Almost half of workers helping families care for children, older people, and people with disabilities, who provide vital domestic support in Europe, have considered quitting due to low pay and bad working conditions, a labour-union report found on Tuesday (13 October).

The 2026 personal and household services (PHS) employment monitor drew on more than 8,000 responses from workers, service users, and employers in 36 countries.

Around one in four respondents worked between 35 and 40 hours per week.

Meanwhile, six in 10 workers reported work-related musculoskeletal disorders, including back pain and tendon inflammation.

One in four also said they had experienced or witnessed verbal abuse, while nearly 15 percent had experienced either sexual harassment, physical, and/or sexual violence.

Care poviders’ mental health is impacted, with around six out of 10 reporting sleeping issues.

But these same workers play “an essential role in providing a dignified life for everybody in our ageing European societies,” Oliver Roethig, regional secretary of UNI Europa said in a statement. 

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The European Parliament has called for a coordinated EU response to the influence of Muslim Brotherhood networks, backing tighter funding controls, greater scrutiny of institutional partnerships and an assessment of whether individuals and organisations linked to the movement meet the criteria for inclusion on the EU’s terrorist list.

The resolution was adopted in Strasbourg on Thursday, 8th October, by 381 votes to 167, with 15 abstentions.

The vote followed a debate on Wednesday over what Parliament describes as “Islamist entryism”: a strategy of gaining influence within public institutions and civil society while presenting an outward commitment to democratic values. Parliament’s briefing identified the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliated associations as frequently cited examples of this approach. 

The resolution increases political pressure on member states, the European Commission and the Council of the European Union to investigate networks, examine funding and consider restrictive measures where the applicable legal criteria are met.

Concerns over democratic institutions and fundamental freedoms

At the centre of Parliament’s position is concern that organisations associated with the Brotherhood may use access to democratic institutions to advance objectives incompatible with those institutions’ underlying principles. The resolution expresses “deep concern at the strategies of influence” pursued by the movement and its supporters. It describes the Brotherhood as “a political project based on the primacy of religious norms over common law, which is incompatible with democratic principles, the rule of law and equality between citizens”. 

MEPs’ concerns extend beyond security in the narrow sense. The resolution condemns entryism strategies directed against democratic institutions, public order, social cohesion, the rule of law and equality between women and men. It calls for stronger institutional vigilance, combining financial checks with scrutiny of organisational networks and cross-border cooperation. 

The underlying concern is that public authorities could inadvertently provide resources and legitimacy to organisations whose political objectives conflict with the democratic values those authorities are supposed to uphold. Parliament argues that European institutions should not fund, consult or legitimise networks that use their procedures and language to weaken fundamental freedoms. 

Commission asked to account for EU funding

One of the resolution’s most concrete demands concerns the destination of European public money. MEPs want the Commission to produce a comprehensive overview of EU funding awarded to individuals or entities suspected of links to the Muslim Brotherhood or political Islam. This is a request for investigation and disclosure, rather than a finding that every organisation under scrutiny has misused EU funds.

Parliament also calls for full traceability of EU funding, stronger due diligence and greater use of the exclusion mechanisms available under the EU’s Financial Regulation. The proposed checks would cover beneficiaries and partnerships, alongside closer scrutiny of foreign funding and transnational relationships. 

These demands reflect concern about the structure of influence networks, not simply the conduct of individual grant recipients. MEPs want an EU methodology capable of identifying indicators such as opaque financing, recurring partnerships, links to established networks, contradictory institutional messaging and organisations reappearing under new forms. 

Scrutiny of youth organisations and institutional partnerships

The resolution calls for examination beyond formally constituted Brotherhood organisations. Its proposed scope includes alleged front organisations, financial networks, youth groups, ideological platforms and individuals occupying leadership or coordination roles.

It also urges EU institutions to strengthen checks before engaging with organisations that could be involved in entryism strategies, specifically naming the Forum of European Muslim Youth and Student Organisations, or FEMYSO. The reference is a call for closer scrutiny; it should not be confused with a terrorist designation or treated as proof that every allegation about the organisation has been established. 

The broader issue is whom European institutions recognise as an interlocutor. Parliament warns against treating organised Islamist networks as representative voices for Muslim citizens and argues that anti-discrimination policies must not become a means of legitimising those networks. It calls instead for support for civil society actors and Muslim representatives who defend democratic values and resist Islamist pressure. 

Terrorist listings would require a separate assessment

The resolution asks member states to provide information enabling an assessment of Brotherhood-linked leaders and structures for possible inclusion on the EU terrorist list. It also calls for restrictive measures against relevant entities and individuals whenever the applicable criteria are satisfied.

That qualification is important. Thursday’s vote is a political demand for further action, not a completed legal designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a whole. Decisions on listings would require a separate assessment by the competent authorities; Parliament’s resolution does not automatically impose sanctions or prohibit organisations from operating.

French MEP Céline Imart, a member of the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP), set out that position explicitly: “Where rules allow, the Council [of the European Union] should list individuals and organisations linked to the Muslim Brotherhood as terrorist entities.” The EPP also said that the EU “must never fund Islamists”. 

Distinguishing political Islam from religious freedom

Alongside its demands for tougher controls, Parliament emphasises that protecting Muslim citizens from discrimination remains a democratic obligation. Its position draws a distinction between religious belief and organised political activity that it considers incompatible with democratic principles. 

“Islam as a faith and political Islam as an ideology must not be conflated. We must protect both democracy and religious freedom,” Imart said.

The next test will be whether the Commission, Council and national governments translate Parliament’s demands into funding reviews, stronger partnership safeguards and evidence-based assessments of particular organisations and individuals. The resolution supplies political impetus, but implementation—and any eventual terrorist listings—remains a separate task for the EU institutions and member states.

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More than half of Europeans believe hens should no longer be caged, according to new data released on Tuesday (13 October). 

And 75 percent of Europeans wanted the last hen in the EU out of its cage by 2035 at the latest, according to a poll conducted by Savanta on behalf of Humánny pokrok, an animal rights non-profit.

Pollsters asked 25,080 adults across 25 member states for their views on keeping hens in cages.

The results show that 16 percent of people were not sure when or if putting hens in cages should be banned, while 7 percent of Europeans supported hen-caging until at least 2045.

The survey comes five years after 1.4 million citizens signed the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) to ‘End the Cage Age’ and the European Parliament voted to endorse it.

‘Now is the time’

“This data shows millions of Europeans care about animal welfare,” said Barry Andrews, an Irish Renew MEP.

“Over 1.4 million signed the ECI, which was also supported by MEPs. Now is the time for the Commission to finally make a legislative proposal,” he added.

The delay in tabling legislation came after Copa Cogeca, a farming lobby group, insisted that banning hen cages could take up to 15 years.

But the new data says 52 percent of Europeans wish a hen cage ban was already in place.

The country most supportive of a hen cage ban was Austria, where 65 percent of people believed the last hen should have already left its cage, and 2 percent said cages for hens should never be banned.

Thomas Waitz, an Austrian Greens-group MEP, said an EU ban on animal cages is “long overdue” and urged Olivér Várhelyi, commissioner for health and animal welfare, to deliver an “ambitious timeline”.

“This long period of indecision is not just an affront to the European consumers who want better Animal Welfare, it also harms European farmers and producers who need reliable information for their investments,” Waitz said.

In Bulgaria, the member state which polled as least supportive, 33 percent of people believed the last hen should have already left its cage whereas 9 percent said cages should never be banned.

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European regional and local leaders have warned that the EU’s next long-term budget risks transferring control over investment programmes to national governments, potentially increasing economic disparities and reducing the ability of poorer regions to shape their own development.

The warning was delivered in Brussels on 12 October by Kata Tüttő, President of the European Committee of the Regions, during the opening of the European Week of Regions and Cities.

Her intervention comes as EU leaders prepare to negotiate the 2028–2034 budget, with disagreements over agricultural funding, regional development, defence, industrial competitiveness and the distribution of financial responsibilities among member states.

The Committee of the Regions warned that greater centralisation could concentrate economic opportunities in already prosperous areas while limiting other territories’ capacity to attract investment and develop essential infrastructure.

The concern goes beyond money allocated to regional development. It addresses who controls spending decisions and whether local authorities retain a meaningful role in determining how European funds are used.

Regional governments resist centralisation

EU cohesion policy has traditionally sought to reduce disparities between richer and poorer regions through investment in transport, infrastructure, education, business development and public services. While national governments administer considerable funds, regional and local authorities are frequently involved in identifying priorities and delivering projects.

The Committee argues that restructuring which concentrates decision-making at national level could weaken this arrangement. National governments may favour country-wide industrial or infrastructure programmes, while regional authorities identify specific problems arising from local conditions.

A national infrastructure strategy could prioritise major transport routes and industrial centres. Regional administrations might instead emphasise connecting smaller communities, maintaining local services or developing specialised economic activities.

The dispute concerns whether the next EU budget will maintain flexibility for regional priorities. In Belgium, Germany, Spain and Italy, regional institutions possess important responsibilities across economic development, education and infrastructure. Changes to EU spending governance could alter established relations between European, national and regional institutions.

The budget negotiations intensify the dispute

Ireland’s rotating Council presidency has proposed reducing the Commission’s original seven-year budget plans by approximately €141 billion while largely protecting agriculture and cohesion compared with other expenditure categories.

The proposed financial framework would nevertheless remain substantially larger than the current budget. The distribution of resources remains contentious, and an overall cut does not necessarily translate into the same reduction for every region.

Effects will depend on allocation formulas, national spending plans and programme governance. Meanwhile, European institutions face demands for stronger investment in defence production, digital infrastructure, competitiveness and support for Ukraine while maintaining agricultural and regional commitments.

Economic disparities remain a European problem

The Committee presented its seventh annual assessment of Europe’s regions and cities during the European Week of Regions and Cities, held in Brussels from 12 to 14 October.

The assessment examines competitiveness, resilience, public services, democratic governance and financial conditions. Regional disparities remain a significant feature of the EU economy despite decades of common investment programmes.

Large metropolitan areas often benefit from concentrations of universities, research institutions, advanced industries and capital. Less densely populated territories may struggle with demographic decline, shortages of skilled workers and the cost of maintaining infrastructure.

These differences can reinforce themselves over time. Businesses invest where suitable workers, transport networks and customers are already concentrated. Younger workers moving towards metropolitan economies may further reduce the economic prospects of communities they leave behind.

Defence spending creates new pressures

The increase in European defence expenditure introduces another dimension. Regions containing defence manufacturers, engineering firms, research institutions and military installations could benefit substantially from new spending, while others may receive little direct economic advantage.

If industrial investment concentrates in already advanced manufacturing centres, geographical disparities could widen. Conversely, procurement programmes and infrastructure investment could bring opportunities to weaker regional economies with suitable facilities and labour.

A question of political authority

The Committee of the Regions has limited formal authority over the EU’s long-term budget. National governments will negotiate the framework, and the European Parliament must consent to the final agreement.

Regional leaders are seeking to influence those negotiations before political compromises are established. Their central argument is that aggregate European economic growth alone does not capture the distribution of investment, employment and public services across the Union.

The approaching European Council negotiations will indicate whether governments intend to preserve regional influence over EU spending or concentrate greater authority over investment decisions at national level.

European Union governments are entering a critical round of budget negotiations after the Irish presidency of the Council proposed cutting €141 billion from the European Commission’s long-term spending plans, exposing deep disagreements over how the bloc intends to finance its expanding responsibilities.

The revised proposal, circulated ahead of the European Council meeting scheduled for 15–16 October, would reduce the planned 2028–2034 financial framework by approximately eight per cent to around €1.6 trillion, calculated in constant prices.

Despite the reduction, the proposed budget remains approximately 30 per cent larger than the current seven-year framework. Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands and other governments concerned about national contributions have nevertheless argued that further restraint is necessary.

The compromise, detailed in negotiations over the EU’s next financial framework, reduces proposed spending across several areas while largely protecting the Union’s established agricultural and regional development programmes. The distribution of those cuts is becoming as contentious as the overall size of the budget.

Europe’s new priorities face the deepest reductions

Under the Irish proposal, agricultural and regional development allocations would decline by approximately three per cent compared with the Commission’s initial plans. By contrast, funding intended for competitiveness and security would be reduced by around 13 per cent, while external action and development cooperation face cuts of approximately 17 per cent.

The difference raises questions about whether the next EU budget can support the strategic ambitions repeatedly endorsed by European leaders.

The Commission has presented industrial competitiveness, technological development, defence readiness and economic resilience as central priorities for the remainder of the decade. Yet these sectors would absorb proportionately larger reductions under the revised framework than agricultural and cohesion programmes.

The consequences could extend to investments in advanced technologies, European industrial supply chains, research programmes and cross-border defence cooperation. They could also constrain the Union’s capacity to fund external partnerships and development initiatives.

The debate is particularly sensitive because the EU’s responsibilities have changed considerably since the previous budget was negotiated. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased defence requirements, while competition with China and the United States has intensified demands for industrial investment.

Germany and the net contributors demand restraint

The central disagreement concerns how much additional expenditure European governments are willing to finance through the common budget. Germany and other major net contributors face domestic fiscal constraints, rising borrowing costs and demands to increase national defence spending.

For these governments, accepting a substantially larger EU budget would add to financial commitments already being made through national budgets.

The Irish compromise therefore faces opposition from two directions. Some governments consider the reductions insufficient, while others fear that the remaining cuts will weaken programmes essential to their national economies.

Traditional recipients of agricultural and regional funding have an interest in protecting established expenditure. Governments seeking stronger European investment in defence, innovation and industrial competitiveness have different priorities.

The European Parliament is another obstacle. Its consent will be required before the final financial framework can enter into force, giving MEPs considerable leverage in negotiations with national governments.

New EU revenues remain controversial

The proposal also envisages approximately €55 billion in additional annual financing through new or revised EU revenue sources, including customs revenues, emissions-related income and corporate contributions.

The Commission’s framework for the next long-term budget reflects a broader debate over the extent to which the Union should develop independent financing mechanisms rather than rely predominantly on national contributions.

Such mechanisms would potentially give Brussels a more predictable revenue base. However, they also raise questions about fiscal sovereignty, the distribution of costs among member states and the political accountability of European taxation.

National governments remain reluctant to surrender substantial authority over revenue collection, particularly when proposed resources could impose costs on domestic industries or consumers.

Ukraine, enlargement and Europe’s strategic ambitions

The negotiations will influence the Union’s ability to respond to future enlargement. Ukraine and several Western Balkan countries are pursuing accession, but the financial implications of bringing additional members into the Union remain substantial.

Existing arrangements for agricultural subsidies and regional development assistance would require reconsideration if large new beneficiaries entered the budgetary system.

At the same time, the EU faces pressure to support Ukraine financially and strengthen defence production without depending indefinitely on extraordinary borrowing or ad hoc national contributions. These responsibilities cannot be addressed simply by preserving the structure of earlier budgets.

European Council President António Costa will seek to narrow the divisions among the 27 leaders, but agreement on the financial framework requires unanimity. Any government can withhold its consent if it considers the final distribution of costs unacceptable.

The forthcoming summit is therefore likely to establish the parameters of further negotiations rather than eliminate the underlying disagreements. The immediate political question is whether member states can reconcile their commitment to greater European strategic capacity with their reluctance to finance it collectively.