Demonstrations over school funding and discrimination coincide with protests by truckers, farmers and climate activists.

On Friday, thousands of students and teachers took to the streets in several Italian cities to protest the policies of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

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The protests followed several days marked by a wave of school occupations in Milan, Naples, Turin, Genoa, Bologna and Rome.

The nationwide mobilization, dubbed “No Meloni Day,” combined demands over budget allocations with direct criticism of the Italian government’s environmental policies.

Student groups denounced the progressive deterioration of school infrastructure and called for the €13 billion allocated to military spending to be redirected toward education.

Representatives of the Alternative Student Opposition criticized the rising cost of living and announced a general strike scheduled for Oct. 30.

Un carro armato di cartone è stato dato alle fiamme durante il corteo degli studenti a Torino. Alcuni manifestanti hanno incendiato il modellino con fumogeni colorati, accompagnati dai cori "Brucia, brucia" e dallo slogan "Noi la guerra non la paghiamo", per protestare contro le… pic.twitter.com/RM7BH94cf9

— Sky tg24 (@SkyTG24) October 16, 2026

The text reads, “During a student protest in Turin, a cardboard tank was set on fire. Demonstrators ignited the model using colored smoke flares, chanting “Burn, Burn!” and the slogan “We will not pay for war,” as a form of protest against military spending.

The demonstration was part of the “No Meloni Day”—a day of student mobilization against the government’s educational policies, rising tuition costs, and increased military expenditure.

Similar protests took place across Italy, specifically in Rome, Milan, Florence, Genoa, Venice, Padua, Treviso, and Cagliari. In the capital, organizers estimated the turnout at 20,000 people, while in Turin, more than 2,500 students took to the streets.”

During marches in Rome, tensions escalated when some protesters threw firecrackers and trash containers outside the Education Ministry. Riot police and Carabinieri officers established security cordons and used tear gas to disperse the crowd on Via Marmorata.

“Thousands of students marched from the Colosseum to the Education Ministry. Tensions rose because of a group of masked protesters who threw bottles and improvised explosive devices at law enforcement officers, as well as discharged fire extinguishers,” RaiNews reported.

Similar clashes occurred in Turin and Bologna outside the prefecture and the central railway station, where police responded with water cannons. The violence led to confrontations involving blunt objects, the detention of a masked minor and severe disruptions to rail traffic in northern Italy.

"No Meloni Day"
Police charges against students
in Rome and Turin. pic.twitter.com/5IGt2pUQLU

— 𝕃𝕦𝕔𝕚𝕒𝕟𝕠 𝕃𝕦𝕝𝕫 (@altrella_l) October 16, 2026

Students Reject Discrimination and Racism

Thousands of people marched peacefully in Milan, holding signs and chanting slogans in support of social integration. Youth organizations strongly opposed Meloni’s “Valditara Decree,” which they described as discriminatory and racist.

In effect since June, the decree bans sex and relationship education at the preschool and elementary school levels and requires parental consent to address these topics at other educational levels. It also sets a maximum of 30% for foreign students in each classroom.

“Are these really the problems that need to be solved?” and “Racists out of our schools!” protesters shouted, according to RAI News.

“An entire generation has taken to the streets because it refuses to bow its head — to mind its own business — while others destroy our future,” said Alice, who linked the student movement’s demands to the genocide in Gaza.

“And it all starts right here, in our schools. The pro-Palestinian demonstrations made that clear: Some people have blood on their hands — the blood of genocides taking place around the world — and those same hands are cutting funding for our schools, our lives, and a dignified future in this city.”

“Outside the regional education authority’s headquarters, some participants threw eggs filled with red paint, declaring, ‘This is the blood of Gaza and Palestine,’” RaiNews reported.

No Meloni day here in Italy and antifascist students are facing-off with her cops right now in Bologna. Solidarity comrades.
No Fascism. No Genocide. No Meloni. pic.twitter.com/wQsgtjRRV2

— GhostofDurruti (@DurrutiRiot) November 14, 2025

Truckers, Farmers and Environmentalists Voice Discontent

On Friday, southern Italy faced a severe fuel shortage in the provinces of Calabria, Basilicata and Apulia because of protests by truckers and farmers. Steelworkers’ blockades at Eni’s Taranto refinery brought gas stations to a standstill, causing long lines and operational difficulties for public transportation.

The transport industry association Conftrasporto reported an increase of more than 50 euro cents per liter in diesel prices and demanded the immediate release of budget funds.

Facing the imminent risk of supply shortages, the Ministry of Infrastructure and Transport called an emergency meeting with industry representatives for Oct. 27.

The student mobilization also coincided with global protests organized by “Fridays for Future” in support of climate action and against fossil fuels.

Italian environmentalists marched to the Environment Ministry in Rome to demand reductions in polluting emissions and action to combat energy poverty across the country.

teleSUR/ JF

Source: RAI – EFE – teleSUR

Nearly 93 million EU residents were at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2025, with the latest regional figures revealing sharp differences both between and within member states. The findings raise questions about how effectively European investment is addressing longstanding economic inequality.

More than one in five people living in the European Union remained at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2025, according to Eurostat figures that reveal substantial differences in living conditions across the bloc’s regions.

Approximately 92.7 million people, representing 20.9 per cent of the EU population, fell into the category during the year. Although the total declined slightly from 93.3 million in 2024, regional data show that economic vulnerability remains heavily concentrated in particular areas.

In 26 of the 243 EU regions for which figures were available, at least 31 per cent of residents were at risk of poverty or social exclusion. At the opposite end of the distribution, 24 regions recorded rates below 13 per cent.

The regional figures published by Eurostat show that the highest rate was recorded in French Guiana, at 54.8 per cent, while Slovakia’s capital region, Bratislavský kraj, recorded the lowest at 2.9 per cent.

National averages conceal substantial differences

The contrast is not confined to richer and poorer member states. In several countries, internal regional disparities are more pronounced than comparisons of national economic performance might suggest.

Within Slovakia, the proportion of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion in Východné Slovensko was 9.1 times the rate recorded in the Bratislava region.

In Italy, the equivalent rate in Calabria was 8.1 times that of Valle d’Aosta, illustrating the persistent economic divide between parts of the country’s north and south.

These differences are recorded in Eurostat’s regional living-conditions statistics, which provide a more detailed picture than EU-wide or national averages.

The comparison requires care. Eurostat’s measure of poverty or social exclusion combines three indicators: relative income poverty, severe material and social deprivation, and very low household work intensity.

Consequently, the figures do not mean that every person included lacks sufficient income to meet basic needs. They identify people experiencing at least one of the defined forms of economic disadvantage.

Differences in income, employment, household composition and living costs can also influence the results, making direct comparisons between metropolitan areas, rural districts and overseas territories more complicated than a single percentage might imply.

Nevertheless, the scale of regional variation illustrates why national economic growth does not automatically produce equivalent improvements in living standards throughout a country.

Poverty reduction remains an EU commitment

The European Union has set a target of reducing the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion by at least 15 million by 2030, including at least five million children.

The limited annual reduction recorded in 2025 indicates that progress remains modest relative to the scale of that objective.

The problem has become increasingly important for European policymakers as housing costs, energy prices and employment insecurity affect household finances in different ways across member states.

In May, the Commission presented an anti-poverty and housing policy package, bringing together measures concerning social inclusion, housing exclusion and child poverty.

The regional figures indicate that such initiatives will need to account for considerable differences in local economic conditions.

Policies designed for prosperous urban economies may have limited relevance in regions characterised by low employment, weak infrastructure or dependence on a small number of industries. Conversely, economic activity and relatively high average incomes do not necessarily prevent serious poverty problems within major cities.

Cohesion funding becomes a central question

The findings have direct relevance to negotiations over the EU’s next long-term budget, covering 2028 to 2034.

The European Commission’s proposal envisages roughly €450 billion for economic, social and territorial cohesion under national and regional partnership plans, including at least €218 billion for less developed regions.

The proposed structure would combine several funding programmes within broader national plans, with the Commission arguing that the changes could improve coordination and make spending more responsive to local requirements.

However, regional authorities have expressed concern that greater national control over financial allocations could weaken their influence over investment decisions.

As EU Today reported earlier this week, representatives of European regions have warned that the proposed budget arrangements could concentrate decision-making in national capitals.

The latest poverty statistics provide a concrete context for that disagreement. Investment priorities may differ considerably between a region experiencing industrial decline, an agricultural area with limited employment opportunities and a metropolitan district facing severe housing affordability problems.

A central question for EU institutions is therefore how funding allocations will reflect measurable regional needs rather than being driven primarily by national political negotiations.

The Commission maintains that its proposed partnership arrangements will protect allocations for less developed regions and continue supporting social inclusion.

Negotiations over the financial framework will determine how those commitments are translated into enforceable rules, while Eurostat’s figures provide a statistical basis against which future claims of progress can be assessed.

With 92.7 million people still at risk, the debate is not simply about the overall size of the EU budget. It is also about whether spending reaches the communities where economic disadvantage remains most concentrated.

EU leaders met Thursday (15 October) for their first face-to-face talks on the 2028–2034 budget, killing the latest negotiation proposal put forward by Ireland.

Dublin, which holds the symbolic EU Council presidency, proposed cuts of up to €141bn from the long-term budget,  about eight percent less than the commission proposal. But it failed to make anybody happy, for different reasons. 

And now, EU Council president António Costa has been tasked to deliver a new compromise before EU leaders meet again on 26 November in Brussels, with the goal of striking a deal during the summit in December. 

An EU official said Costa deemed the deal in December as “essential,” urging EU capitals “to assume their responsibility”.

For Denmark, for example, it is important to have more funds for defence, borders, illegal migration, and competitiveness. “It will probably be as difficult as it was last time or even more difficult,” said Danish prime minister Mette Frederiksen ahead of the meeting.

“We need unanimity in the Council. We are far from that unanimity,” also said German chancellor Friedrich Merz before meeting counterparts.

The EU is divided into two camps. The so-called Frugals (Germany, Austria, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden) want “several hundred billion” more to be cut, mostly from agriculture and cohesion funds, while 17 EU member states (self-named as Friends of Cohesion) criticise the savings. 

But time is of the essence to reach a deal this year, especially for French president Emmanuel Macron. France will hold presidential elections in the spring, and if Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Rally party, wins, reaching an EU deal would become far more difficult.

Le Pen has pledged that, if she comes to power, she will halve France’s contribution to the EU budget.

And Macron reportedly said in the room with EU leaders that from January onwards, there will be no political room for reaching an agreement.

‘Easier to give up what you don’t yet have’

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