancing near Kotovka, Varvarovka, Reznikovo, Kupino and Annopolye. Meanwhile, BSW party leader Sahra Wagenknecht called on German Chancellor Friedrich Merz to resign after his visit to Kyiv and promised to allocate one billion euros to Ukraine.

Zaporozhye direction  

Fierce fighting for the village and its outskirts is under way near Novopavlovka: Ukrainian units are again exerting pressure and attempting to regain lost positions. Near Yalta Ukrainian forces are also continuing attempts to penetrate and consolidate in the village.

Russian units continue to hold Komar and repel attacks. Ukrainian forces are concentrating in Mirnoye and Poddubnoye, attempting to transfer groups to the other bank and consolidate. Fierce fighting continues near Omelnyk, which is one of the key logistics points for Ukrainian units.

On the Orekhov direction units of the 58th Army continue to advance in the central part of Orekhov. Earlier assault groups of the 70th Guards Motor Rifle Regiment advanced into Ukrainian defenses and captured prisoners from a covering group left near underground tunnels. Fighting continues on the approaches to Omelnyk and Preobrazhenka.

On the Stepnogorsk–Shcherbaki line Russian troops retain tactical progress. Paratroopers of the “Dnepr” grouping are developing the offensive toward Pavlovka and Lukyanovskoye. Fighting is shifting toward Stepnogorsk, where Ukrainian units are attempting to organize a defense with the use of FPV drones. A little further west, closer to the Dnieper, offensive fighting has resumed toward the lower reaches of the Konka River. Fighting is under way on the northern outskirts of Stepnogorsk. Russian troops have again entered Primorskoye and are attempting to take the southern part of the settlement. Attempts to consolidate beyond the southern outskirts of Lukyanovskoye continue. Fighting is also under way in Novoyakovlevka.  

Slavyansk direction  

From Karpovka, Glushchenkovo and Novy Mir Ukrainian units are sending groups toward Novomikhaylovka and Katerinovka with the aim of a further breakthrough to Novolyubovka. Groups of Ukrainian forces are attempting to accumulate in Novoye for a dash to Ivanovka. Previous attacks on Ivanovka were unsuccessful. This settlement is partially under the control of Russian units; the approaches to it are also held.

Ukrainian units are actively conducting attacks from the direction of Drobyshevo toward Stavki and Kolodezi. Despite high losses, the Ukrainian side continues to send its assault groups there daily. Serious pressure is being exerted on the fortifications located between Mirnoye and Ivanovka. The intention of Ukrainian units is clear: to finish off Kolodezi and approach Ivanovka both through the fortifications and from two sides.

Russian pilots and artillery are actively working against Ukrainian groups, preventing them from consolidating near Zarechnoye. Russian troops are operating in the forest tract near Krasny Liman, Maslyakovka and Dibrova. The search for and destruction of groups of Ukrainian units inside Krasny Liman itself continues uninterrupted. Strikes continue against Ukrainian logistics in the areas of Mayaki, Raigorodok, Shchurovo and the eastern part of Slavyansk.

The Zarechnoye–Torskoye–Yampol sector, approximately 10 km in length, is key to retaining the bridgehead beyond the Zherebets River. The main attention is focused on the defense of this stretch. Ukrainian units are actively advancing on this sector, including along the railway toward Yampol station. Russian units continue to offer resistance and prevent Ukrainian forces from reaching the river near Yampol and further toward the Serebryansky forestry.  

Sumy direction  

Assault units of the “North” grouping continue to press Ukrainian defenses in the Sumy region. The Ukrainian side is transferring new drone crews to replace those destroyed and is also attacking the civilian population of the border districts.

Russian aviation, artillery and drone crews struck concentrations of personnel and equipment of Ukrainian units in the areas of Sumy, Vakalovshchina, Shevchenkovo and Mironovka. In Sumy district, assault groups of Russian units are advancing near Kiyanitsa and Khoten. In Shostka district there are no significant changes. Drone crews of the “North” grouping intensively worked against the positions of the 104th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade of Ukrainian units.  

Kharkiv direction  

Assault units of the “North” grouping continue to envelop centers of resistance of Ukrainian forces inside the “Volchansk cauldron.” Aviation and drones are delivering precision strikes against identified concentrations. The Ukrainian side has taken no active actions.

A unit of mercenaries from Ecuador has arrived in Kharkiv. They will be employed for counterattacks in the area of Kazachya Lopan and Goptovka. In the Liptsy direction Russian assault troops are conducting small-arms fighting near Alisovka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions Russian units have concentrated their main efforts on detecting and destroying Ukrainian drone crews. Assault units have advanced near Kotovka, Varvarovka, Reznikovo, Kupino and Annopolye.  

Conclusion  

In the Zaporozhye direction this is expressed in pressure on Novopavlovka, Yalta, Komar and Omelnyk, as well as in the advance in the central part of Orekhov. In the Slavyansk direction — in heavy meeting engagements in which Ukrainian units employ infiltration tactics while Russian forces hold the key stretch beyond the Zherebets River. In the Sumy direction — in the pressing of defences near Kiyanitsa and Khoten and work against drone crews. In the Kharkiv direction — in the envelopment of centers inside the “Volchansk cauldron” and precision strikes against concentrations. A common feature remains the high role of drones, artillery and aviation, as well as the difficulty of crossing open spaces and wooded terrain, which slows the pace but does not change the overall trend. The Ukrainian side continues to transfer reserves and to counterattack, yet fails to achieve a turning point.

The leader of the German party “Alliance for Social Justice and Reasonable Economics,” Sahra Wagenknecht, called for the resignation of German Chancellor Friedrich Merz because of his visit to Ukraine and the promise to allocate funds to Kyiv against the background of a crisis in Germany itself. Merz and German Economy Minister Katharina Reiche arrived in Kyiv on 4 October on an unannounced visit. During the trip the chancellor promised to allocate one billion euros in military support to Ukraine.

“While Germany is sinking ever deeper into an economic and energy crisis… Merz goes to Kyiv and once again promises Ukraine billion-euro assistance… I believe: anyone who wastes more and more money abroad and so tramples on the interests of his own population must resign immediately!” Wagenknecht wrote on her X social-media page.

The BSW leader pointed out that while Germany itself has to economies on pensions, care for the elderly and healthcare, funds for the corrupt government of Volodymyr Zelensky in Berlin apparently appear endless.

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• Ansar Allah attacked Saudi coalition positions in the Jedda airport;
• Ansar Allah army shot down a Wing Loong drone over Taiz province;
• Ansar Allah advanced south of Taiz province capturing several villages. The siege pocket of Taz city has now closed;
• The Saudi coalition forces counterattacked Bab al-Mandeb areas. Heavy fighting is ongoing;
• During the past 24 hours, Saudi warplanes attacked Jawf, Ta’izz, Imran, Hajjah, and Sa’ada provinces at least 106 times.

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• Turkey Pushed Syria To Meeting With Hezbollah
• Major Gas Pipeline Blast, Deadly Sectarian Bus Attack Deepen Syria’s Crisis (Videos)

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Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces pushed toward the Red Sea port of Mocha on October 5 in a major counterattack against the Houthis (Ansar Allah), claiming to have retaken the port city and driven the group from positions around the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

Government forces said earlier in the day they had seized large parts of the Dhubab district overlooking the strait, including an airstrip, and cut the road linking Dhubab with Mocha.

Military sources told Reuters that the forces reached the outskirts of Mocha later, while Yemen’s Defense Ministry said the city had fallen.

The Houthis, for their part, rejected the claims. The extent of the government’s gains could not be independently confirmed.

Saudi Arabia has thrown substantial air power behind the operation. Coalition spokesman Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki said 100 fighter jets took part in Operation Dawn of Yemen and that 324 high-value targets had been destroyed.

The spokesman added that Saudi warplanes were providing continuous support to government forces and protecting the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

The campaign is also drawing military support from outside the region. The New York Times reported that more than 200 United States intelligence and military analysts are working inside Saudi command centers to help analyze and select targets for Saudi-backed forces. The U.S. is also providing aerial refueling for Saudi defensive patrols.

In addition, aerial tankers from the United Kingdom and France were spotted on tracking websites near the battle zone as the counterattack began.

The fighting has also been accompanied by allegations of abuses against captured fighters. Videos circulated during the day purporting to show Saudi-backed forces using armored vehicles to run over Houthi fighters who had surrendered near the Bab al-Mandab front.

Saudi warplanes also struck targets in and around the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, as part of the wider campaign. Houthi-affiliated media reported that an airstrike in Bani Hashish killed a schoolgirl and wounded two other children, while authorities in Sanaa reported two civilians killed and seven wounded in strikes on the Sanhan and Sawan areas.

The government’s push along the coast coincided with further Houthi gains around Taiz, where the group has continued advancing toward the last remaining routes into the government-held city.

Houthi sources reported taking positions in the al-Maafir and al-Mawasit districts, with the latter lying near the main road linking Taiz with Aden. Reuters confirmed that Houthi forces had driven government units from al-Mawasit and reached the area around the residence of Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad al-Alimi.

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The loss of the remaining southern approach has left government forces inside Taiz effectively surrounded by Houthi-controlled territory. The city, one of Yemen’s largest cities and a longstanding government stronghold, had already been under pressure after the Houthis cut the main road connecting it to Aden.

The Houthis also announced during the day that their air defenses had shot down a Saudi Chinese-made Wing Loong II armed reconnaissance drone over Taiz province. The announcement was made by Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree.

Reports of fresh attacks and explosions also emerged in Saudi Arabia. Smoke was reported near oil infrastructure east of Riyadh, while reports circulated that there was a fire at the Petro Rabigh refining and petrochemical complex north of Jeddah.

Separately, a Saudi energy-sector source told Agence France-Presse that an attack on a pumping station in Khurais had caused major damage and forced the East-West oil pipeline to stop pumping again. The Houthis announced a strike on oil facilities there a day earlier.

The competing operations have opened a new phase of the war in Yemen. Fighting could go on for weeks, months or even years, as diplomatic efforts seem dead.

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Rafale seen from the front of the Sanicole Airshow in Belgium. Photo taken by Tom Houquet./www.dassault-aviation.com

Ukrainian pilots are expected to begin training in France on French Rafale fighter jets soon, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on October 5, promoting a high-profile deal whose financing and implementation remain uncertain.

“Ukrainian pilots will soon begin training on French Rafale aircraft in France. This is a significant step forward for Ukraine’s combat aviation,” Zelenskyy said on X after a phone call with French President Emmanuel Macron.

The training is part of a broader French-Ukrainian defense agreement first announced in November 2025, when Kyiv and Paris signed a letter of intent for Ukraine to acquire as many as 100 Rafales over the following decade.

The plan covers newly manufactured aircraft rather than transfers from France’s existing fleet and was presented as a long-term effort to rebuild and modernize Ukraine’s air force.

The scope of the agreement was further defined in a joint declaration signed in July. Under that arrangement, Ukraine announced an initial order for 16 Rafales and their armaments, with the remaining aircraft part of the longer-term 100-plane plan.

Four of the initial aircraft are to be transferred to Ukraine after Ukrainian pilots and mechanics complete their training in France.

The Rafale package is also considerably broader than the aircraft themselves. France and Ukraine are planning cooperation on AASM guided bombs, SCALP cruise missiles and MICA and Meteor air-to-air missiles, while Ukraine has been authorized to produce AASM and SCALP munitions domestically under license.

The two countries have also tied the aviation plan to cooperation on the SAMP/T NG air-defense and ballistic-missile defense system.

But major questions remain over how the purchases will actually be financed. The July declaration says Kyiv will seek funding for the initial Rafales through the European Union’s Ukraine Support Loan for 2026 and 2027 and through other financing sources. It does not publish a final contract value or show that the entire Rafale program has already been financially secured.

The EU’s Ukraine Support Loan is a substantial potential source of money. The €90 billion program for 2026 and 2027 includes up to €60 billion for defense procurement, while Ukraine has been allocated up to €28.3 billion in defense-related support for 2026. But those funds cover Ukraine’s broader military needs rather than constituting a dedicated Rafale budget.

That distinction is important because Ukraine is under severe financial pressure while fighting. Kyiv has been seeking additional external financing to cover its military and budget needs, while the cost of sustaining the fighting continues to rise.

Reuters reported on October 5 that Ukraine faces a major funding shortfall as its military expenditures surge and its economy comes under further pressure from Russian attacks.

The result is a Rafale program that remains politically significant but highly questionable as a fully funded, near-term procurement effort. The pilot training can begin before the aircraft themselves are delivered, while the initial 16-aircraft purchase and the much larger plan for 100 jets still depend on financing arrangements that have not been publicly detailed.

For now, the agreement represents a framework rather than evidence that Kyiv has secured the resources needed to rapidly field all 100 aircraft.

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The Houthis (Ansar Allah) released two videos on October 5 showing attacks on Saudi-backed forces in Yemen, as government forces launched a major offensive to push the group back from the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

One video showed first-person-view suicide drones striking troops and vehicles on several fronts. The Houthi military media said new drones called “Shoawaz,” Arabic for shrapnel, were used in the attacks but did not identify where or when exactly the strikes took place.

The second video showed strikes against concentrations of Saudi-backed forces near Ras al-Ara. The Houthi military media also did not provide a date. The footage, apparently recorded by a surveillance drone, showed what the Houthis described as “locally made missiles” hitting positions and setting several vehicles on fire, while dozens of fighters fled the area.

Ras al-Ara is in Lahj province, north of the Bab al-Mandab Strait. The area became a front line in September after the Houthis pushed south along the Red Sea coast, capturing Mokha and advancing through Dhubab toward the strait. Fighting later spread across the area between Taiz’s al-Wazi’iyah district and Lahj’s al-Mudharabah.

It is possible that the footage from Ras al-Ara was recorded during that September advance rather than during the latest fighting.

Earlier in the day, Saudi-backed forces launched a major offensive along the Red Sea coast. They claimed to have seized the Dhubab district and positions around Bab al-Mandab, while Saudi Arabia said about 100 fighter jets were providing air support for the operation. The Houthis have disputed the reported government gains.

The renewed fighting followed the Houthis’ September advance, when they captured Mokha and moved into Dhubab, the coastal district directly opposite Perim Island in the Bab al-Mandab Strait. The strait links the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and is one of the world’s major maritime chokepoints.

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Russia has tested a tethered aerostat barrier designed to protect oil refineries and other critical facilities from drones, according to a report by war correspondent Alexander Rogatkin for Vesti, aired on the Vesti Nedeli program on the Rossiya 1 television channel on October 4.

The system uses several tethered aerostats connected by cables, with vertical cords suspended between them to form a barrier intended to catch incoming drones.

During the test shown in the report, two aerostats, each with a volume of about 150 cubic meters, were raised roughly 100 meters above the ground and connected by a 100-meter cable structure known as an “apron.” A fixed-wing drone was then sent toward the barrier. Its propeller became caught in the cords, damaging the drone and leaving it entangled and hanging from the structure.

The report presented the test as a demonstration of a passive method of physically intercepting drones approaching protected sites.

The cords are made from Kevlar, a lightweight aramid fiber with high tensile strength. According to the report, individual cords can withstand loads of up to 800 kilograms, while their spacing can be adjusted depending on the size of the expected target. The thin cords are also difficult to see against the sky.

The anti-drone aerostat system is currently being developed by the Russian research and production company Spets-Radio.

Sergei Bendin, head of the Moscow branch of the Russian Geographical Society’s aeronautics commission, said the barrier could use vertical cords spaced about 1 meter apart to protect facilities from drones.

The report said automatic winches can adjust the height of the aerostat barrier after a drone is detected and its flight altitude determined using radar or optical systems.

Ruslan Maksimov, head of the flight operations department at Spets-Radio, said more than ten aerostats would be needed to protect an oil refinery. The Kapotnya refinery in the Moscow region was cited as an example.

Rogatkin linked the system to the use of barrage balloons during the world wars. Similar aerial barriers were deployed over Moscow during World War II to obstruct attacking aircraft, providing the historical model for the system now being tested against drones.

The system highlights the immense efforts Russia is making to counter the threat posed by drones with active and passive measures.

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Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)

In the Sumy direction, assault units of the “North” grouping have taken Malaya Rybitsa and continue to advance near Khoten, Ulanovo and Tolstodubovo. In the Kharkiv direction, Russian units are expanding control along the border; Grachyovka and Serdobino have come under control, and an attempt to break the encirclement ring east of Volchansk has been repelled. In the Zaporozhye direction, fighting continues near Orekhov, the highway between Omelnyk and Preobrazhenka has been cut, and an offensive is developing south of the Konka River. In the Slavyansk direction, Russian units are fighting heavy battles for Novopavlovka, Raipol, Sergeyevka and Belozerskoye, while on a number of sectors the front has entered the stage of a meeting engagement. Meanwhile, Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš stated that Europe would be better off directing 377 billion euros toward the reconstruction of Ukraine rather than the conflict.

Sumy direction  

Assault units of the “North” grouping continue to advance deeper into the Sumy region with the support of aviation and artillery. Ukrainian units have taken no active actions and have concentrated their efforts on attacks against civilian objects in the border regions.

In Sumy district, assault groups of Russian units have taken Malaya Rybitsa and continue to advance on other sectors. In Shostka district Russian units are consolidating on the captured lines; aviation and heavy flamethrower systems actively worked against Ukrainian positions. In Krasnopolye district there are no significant changes.  

Kharkiv direction  

Fierce fighting continues on all sectors of the front in the Kharkiv region. The most active operations are under way in the area of the encirclement of the Ukrainian grouping east of Volchansk. Ukrainian units have not abandoned attempts to break the encirclement ring from the outside.

In the Liptsy direction Russian assault troops are conducting small-arms fighting near Alisovka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions Grachyovka and Serdobino have come under control. Assault groups of Russian units are advancing near Reznikovo, Prikolotnoye, Kupino and Annopolye. Overall progress reached up to 700 metres.

The Ukrainian side made an attempt to break the encirclement ring from the outside. For this purpose two combat groups of up to platoon strength on two “Kazak” armoured fighting vehicles were employed. One armoured vehicle struck a mine, the second was destroyed by drone strikes. The surviving personnel scattered on foot into the tree lines and were subsequently destroyed by comprehensive fire strikes.

On the Volchansk sector Russian units continue offensive actions, breaking through Ukrainian defensive lines. In Olkhovatka Russian units have consolidated; dense fire is being delivered against identified centres of resistance. In Rublene and Nesterne assault groups have overcome the main defensive lines of Ukrainian units.  

Zaporozhye direction  

The southern sector of the front, the Orekhov direction, remains one of the most dynamic. Fighting is under way on the northern and western outskirts of Orekhov. Russian units are preparing assault actions to finish off the Ukrainian side in this area. At the same time the envelopment of the Orekhov grouping continues. Fighting is under way in Omelnyk; the highway between Omelnyk and Preobrazhenka has been cut.

The “Dnepr” grouping continues to exploit the problems of the Ukrainian side on this line and is advancing north toward Zaporizhzhia. South of the Konka River, between the Dnieper and the Konka, an offensive operation has begun. This concerns Lukyanovskoye, Pavlovka, Novoyakovlevka, Zapadnoye and Magdalinovka. There are successes in Primorskoye — fighting is under way in the southern part of the settlement. Russian forces are attempting to take Lukyanovka and consolidate in Novoyakovlevka. All of this is occurring against the background of ongoing fighting to envelop Orekhov.

On the northern sector Russian assault troops are increasing pressure west of Zorevka, in the areas of Malinovka, Velikomikhaylovka, Ternovka and Tersyanka. Northwest of Zarnitsa they are driving deeper into Ukrainian defenses, capturing new strongpoints.

West of Lesnoye Russian units are methodically dismantling the fortified Ukrainian defense and advancing westward. West of Rovnoye and Kopani they have concentrated efforts on disrupting the drone control system of Ukrainian units. Russian assault units continue to tear through Ukrainian defenses, developing the advance in a westerly direction.  

Slavyansk direction  

In the zone of responsibility of the “Center” grouping heavy fighting continues for Novopavlovka. Russian forces are attempting to finish off the Ukrainian side in the area of Raipol. The outcome of these battles will largely determine the possibility of entering Novopavlovka for a third time and consolidating there in order to move further.

There are grounds to believe that Sergeyevka can still be taken in October. This is a large settlement whose importance for further advance toward Mezhevaya, as well as for the battles for Dobropolye and Belozerskoye, is difficult to overestimate. The grouping of Ukrainian units in the area of Dobropolye is already encircled. Units of the 51st Army have reached the southern and south-eastern outskirts of Belozerskoye.

Fighting is also under way near Raiskoye and Verolyubovka. In Verolyubovka Russian units have positions, although control is not yet complete. Relying on Novodmitrovka, attempts are being made to consolidate in Belokuzminovka. On the outskirts of Aleksandrovka the Ukrainian side cannot gain a foothold — its small groups are being destroyed. In the area of Krivaya Luka it also has no successes. The 3rd Army is conducting both defensive and offensive fighting here, including in the direction of Nikolayevka.

Over the past two weeks the Ukrainian side has had no significant results here. It is mainly engaged in mopping up previously captured territory — Shandrigolovo, Zelenaya Dolina, Redkodub, Novoye. The situation is turning into a meeting engagement. As reserves arrive, Russian units are beginning active offensive actions. The 20th Army, relying on the lines near Zarechnoye and Yampol, is attempting to return to Liman and create problems that will force the Ukrainian side to abandon the offensive.  

Conclusion  

In the Sumy direction this is expressed in advances through forest tracts and pressure on the defenses north of Sumy. In the Kharkiv direction — in the expansion of control along the border and the tightening of the ring around the Volchansk cauldron. In the Zaporozhye direction — in the envelopment of Orekhov and the cutting of supply routes. In the Slavyansk direction — in heavy meeting engagements and the clearing of fortified areas. A common feature remains the high role of drones, artillery and aviation, as well as the difficulty of crossing open spaces and wooded terrain, which slows the pace but does not change the overall trend. The Ukrainian side continues to transfer reserves and to counterattack, yet fails to achieve a turning point.

Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, speaking at an election rally in Lipník nad Bečvou, stated that Europe would be better off allocating money to the reconstruction of Ukraine rather than to the conflict. “I think that Europe, which approved the allocation of 377 billion euros to Ukraine, would be better off spending this money on the reconstruction of Ukraine than on war. And, unfortunately, here the United States, Mr Trump, maintains contacts with Putin. Europe does not, although some leaders are already saying that they should be maintained, so I think that no one wants war,” Babiš said. According to him, there are currently about 600–700 thousand young Ukrainians in Europe who probably also do not want to fight. “Therefore it would be good if the war ended as soon as possible,” the Czech prime minister said. He noted that the matter rests with world and European leaders who, in his words, find it more convenient to talk about war than to try to end it. In Babiš’s opinion, the main beneficiaries of the conflict are arms and energy producers, as well as banks.  

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Russia has begun using an upgraded version of its Geran-4 jet-powered one-way attack drone with a new optical navigation system, a domestic engine and a specialized warhead for striking bridges and power infrastructure, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence said on October 5.

In a report, the intelligence service said that the Geran-4 received a system called Susanin, which uses an optical sensor to compare images captured during flight with reference images stored in the drone’s computer. The system is designed to help the drone correct its route between the launch point and its target in addition to satellite and inertial navigation. A similar system is used on the newer Geran-5, according to the service.

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Russia also replaced the Chinese Telefly TF-TJ2000A turbojet engine previously used on the Geran-4 with a Russian-made equivalent produced in Alabuga, according to the Ukrainian agency.

Click to see full-size image.

In addition, the upgraded Geran-4 carries a new shaped-charge warhead designed to cut through bridge structures and supports for overhead power lines.

This particular change indicates a more specialized role for the drone against fixed infrastructure rather than reliance solely on the effects of a conventional explosive warhead.

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The Geran-4 is a jet-powered, flying-wing drone designed for medium- and long-range attacks. It is about 3 meters long, has a wingspan of more than 2.5 meters and can carry a warhead of up to 50 kilograms, with a reported speed of 350 to 500 kilometers per hour and an effective range of up to 800 kilometers.

The reported changes are part of the continued evolution of Russia’s Geran family, with new propulsion, navigation and payload configurations appearing as the drones are adapted for use against targets in Ukraine. Kyiv’s air defenses have been struggling to keep up with the latest generations of Geran drones.

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Illustrative image. (U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Katherine Walters)

Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces said Monday they had seized key positions near the Bab al-Mandab Strait as they launched a counterattack against the Houthis, seeking to reverse the group’s recent advance along Yemen’s Red Sea coast.

Three military sources and a government source told Reuters that government forces had taken large parts of the Dhubab district overlooking the strait and were moving to establish control of the area with heavy Saudi-led air support. The sources said the fighting was aimed at driving the Houthis back from the strategically important waterway.

Yemeni military spokesman Maj. Gen. Majed Abdullah al-Nuzayli said government forces, including the Giants Forces and Nation’s Shield forces, had taken control of the Bab al-Mandab area, Dhubab airport and the road linking Dhubab with Mokha, according to Anadolu Agency.

Arab News also reported that government forces had taken large parts of Dhubab in a flanking operation from the Kahbub Mountains.

Saudi Arabia said the counteroffensive was receiving extensive air support. Coalition spokesman Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki said 100 fighter jets participated in the launch of “Operation Dawn of Yemen” and that 324 high-value targets had been destroyed.

The spokesman added that coalition warplanes were providing round-the-clock support for Yemeni forces on the ground and air protection over Bab al-Mandab while strikes against moving targets continued.

The operation follows President Rashad al-Alimi’s announcement on October 4 of a major campaign to retake territory held by the Houthis and restore government control across Yemen.

The Saudi-backed government has struggled to contain the Houthi advance since the group captured Mokha and positions around Bab al-Mandab in September.

The counterattack is unfolding as the Houthis continue to press government forces around Taiz. Reuters reported on October 4 that Houthi forces were seeking to surround the city and had reportedly pushed into the al-Mawasit district, near the main road linking Taiz with Aden.

Houthi-aligned media denied earlier reports that government forces had made advances around Bab al-Mandab. The competing claims leave the extent of the government’s territorial gains unclear, although the Saudi-backed forces’ reported seizure of parts of Dhubab marks their first major attempt to regain ground at the strait since the Houthis’ September offensive.

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The more that emerges about Hamam al-Hammami, the Omani co-pilot who tried to seize control of an Israel-bound Flydubai jet, the harder it is to view the September 30 attack as the sudden act of a radicalized individual.

Before he ever entered the cockpit of Flight FZ1073, al-Hammami had already been identified as a security concern in Oman. He was removed from flying duties over extremist material and sent through a deradicalization program. He later moved through other aviation institutions, obtained a job with Flydubai in the United Arab Emirates and was eventually assigned to one of the region’s most politically sensitive commercial routes, from Dubai to Tel Aviv.

According to a Wall Street Journal investigation, Flydubai never contacted Oman to vet his previous aviation record before hiring him in February.

The sequence raises a central question. How did a pilot judged too dangerous to fly by one Gulf country’s national airline end up flying passengers for another Gulf state’s carrier, from a country known for extensive security controls, and then find himself in the cockpit of a plane carrying more than 170 people, most of them Israelis?

The UAE has repeatedly portrayed itself as having zero tolerance for terrorism and extremist activity. Yet the same country ultimately employed al-Hammami and gave him access to an aircraft operating a route into Israel.

Al-Hammami was 29 and was born in the UAE to an Omani father and Syrian mother. Reports say he spent substantial periods of his early life in Syria, including repeated visits during the country’s civil war. One account of his background links that period to the development of his extremist outlook, making Syria an important part of the story now being examined by investigators.

His record in Oman is considerably less ambiguous. Al-Hammami worked for Oman Air and was identified by authorities as having an interest in extremist websites and radical material. According to people familiar with the matter cited by The Wall Street Journal, Oman removed him from flying duties, placed him in a deradicalization program and transferred him to desk work rather than allowing him to continue as a pilot.

CNN separately reported that he had been removed from Oman Air’s flight-training program over concerns about his radical views and given another role at the airline. A LinkedIn profile attributed to him showed seven years at Oman Air, ending in February 2025.

His subsequent aviation record adds another layer. The profile said he joined Royal Air Maroc in June 2025, although the Moroccan carrier later said he underwent three months of theoretical training but was not ultimately hired as a pilot.

He also completed a three-year distance-learning program in aviation management at Buckinghamshire New University in Britain, graduating in 2023.

Australia provides another link in the chain. Al-Hammami studied engineering at RMIT University in Melbourne but did not complete the degree. The Victorian Joint Counter Terrorism Team, which includes Australian federal and state police and the country’s intelligence agency, is now investigating his connections to Australia.

The Financial Times has reported that Australian intelligence had a file on him and that he visited radical mosques and extremist websites while there.

By the time he reached Flydubai, the picture was not that of a man whose ideology had suddenly appeared on September 30. A trail ran through Oman, Australia, Syria and several aviation institutions.

His online history has added another layer, with accounts linked to him containing material associated with extremist ideology, misogynistic religious views and imagery involving al-Qaida leader Ayman al-Zawahiri. CNN also found footage from a cockpit showing an El Al aircraft at Dubai International Airport among material posted to an account bearing his name.

And yet Flydubai hired him. The Wall Street Journal reported that Flydubai performed a criminal-background check but did not contact Oman about his previous employment. People familiar with the investigation told the newspaper that he was then placed on the Tel Aviv route and flew it several times. Emirati investigators are examining employees involved in his recruitment.

That makes the UAE part of the mystery difficult to separate from the case itself. This was not simply an airline unknowingly hiring someone with an obscure problem buried in an old personnel file. Oman had already confronted concerns about the man. The information simply did not follow him into the next aviation system.

On September 30, that failure became a near catastrophe. As the official story goes, al-Hammami attacked Indian Capt. Smit Machchhar inside the cockpit with an emergency crash axe as the aircraft flew toward Tel Aviv. The plane plunged more than 14,000 feet in less than 30 seconds. Machchhar, badly injured, managed to open the cockpit door, allowing passengers to rush inside and overpower the attacker. Two reserve pilots aboard the aircraft then helped regain control and land the Boeing 737 Max 8 in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia.

The latest information makes the episode still more disturbing. Reuters reported that two Israeli officials familiar with the investigation said al-Hammami told UAE interrogators that he had planned the attack before Flydubai hired him. Another source said he had specifically planned to crash the aircraft into Ben Gurion Airport and had previously considered carrying out a similar attack on an earlier Tel Aviv flight.

According to those accounts, al-Hammami had deliberately looked for airlines operating routes to Tel Aviv and applied to Flydubai after identifying it as a carrier serving Israel. That turns his presence on FZ1073 from an extraordinary coincidence into a far more troubling part of the investigation.

Click to see full-size image. (X)

The case then reaches beyond Flydubai and into Israel’s own security system. The UAE had provided Israel with passenger and crew information before the flight, including the pilots’ names and nationalities, according to regional officials cited by The Associated Press.

No warning was raised over al-Hammami. Israel therefore had the name and nationality of the Omani co-pilot before he crossed into its airspace, while his earlier aviation history remained invisible to the agencies receiving the flight information.

The issue is particularly striking because Oman has no diplomatic relations with Israel. Prime Minister Netanyahu said Israel has longstanding restrictions preventing pilots who are citizens of countries without diplomatic relations with Israel from operating flights into the country, and he described the incident as exposing a loophole.

Reuters reported that Netanyahu subsequently ordered a comprehensive review of security for foreign civil aviation entering Israel.

The question of what security was actually aboard the aircraft is also central. Israel’s extraordinary aviation-security system is especially associated with its national carrier, but foreign airlines operate under different arrangements.

The Times of Israel reported that a foreign flight carrying hundreds of Israelis from Dubai can operate without an air marshal aboard.

The affair also sheds light on Netanyahu’s increasingly ominous language. The prime minister said al-Hammami had undergone Islamist radicalization and intended to crash the aircraft with everyone aboard. He then raised the possibility that the pilot had been sent by somebody else.

“We are now investigating whether he was sent, and whoever sent him will pay a very heavy price,” Netanyahu said on October 2.

The statement shifted the political meaning of the case. Netanyahu was no longer discussing only a radicalized individual. He was publicly raising the possibility of an outside hand and threatening retaliation against whoever might have directed the operation.

That is where the case takes an uncomfortable turn toward the past. The obvious historical parallel is the 1986 Hindawi affair.

In that case, Jordanian national Nezar Hindawi attempted to put a bomb aboard an El Al flight from London to Tel Aviv by giving a suitcase containing explosives to his pregnant Irish girlfriend, who did not know what was inside. The device was discovered by El Al security personnel at Heathrow. Hindawi was arrested, convicted in Britain and sentenced to a lengthy prison term.

The official British case produced a devastating trail leading toward Syria. British authorities presented evidence that Hindawi had used Syrian documents, stayed at accommodation connected to Syrian Arab Airlines, received backing from the Syrian Foreign Ministry and sought refuge at the Syrian Embassy after the bomb was discovered.

The British government ultimately broke diplomatic relations with Damascus over the affair. In Parliament, the government described the evidence of Syrian involvement in unusually strong terms.

But another version of what happened has never disappeared. Former Israeli intelligence operative Ari Ben-Menashe wrote in his memoir *Profits of War* that the Hindawi operation had been conceived by Israeli intelligence chief Rafi Eitan as a covert operation designed to implicate Syria and have its diplomats expelled from Britain.

Ben-Menashe described an Israeli agent, Mohammed Radi Abdullah, being used to recruit Hindawi and offer him $50,000 to carry out the operation. His account portrayed Hindawi himself as an instrument in an operation designed to produce precisely the political consequences that followed.

Syrian President Hafez Assad accused Israeli intelligence of organizing the operation, while Patrick Seale reported claims from Syrian intelligence sources that they had been penetrated and manipulated by Mossad in a scheme intended to smear Syria and isolate the Assad government.

There was even a remarkable intervention from France. In an interview published in November 1986, Prime Minister Jacques Chirac said that West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher believed the Hindawi plot was a provocation intended to embarrass Syria and destabilize Assad, probably involving Israeli intelligence. The full interview recorded Chirac discussing the possibility that evidence linking Hindawi to Syria could itself have been manufactured.

The Hindawi affair thus became larger than a terrorism case. It became a case study in how a genuine extremist actor, or an individual capable of carrying out violence, can become useful to a much larger political operation.

That is the question now hanging over al-Hammami. His radical ideology appears to have been real. His previous problems in Oman were real. His links to Syria and Australia are now being investigated. His extremist online material has emerged publicly. He sought employment with an airline serving Israel, was hired by a UAE carrier without Oman apparently being consulted about his record and was assigned to a flight whose passenger and crew information was already in Israeli hands.

Taken individually, each element can be explained as a failure of screening, intelligence sharing or bureaucracy. Taken together, they form a far more disturbing sequence.

If al-Hammami acted entirely on his own, the episode represents a staggering failure to connect warning signs spread across several countries. If somebody recruited or directed him, those same failures become something else entirely. They become opportunities that made an already radicalized pilot an exceptionally useful instrument.

That is why the Hindawi precedent matters. The central question in both cases is not simply who carried out the violence. It is who enabled the person to reach the target, who knew what was coming, which warning signs were ignored and who stood to benefit from the crisis created when the operation unfolded.

In Hindawi, the bombing failed, but the political consequences were enormous, damaging Syria’s position in Europe and contributing directly to Britain’s break with Damascus. In the Flydubai case, the aircraft also failed to reach its intended destination as a weapon. But the consequences are already spreading from aviation security into Israeli domestic politics ahead of critical elections and the possibility of a confrontation with whoever Netanyahu claims may have sent al-Hammami.

The man in the cockpit may have been a terrorist acting on his own. He may also have been exactly what a larger covert operation would need, an already radicalized, politically motivated actor with enough access, competence and ideological commitment to be pushed toward a spectacular target.

Either way, the most troubling fact is now impossible to ignore. The warning signs did not begin when the axe came down in the cockpit. They were there years earlier.

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Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) cut a vital road linking the government-held city of Taiz with Aden on October 4, tightening their encirclement of one of the country’s most important population centers as President Rashad al-Alimi ordered a major military operation to retake territory held by the group.

Four security sources told AFP that Houthi forces seized the al-Safiya area, took control of a local police station and halted traffic on the main road between Taiz and Aden.

Three Yemeni military sources confirmed the move, saying it effectively isolated Taiz from the government’s interim capital. The city itself remains under government control.

“We were informed that the Houthis had taken control of the al-Safiya area, where they cut the main road and took control of the police station,” a police source in the area told AFP.

The road is described by Reuters as the last major route between Taiz and Aden, meaning Houthi control of it would place the city under an effective siege and further complicate the movement of government forces and supplies.

The battlefield developments came as al-Alimi announced a nationwide military campaign against the Houthis in a televised address.

“Today, I announce the start of military operations to retake the remaining territory of the republic and extend the authority of the state and its institutions across the entire national territory,” he said.

Al-Alimi’s announcement formalized a counteroffensive that Saudi Arabia and its Yemeni allies had been preparing as the Houthis made repeated advances in Taiz and along the western coast. Reuters reported that Saudi forces are expected to provide much of the aerial support while Yemeni forces conduct ground operations.

Yemeni government forces said during the day that they had carried out 97 targeting operations against Houthi reinforcements on the Tor al-Baha and Taiz fronts using aircraft, drones, artillery, missiles and snipers.

Government military spokesman Col. Majed Abdullah al-Nazili said the operations targeted at least 260 Houthi fighters and destroyed or disabled 44 military vehicles. Those figures could not be independently verified.

Click to see full-size map.

The Houthis also announced a new attack on Saudi Arabia on October 4, saying they had launched missiles and drones against Saudi Aramco sites in Riyadh and the Khurais area.

The group’s military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said the operation came in response to what he described as 50 Saudi-led coalition air and missile strikes in Yemen during the preceding 12 hours and claimed the Houthi attacks caused major fires. These claims were confirmed by videos posted to social networks.

The renewed fighting follows the collapse of a fragile period of calm and the Houthis’ rapid advances along Yemen’s western coast and toward strategic routes connecting the Red Sea with the country’s south. The latest push around Taiz threatens to further isolate the city and could turn the road linking it to Aden into a major battleground as the government begins its promised counteroffensive.

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• Smoke Covers Saudi Capital After Suspected Houthi Attack on Key Refinery (Videos)

Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)

In the Sumy direction, assault units of the “North” grouping have taken Malaya Rybitsa and continue to advance near Khoten, Ulanovo and Tolstodubovo. In the Kharkiv direction, Russian units are expanding control along the border; Grachyovka and Serdobino have come under control, and an attempt to break the encirclement ring east of Volchansk has been repelled. In the Zaporozhye direction, fighting continues near Orekhov, the highway between Omelnyk and Preobrazhenka has been cut, and an offensive is developing south of the Konka River. In the Slavyansk direction, Russian units are fighting heavy battles for Novopavlovka, Raipol, Sergeyevka and Belozerskoye, while on a number of sectors the front has entered the stage of a meeting engagement. Meanwhile, Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš stated that Europe would be better off directing 377 billion euros toward the reconstruction of Ukraine rather than the conflict.

Sumy direction  

Assault units of the “North” grouping continue to advance deeper into the Sumy region with the support of aviation and artillery. Ukrainian units have taken no active actions and have concentrated their efforts on attacks against civilian objects in the border regions.

In Sumy district, assault groups of Russian units have taken Malaya Rybitsa and continue to advance on other sectors. In Shostka district Russian units are consolidating on the captured lines; aviation and heavy flamethrower systems actively worked against Ukrainian positions. In Krasnopolye district there are no significant changes.  

Kharkiv direction  

Fierce fighting continues on all sectors of the front in the Kharkiv region. The most active operations are under way in the area of the encirclement of the Ukrainian grouping east of Volchansk. Ukrainian units have not abandoned attempts to break the encirclement ring from the outside.

In the Liptsy direction Russian assault troops are conducting small-arms fighting near Alisovka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions Grachyovka and Serdobino have come under control. Assault groups of Russian units are advancing near Reznikovo, Prikolotnoye, Kupino and Annopolye. Overall progress reached up to 700 metres.

The Ukrainian side made an attempt to break the encirclement ring from the outside. For this purpose two combat groups of up to platoon strength on two “Kazak” armoured fighting vehicles were employed. One armoured vehicle struck a mine, the second was destroyed by drone strikes. The surviving personnel scattered on foot into the tree lines and were subsequently destroyed by comprehensive fire strikes.

On the Volchansk sector Russian units continue offensive actions, breaking through Ukrainian defensive lines. In Olkhovatka Russian units have consolidated; dense fire is being delivered against identified centres of resistance. In Rublene and Nesterne assault groups have overcome the main defensive lines of Ukrainian units.  

Zaporozhye direction  

The southern sector of the front, the Orekhov direction, remains one of the most dynamic. Fighting is under way on the northern and western outskirts of Orekhov. Russian units are preparing assault actions to finish off the Ukrainian side in this area. At the same time the envelopment of the Orekhov grouping continues. Fighting is under way in Omelnyk; the highway between Omelnyk and Preobrazhenka has been cut.

The “Dnepr” grouping continues to exploit the problems of the Ukrainian side on this line and is advancing north toward Zaporizhzhia. South of the Konka River, between the Dnieper and the Konka, an offensive operation has begun. This concerns Lukyanovskoye, Pavlovka, Novoyakovlevka, Zapadnoye and Magdalinovka. There are successes in Primorskoye — fighting is under way in the southern part of the settlement. Russian forces are attempting to take Lukyanovka and consolidate in Novoyakovlevka. All of this is occurring against the background of ongoing fighting to envelop Orekhov.

On the northern sector Russian assault troops are increasing pressure west of Zorevka, in the areas of Malinovka, Velikomikhaylovka, Ternovka and Tersyanka. Northwest of Zarnitsa they are driving deeper into Ukrainian defenses, capturing new strongpoints.

West of Lesnoye Russian units are methodically dismantling the fortified Ukrainian defense and advancing westward. West of Rovnoye and Kopani they have concentrated efforts on disrupting the drone control system of Ukrainian units. Russian assault units continue to tear through Ukrainian defenses, developing the advance in a westerly direction.  

Slavyansk direction  

In the zone of responsibility of the “Center” grouping heavy fighting continues for Novopavlovka. Russian forces are attempting to finish off the Ukrainian side in the area of Raipol. The outcome of these battles will largely determine the possibility of entering Novopavlovka for a third time and consolidating there in order to move further.

There are grounds to believe that Sergeyevka can still be taken in October. This is a large settlement whose importance for further advance toward Mezhevaya, as well as for the battles for Dobropolye and Belozerskoye, is difficult to overestimate. The grouping of Ukrainian units in the area of Dobropolye is already encircled. Units of the 51st Army have reached the southern and south-eastern outskirts of Belozerskoye.

Fighting is also under way near Raiskoye and Verolyubovka. In Verolyubovka Russian units have positions, although control is not yet complete. Relying on Novodmitrovka, attempts are being made to consolidate in Belokuzminovka. On the outskirts of Aleksandrovka the Ukrainian side cannot gain a foothold — its small groups are being destroyed. In the area of Krivaya Luka it also has no successes. The 3rd Army is conducting both defensive and offensive fighting here, including in the direction of Nikolayevka.

Over the past two weeks the Ukrainian side has had no significant results here. It is mainly engaged in mopping up previously captured territory — Shandrigolovo, Zelenaya Dolina, Redkodub, Novoye. The situation is turning into a meeting engagement. As reserves arrive, Russian units are beginning active offensive actions. The 20th Army, relying on the lines near Zarechnoye and Yampol, is attempting to return to Liman and create problems that will force the Ukrainian side to abandon the offensive.  

Conclusion  

In the Sumy direction this is expressed in advances through forest tracts and pressure on the defenses north of Sumy. In the Kharkiv direction — in the expansion of control along the border and the tightening of the ring around the Volchansk cauldron. In the Zaporozhye direction — in the envelopment of Orekhov and the cutting of supply routes. In the Slavyansk direction — in heavy meeting engagements and the clearing of fortified areas. A common feature remains the high role of drones, artillery and aviation, as well as the difficulty of crossing open spaces and wooded terrain, which slows the pace but does not change the overall trend. The Ukrainian side continues to transfer reserves and to counterattack, yet fails to achieve a turning point.

Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, speaking at an election rally in Lipník nad Bečvou, stated that Europe would be better off allocating money to the reconstruction of Ukraine rather than to the conflict. “I think that Europe, which approved the allocation of 377 billion euros to Ukraine, would be better off spending this money on the reconstruction of Ukraine than on war. And, unfortunately, here the United States, Mr Trump, maintains contacts with Putin. Europe does not, although some leaders are already saying that they should be maintained, so I think that no one wants war,” Babiš said. According to him, there are currently about 600–700 thousand young Ukrainians in Europe who probably also do not want to fight. “Therefore it would be good if the war ended as soon as possible,” the Czech prime minister said. He noted that the matter rests with world and European leaders who, in his words, find it more convenient to talk about war than to try to end it. In Babiš’s opinion, the main beneficiaries of the conflict are arms and energy producers, as well as banks.  

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• Heroism or Staged Spectacle: What Really Happened in the Cockpit of Flydubai Flight FZ1073
• Zelensky Plans To Flee Ukraine If Peace Deal Is Reached

Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense\TASS)

Russian tank crews and helicopter units held separate combat drills at a military training range in Tajikistan on October 3, practicing attacks on simulated enemy forces and troop deployment in mountainous terrain, as part of the Center-2026 strategic exercise.

At the Lyaur training range in Rudaki District, about 35 kilometers from the Tajik capital, Dushanbe, crews of T-72B3M tanks from Russia’s 201st Guards Military Base engaged simulated enemy targets, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense.

The ministry said that the crews used a tactic known as a “fire carousel,” moving between prepared firing positions while using terrain and concealment to limit their exposure to simulated reconnaissance.

They fired their 125 mm guns from concealed positions before supporting assault groups and engaging simulated enemy reserve columns in conditions of limited visibility.

In a separate drill at the same range, Russian Mi-8 transport helicopters and Mi-24 attack helicopters practiced striking a simulated concentration of enemy personnel before landing a tactical airborne unit, according to the ministry.

The helicopter crews approached at very low altitude and conducted simulated attacks using unguided rockets and 30 mm aircraft guns. They then carried out an evasive maneuver while releasing flares against a simulated threat from portable air defense systems.

In the final stage, an Mi-8 deployed the tactical airborne unit under the cover of Mi-24 helicopters. The exercise scenario called for the troops to reach the rear of the simulated opposing force and launch a surprise attack.

The 201st Guards Military Base is Russia’s main permanent military formation in Tajikistan and operates from facilities in Dushanbe and Bokhtar.

The drills at Lyaur involved units of the 201st Guards Military Base and formed part of the wider Center-2026 exercise, which concluded October 3 after running from September 28.

More than 47,000 military personnel took part in operations at 11 training ranges and in the Caspian Sea, with contingents from several countries including China, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Pakistan and Tajikistan.

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Illustrative image.

North Korea launched an intermediate-range strategic missile from its east coast on October 3, claiming it had been equipped with artificial intelligence technology that allows it to change course while flying at low altitude, state-run Korean Central News Agency reported.

Kim Yo Jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, said her brother personally supervised the firing drill. She noted that South Korea and Japan tracked the missile and reported flight distances of more than 700 kilometers and 680 kilometers, respectively, calling the figures “interesting numbers.”

“We have already witnessed similar announcements four times and, finally, we came to the conclusion that the superiority of the special flight mode applied to the missiles in our possession has been verified in practice,” Kim said.

She claimed the “enemy” failed to track the targets from their initial skip points when the missile used a wave-like flight trajectory. She also said extending the trajectory during the downward stage produced distances similar to those reported by South Korea and Japan.

“They should acknowledge the speed of the missile,” Kim said, adding that “they would be well advised” to remember previous announcements that the missile is capable of “changing its flight orbit at a low altitude and AI was introduced into it.”

“There is no way to avoid this attack,” she stressed.

Kim added that representatives of the Missile Administration had reported that the newly introduced technology could allow the missile to use at least four different flight-orbit modes depending on its purpose and target.

Kim Jong Un said no other country in the world “could have access to such technology for at least several years,” according to the North Korean statement.

The launch came 13 days after North Korea fired two short-range ballistic missiles from the Wonsan region on September 20. The two missiles were launched within hours of each other toward the East Sea, according to Anadolu Agency’s report.

“We are aware of the missile launch and are consulting closely with our allies and partners,” the U.S. military’s Pacific Command wrote on X.

“Based on current assessments, this event does not pose an immediate threat to U.S. personnel or territory, or to our allies,” the command added, while pledging to defend the United States and its allies in the region.

The October 3 launch follows a cluster of North Korean missile tests in September, including multiple short-range ballistic missile launches on September 12 and two more on September 20.

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• Kim Jong Un Inspects Drones, Orders AI and Automation Push (Photos)

Illustrative image. (U.S. Air Force photo by Tech. Sgt. Robert M. Trujillo)

Accusations that Iran was behind a suspected security incident near RAF Fairford have intensified despite the absence of explosives in the suspects’ vehicles and the decision to release all six people arrested in the case on police bail.

A New York Times report published on October 3 added new details to an investigation that has generated increasingly strong claims about Iranian involvement while leaving key questions unanswered.

The newspaper reported that United States, British and Israeli intelligence agencies had received warnings in September of a possible Iranian-backed attack on American facilities in Britain and Europe. But the warnings were general, without a firm date or specific target, and officials interviewed by The New York Times acknowledged that the full picture remained unclear.

The incident began in the early hours of September 27, when police responded to reports of three vans near RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire, a British-owned base used by the U.S. for bomber operations against Iran. Five British men from London, aged 23 to 25, were arrested on suspicion of explosives offenses and preparing a terrorist act. About 85 homes were evacuated while bomb disposal specialists examined the vehicles.

The initial response suggested that authorities believed they might have intercepted an attack in progress. But the evidence made public since then has been far less conclusive.

Counter Terrorism Policing said after extensive examinations by military and forensic teams that no improvised explosive devices were found in the vans. Investigators recovered only a quantity of petrol. The five men were released on police bail after extensive interviews and inquiries and remain under investigation under strict conditions.

The later developments have not strengthened the publicly disclosed explosives case. A 25-year-old dual British-Iranian national was arrested in London on October 1 on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts in connection with the Fairford investigation.

A second British man was also questioned under caution. On October 3, police announced that the dual national had likewise been released on bail.

The circumstances surrounding the original arrests have also become more complicated. The New York Times reported that one of the five suspects called Britain’s emergency number before the police operation, while a local farmer separately alerted authorities after seeing the vans and masked men.

Investigators have not publicly explained why the suspect made the call. Police have also not disclosed what they have learned from the suspects’ phones and other seized material.

Despite those uncertainties, the political accusations have grown. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on September 28 that the incident “clearly involves the hands of a foreign actor,” without identifying the country or presenting public evidence for the claim.

Meanwhile, President Donald Trump said the suspects might be connected to Iran and expressed surprise that they had been released on bail.

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham went further on September 30, saying there were “strong indications” that Iran had played a part in what happened at Fairford. He did not provide details, citing the continuing investigation.

The United Kingdom’s counterterrorism police have themselves stopped short of announcing that Iran was responsible, saying they are examining multiple possibilities, including the use of proxies or people acting knowingly or unknowingly on behalf of a foreign state.

That distinction matters because the evidence that has been disclosed publicly so far establishes neither an Iranian command structure nor a completed bombing plot. The arrests were triggered by suspicious vehicles and people near a strategically important base, but the vehicles contained no explosive devices, the suspects have not been charged, and all six people detained in connection with the case are now outside custody on bail.

In July, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any British base used to launch attacks against Iranian territory would be considered a “legitimate target,” explicitly identifying RAF Fairford after U.S. bombers operated from the base. Britain responded by saying its armed forces were prepared to defend the country.

The NYT reported that the September warnings were part of a wider intelligence picture in which Israeli, U.S. and British officials were concerned about a potential Iranian-backed operation against American facilities.

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu subsequently said Israel had provided Britain with intelligence about what he described as an Iranian-sponsored attack. British authorities have not publicly released the intelligence or independently detailed what it contained.

The buildup has therefore produced a striking gap between the mounting political accusations and the weak evidence available to the public.

Iran has repeatedly denied involvement. Its embassy in London said the allegations linking Tehran to the arrests were unfounded, while Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi rejected the British accusations. Tehran has also protested diplomatically over the claims.

With the latest NYT report, the whole affair appears more like a false-flag operation, or at best a greatly exaggerated minor incident. The purpose is, however, becoming more and more clear, which is to frame Iran for plotting an attack on British territory, setting a new stage of escalation against the Islamic Republic, just as Trump is hinting that war could return after the upcoming midterm elections in the U.S.

The UK, which helped the U.S. and Israel lay the political ground for the first stage of the war by restoring international sanctions against Iran over unproven nuclear accusations, seems back at work again. The only difference is that Britain could this time take a more direct role in the fighting, with the Fairford affair of course serving as the excuse for the British public.

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• Heroism or Staged Spectacle: What Really Happened in the Cockpit of Flydubai Flight FZ1073
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Fighting intensified across Yemen’s southwestern province of Taiz on October 2 and 3, with the Houthis (Ansar Allah) reportedly advancing on four fronts as government forces launched strikes.

The reported Houthi gains stretched from the southern Taiz countryside to Same’ district, Jabal Habashi and the western outskirts of Taiz city, signaling a widening offensive across the province.

In southern Taiz, the Houthis reportedly took the heights of Jabal Rasan and Jabal Jardad, along with nearby villages including Rasan, Bani Mohammed, al-Za’azi and al-Kuwayrah. The reports also said the Houthis had captured Daba al-Dakhil and Jabal Ahem, while fighting continued around Asha and Samdan. Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces retained control of Mafraq al-Safiyah and the western Taiz-Aden road.

Further southeast, Houthi forces reportedly captured Hawrah and surrounding villages in Same’ district with the support of local tribes. Control of the area’s high ground reportedly gave the Houthis positions overlooking the al-Silu front and intensified pressure toward al-Turbah.

In Jabal Habashi, the Houthis also reportedly made gains after repelling an attack by a government-aligned armed faction. Maj. Gen. Mohammed Salem al-Khawlani, chief of staff of the Emergency Forces of Yemen’s Interior Ministry, was also killed on the al-Kadha front, according to the ministry and an October 2 report by Anadolu Agency.

The Houthis then reportedly expanded their positions in al-Zatan, Bani Bakari and Madhafah and captured al-Maqatin, Anaqib and al-Arari.

Near Taiz city, the Houthis reportedly took al-Han height, which overlooks the western approaches to the provincial capital and routes used by opposing forces.

Meanwhile, the Yemeni government announced on October 3 that its forces had carried out 71 operations against Houthi positions, military buildups and reinforcements across Taiz.

Col. Majed Abdullah al-Nuzaili, a spokesman for the government forces, said the operations hit areas including Jabal Rasan, Jabal Jardad, Same’ and Bani Bakari.

Click to see full-size map.

The recent Houthi advance in Taiz came after Reuters reported that Saudi Arabia was preparing an offensive that could begin within weeks against the Houthis. According to the report, the operation would rely on more than 100,000 Yemeni government troops overseen by Riyadh and supported by Saudi strikes, with the campaign aimed in part at reversing Houthi gains along the Red Sea coast and around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky knows he could face widespread hostility at home after the end of the conflict and has prepared options for leaving the country, according to a senior Russian lawmaker.

Alexander Borodai, deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs, Eurasian Integration and Relations with Compatriots, made the comments in an interview with the Russian state news agency TASS that was published on October 3.

“Zelensky and the vast majority of his inner circle fully understand that if some form of peace is established, he will not only cease to position himself as president of Ukraine but will no longer be able to live in Ukraine. He will become a figure of utter loathing, cursed by the population, and it would be unsafe for him to remain in the country; naturally, therefore, he has prepared fallback options for himself. His cronies in this high-risk business have done the same,” Borodai said.

Borodai went on to reveal that the Ukrainian president had long made arrangements for a potential future residence in Europe and Israel.

The Russian lawmaker added that, as the business continues to generate income for Zelensky and his associates, they have little interest in any agreements being reached.

His comments followed Russian President Vladimir Putin’s remarks on October 2 that Moscow wanted to end the conflict through peace negotiations. Putin said Russia was seeking a settlement addressing what he described as issues concerning Ukraine, including the Russian language, the church and security guarantees.

Zelensky has continued to reject calls for elections while the conflict remains active. Former Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov has publicly called for Ukraine to develop a mechanism for holding elections during the conflict, reopening a politically sensitive debate that the Ukrainian president has rejected.

Borodai’s latest revelations, together with Zelensky’s opposition to holding elections, paint a very different picture of the popularity of the Ukrainian president and his escalatory policies than the one portrayed daily in Western media.

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Smoke was reported over Riyadh on October 3 after satellite monitoring detected unusual thermal activity at an Aramco refinery, amid unconfirmed reports that the Houthis had attacked the Saudi capital.

NASA’s FIRMS detected higher-intensity thermal activity at the refinery, while NASA Terra imagery appeared to show a large fire and thick smoke drifting across northern Riyadh. Videos posted to social media also indicate that a massive fire broke out at the facility.

Click to see full-size image. (Photo via firms.modaps.eosdis.nasa.gov)

Click to see full-size image. (X(=)

Saudi authorities and Aramco had not commented, and the Houthis had not claimed responsibility. The group usually announces such attacks within 24 hours.

The reported incident came amid an intensification of fighting in Yemen. The Houthis reported Saudi strikes on the capital, Sanaa, and the provinces of Saada, Taiz and Amran, while Yemen’s internationally recognized government claimed that its warplanes carried out 20 strikes against Houthi positions and forces in Taiz on October 2.

The escalation followed reports of Houthi advances on several fronts in Taiz, where the group has been seeking to expand its positions and cut routes linking government-held areas.

Yemeni military officials have disputed some Houthi claims of territorial gains, and the front lines in Taiz remained contested.

The developments also came shortly after Reuters reported that Saudi Arabia was preparing an offensive against the Houthis that could begin within weeks. The operation would reportedly rely on more than 100,000 Yemeni ground troops overseen by Riyadh and supported by Saudi strikes, with the campaign aimed in part at reversing Houthi gains along the Red Sea coast and around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

All recent developments indicate that the war in Yemen is about to heat up even further. Efforts to de-escalate do not appear to be moving forward.

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The Russian military struck Kyiv’s Southern Bridge again on October 2 and hit the Ukrainian capital’s Northern Bridge the following morning, extending a campaign against the city’s main Dnipro crossings and leaving traffic heavily disrupted across the river.

The Southern Bridge, already closed after earlier drone attacks, was hit again on the afternoon of October 2, according to Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko. Black smoke rose from the crossing, although the extent of any additional structural damage was not immediately clear.

Later, on the morning of October 3, a drone strike targeted the Northern Bridge. The impact damaged the roadway and the overhead trolleybus network, forcing authorities to halt traffic from the left bank toward the right bank. No casualties were reported.

The recent attacks appear to have involved Russia’s Geran-4 Seeker one-way attack drones. The jet-powered drone is reported to be capable of speeds exceeding 500 kilometers per hour and a range of more than 850 kilometers. It is also equipped with an artificial intelligence-powered optical targeting system.

Russia’s 50th Separate Unmanned Systems Brigade, known as Varyag, released fresh footage showing some of the strikes.

Commenting on the recent strikes on the Northern Bridge, the Russian Ministry of Defense said that the crossing is being used to “transport troops and supplies military cargo for the Ukrainian Armed Forces.”

The damage has left Kyiv operating with a much-reduced capacity to move people and vehicles between the two banks of the river.

The Southern Bridge remains closed to both road traffic and metro service. Following the Northern Bridge strike, buses 21, 73, 101 and 114 returned to their regular routes but were running with delays, while trolleybus routes 29, 30, 31 and 47 were split between the two banks because their overhead network on the bridge was damaged.

Other crossings on the Dnipro are carrying the diverted traffic under strict restrictions introduced after the earlier drone attacks.

During air-raid alerts, traffic is restricted on the Metro Bridge from the left bank to the right, while the Podilskyi crossing and the Paton Bridge are also subject to directional restrictions. The Darnytskyi Bridge has remained the principal unrestricted crossing outside those alert-related measures.

The closures have produced severe congestion. The Associated Press reported that traffic in Kyiv was so heavy late on October 2 that one resident took 45 minutes to travel about 4 kilometers. The traffic jam continued on the morning of October 3.

The latest strikes broaden the disruption from the Southern Bridge to another major crossing rather than leaving the impact confined to a single structure. More than a third of Kyiv’s roughly 3 million residents live on the Dnipro’s left bank, while most government institutions and many workplaces are on the right bank, making the remaining crossings critical to daily movement.

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