The UAE has formally nominated veteran diplomat Lana Nusseibeh to become the next UN secretary-general, placing one of its most experienced international representatives in the race to succeed Antonio Guterres.

The nomination was submitted on Wednesday by UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan in a letter to the presidents of the UN General Assembly and Security Council.

Nusseibeh, 48, is a former UAE ambassador to the UN who spent more than a decade in international diplomacy, including during the country's 2022-23 membership of the Security Council.

If successful, she would become the first woman to lead the UN and the second person from the Middle East and North Africa to hold the position, following Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

Who is Lana Nusseibeh?

Nusseibeh is the daughter of Zaki Nusseibeh, a senior Emirati presidential adviser who has served successive UAE leaders for decades. However, the Nusseibeh family are originally from Palestine and have longstanding connections to Jerusalem.

Her grandfather, Anwar Nusseibeh, was a prominent Palestinian politician and lawyer who served in senior government positions in Jordan.

She studied history at the University of Cambridge before obtaining a master's degree in Israeli and Jewish Diaspora Studies from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London.

Nusseibeh founded the UAE foreign ministry's Policy Planning Department in 2009, becoming its first director, and subsequently served as a joint special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

In September 2013, she became the first Emirati woman appointed as the country's permanent representative to the UN, a position she held until April 2024.

During her tenure, she served as president of the executive board of UN Women in 2017 and as a vice-president of the General Assembly. She also co-chaired negotiations concerning UN institutional reform.

Her most prominent diplomatic role came during the UAE's membership of the Security Council between 2022 and 2023, when she twice presided over the body.

During Israel's war on Gaza, Nusseibeh helped secure Security Council Resolution 2720 in December 2023, establishing a UN mechanism intended to facilitate humanitarian assistance to Palestinians.

She was also involved in securing resolutions condemning the Taliban's restrictions on Afghan women working for the UN and addressing the relationship between hate speech, discrimination and international security.

Following her departure from New York, she continued serving in senior positions within the UAE foreign ministry, becoming a minister of state in September 2025.

Can she become UN secretary-general?

Nusseibeh enters the contest as the organisation confronts financial pressures, questions over its effectiveness in responding to conflicts and growing divisions between major powers.

Her campaign programme, titled 'A United Nations for the Next Eighty Years', advocates strengthening conflict prevention, reducing institutional duplication and improving accountability.

Her extensive diplomatic experience could prove advantageous in a contest where leading candidates have struggled to secure the consensus required for appointment.

Costa Rica's Rebeca Grynspan, head of UN Trade and Development, and Argentina's Rafael Grossi, director-general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, are among her principal rivals.

However, Nusseibeh's candidacy could encounter geopolitical obstacles.

The UAE has faced serious allegations of supplying weapons and financial support to Sudan's Rapid Support Forces (RSF), whose members and allied militias were determined by the US in January 2025 to have committed genocide.

Amnesty International has documented weapons it believes reached the RSF through the UAE, while Abu Dhabi has consistently denied providing military support to either side in Sudan's war.

The controversy could complicate Nusseibeh's candidacy, although no evidence has been presented implicating her personally in the alleged arms transfers.

Regional rivalries, particularly the UAE's complicated relationship with Saudi Arabia, could also influence the contest, alongside expectations that the next secretary-general should come from Latin America.

Ultimately, her prospects will depend on securing at least nine Security Council votes without facing a veto from any of its five permanent members.

The successful candidate will take office on 1 January 2027, succeeding Guterres after two five-year terms.

Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has reportedly met parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf to discuss the ongoing confrontation with the United States and Israel, including preparations to strengthen the country's defences against further attacks.

The meeting focused on the latest developments in "military, economic and cognitive warfare" being waged against the country by the US and Israel, according to Iran's Tasnim news agency on Wednesday.

The two officials stressed the need to strengthen Iran's national capabilities and maintain domestic unity amid continuing tensions with Washington.

They also discussed the role of parliament in preserving social cohesion and national solidarity, as well as the importance of continued public mobilisation and participation in gatherings across the country.

According to Tasnim, Khamenei and Ghalibaf emphasised the need for greater cooperation between the government and parliament to address economic difficulties and the rising cost of living, as Iran continues to grapple with the consequences of the conflict.

The discussions also covered efforts to strengthen relations with Iran's strategic partners.

Ghalibaf briefed Khamenei on parliament's activities since the outbreak of the US-led war against Iran, outlining measures already taken and plans to address the country's political and economic challenges.

The meeting comes amid renewed tensions following months of military confrontation between Iran and the United States.

The US and Israel launched a war against Iran on 28 February, prompting Tehran to retaliate with strikes against Israel and US military positions across the region.

A ceasefire was reached in April, but hostilities subsequently resumed as negotiations between Washington and Tehran quickly broke down, despite the two countries signing a memorandum of understanding in mid-June.

The United States launched further attacks on Iranian targets on 8 July, prompting Tehran to announce the renewed closure of the strategically important Strait of Hormuz on 12 July.

The waterway, through which a significant share of global oil supplies normally passes, has become a major flashpoint in the confrontation, raising concerns about regional security and international energy markets.

Wednesday's meeting highlighted the Iranian leadership's focus on maintaining political unity, strengthening national defences and addressing economic pressures as the confrontation with Washington and Israel continues.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa on Wednesday met with US special envoy to Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack in Damascus.

The meeting was also attended by Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani and covered political and security developments in Syria and the wider region, according to the Syrian state SANA news agency.

The previous day, Barrack called for an end to Israeli incursions inside Syrian territory, while speaking at the Global Security Forum in Doha, saying that there was a danger that this would expand the conflict in the region.

Barrack added that diplomacy and dialogue were essential to preventing new regional crises.

On Thursday, Israeli troops launched another attack into Syrian territory killing a man with a disability in the village of Jamla in Deraa province, according to AFP.

Earlier, the media office of the Rif Dimashq governorate denied social media reports claiming that Israeli occupation forces had been patrolling the road between Daraa and Kiswah, a suburb of Damascus, saying that these “rumours” were “entirely false”.

The Syrian Network for Human Rights recently reported that at least 69 other Syrians have been killed in Israeli attacks since December 2024, when the regime of former dictator Bashar al-Assad was overthrown.

After rebels led by current President Ahmed Al-Sharaa overthrew the regime in that month, Israeli forces invaded southwestern Syria, seizing land beyond the Golan Heights, which was occupied by Israel in 1967, and launching hundreds of airstrikes.

Sharaa has offered Israel a security deal if it returns to the 1974 disengagement lines, while ruling out full normalisation of relations.

He has also adopted a pro-Western foreign policy, improving relations with the US, while distancing Syria from Iran, a key backer of the former Assad regime.

Barrack praised Sharaa’s management of the transitional period, noting that Damascus had demonstrated a serious willingness to engage in dialogue and negotiations to reach a security deal with Israel.

He argued that potential understandings could include a “non-aggression agreement,” which could pave the way for the normalisation of relations in the future.

Barrack’s discussions with Sharaa addressed ways to ease tensions on the ground and support economic recovery through the Syria Recovery and Reconstruction Trust Fund (START), a multi-donor fund which Syria agreed with the World Bank earlier this week.

Syria is still suffering from the devastation caused by 14 years of brutal civil war, with around 90 percent of the population living in poverty.

The meeting in Damascus follows a series of intensive diplomatic consultations between Barrack and the Syrian government.

These have included previous meetings with al-Shaibani in Ankara, as well as an earlier meeting between President al-Sharaa and the US envoy on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York last September.

The Egyptian parliament has postponed a vote which would authorise the government to provide military support to Saudi Arabia and defend it against Yemen's Houthi attacks, raising questions about Cairo’s willingness to become militarily involved in the regional conflict.

The vote, initially scheduled for Monday 19 October, has been delayed until 26 October.

Parliament convened an emergency session on Sunday at the request of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, an hour after the National Defence Council, comprising the president and senior ministers and military and security officials, approved the principle of supporting Saudi Arabia.

The postponement is significant, given that parliament, dominated by pro-government forces, routinely approves major executive decisions without prolonged debate. This time, MPs held consecutive sessions without reaching a vote before postponing it for another week.

The move is unprecedented, as emergency parliamentary sessions have previously lasted no more than three consecutive days.

Parliamentary sources told The New Arab that the delay was partly due to the absence of the usual directives sent to blocs aligned with the government to guide their positions on major decisions. MPs had received no clear guidance on how to vote on Sisi's request, amid uncertainty over the leadership's position on the nature and limits of any potential military involvement in Yemen.

The sources said this didn't necessarily indicate opposition to supporting Saudi Arabia, but suggested the decision had yet to reach the political stage required for approval through parliament's usual procedures.

Cairo may still be examining its options or waiting for greater clarity on the confrontation before deciding whether to participate, the sources added.

Saudi support remains under consideration

The same sources explained that the delay was down to military and economic calculations surrounding any potential Egyptian involvement. The establishment of a military logistical air corridor between Egypt and Saudi Arabia doesn't mean that the decision to deploy troops has been made, they said.

Key questions remain over the expected cost of the war, the scope of Egypt's possible contribution and the military and financial obligations involved. Providing defensive assistance inside Saudi Arabia would entail different tasks and risks from participating in direct combat operations inside Yemen.

Any deployment would require assessments of its duration, the number of troops and capabilities needed, command and coordination arrangements, as well as regard given to the potential expansion of the conflict and its regional security implications.

These concerns were also raised by political parties and MPs during parliamentary discussions, particularly over the lack of information about the mission's objectives, duration, likely cost and risks to Egyptian soldiers.

The Egyptian Social Democratic Party said its parliamentary bloc intended to abstain from the vote, citing ambiguity over the mission and its obligations. Other MPs called for further discussion before a vote was taken.

Party MP Freddy ElBaiady told The New Arab that parliament's role extended beyond voting on the authorisation request to examining its implications and ensuring that the mission's purpose and limits were clearly defined.

Supporting Saudi Arabia and safeguarding its stability did not necessarily mean direct military intervention was the only available option, he said.

ElBaiady added that any military decision should account for potential casualties, financial costs and additional pressure on Egypt's economy, as well as possible repercussions for shipping through the Red Sea and the Suez Canal.

A lawmaker from a liberal party aligned with the government, who requested anonymity, said neither Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly, Defence Minister Ashraf Salem Zaher, nor any of their representatives had attended closed-door discussions to explain the authorisation request.

This left MPs unable to assess the military assistance Riyadh might seek, the duration of the proposed authorisation or the financial burden on Egyptian citizens, the lawmaker said.

The MP said he opposed the authorisation despite his party's supportive position, adding that the lack of a clear government vision had left lawmakers to make their own assessments. Many were prepared, in principle, to provide Saudi forces with equipment and experts to help them counter Houthi attacks, but wanted clear government plans before committing Egyptian troops to combat abroad.

Strategic ties with Gulf states

Egypt's close financial and investment ties with Gulf countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, make supporting Riyadh an important strategic consideration for Cairo. However, these relationships do not remove the need to assess the costs of military involvement.

Article 152 of Egypt's constitution stipulates that deploying troops on a combat mission outside the country requires consultation with the National Defence Council and approval by a two-thirds majority of parliament.

The vote is therefore a constitutional requirement, not merely a formality. Even if MPs approve the authorisation, this would not necessarily mean an immediate deployment or settle the form and timing of Egyptian involvement.

Granting the political leadership authority to act if necessary remains distinct from taking a specific executive decision on troop numbers, mission objectives and the theatre of operations.

This article was originally published by The New Arab's Arabic language edition, and has been translated into English. Click here to read the original Arabic version.

The Joint List, an alliance of predominantly Palestinian parties contesting Israel's 27 October Knesset elections, has made removing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his far-right allies from power its main priority.

But while the alliance is prepared to help bring about a change of government, it insists that any support for an alternative to Netanyahu must come with clear conditions and must not compromise its political principles.

The Joint List brings together the Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Hadash), the National Democratic Assembly (Balad) and the Arab Movement for Change (Ta'al).

The alliance has signalled that it is willing to use its parliamentary influence to help oust Netanyahu, potentially by providing outside support to an alternative government.

However, it has ruled out backing a government that expands illegal settlements, wages war or allows attacks on Al-Aqsa Mosque and other religious sites.

It also says it will not support a government that continues Israel's attacks in the occupied West Bank, its genocide in Gaza or violations against Palestinians in Jerusalem and inside Israel.

The Joint List's willingness to support a new government will depend on whether opposition parties agree to a minimum set of political demands.

These include tackling racism, addressing the violence and organised crime affecting Palestinian communities in Israel, advancing equality for Palestinian citizens and reopening dialogue with the Palestinian leadership.

Its approach differs from that of the United Arab List (Ra'am), led by Mansour Abbas, which is competing for the Palestinian vote.

While the Joint List favours supporting a government from outside parliament's governing coalition, Ra'am has expressed its willingness to directly join government, arguing that participation would give it greater influence over policy and help secure funding and services for Palestinian communities.

Despite their differences, both alliances face growing hostility and incitement from Israeli right-wing groups, raising concerns about possible intimidation and violence against Palestinian voters on election day.

Opinion polls suggest the two lists could win a combined 13 to 15 seats, potentially giving Palestinian voters a decisive role in determining the next government.

Much will depend on turnout among the more than one million eligible Palestinian voters in Israel, as well as the performance of other parties and whether they pass the electoral threshold.

Against this backdrop, The New Arab spoke to Balad leader Sami Abu Shehadeh, whose candidacy was previously disqualified by Israel's Supreme Court, about the election, the challenges facing Palestinian citizens of Israel and the Joint List's priorities in a possible post-Netanyahu political landscape.

Below is an edited version of the interview:

Q. You have been travelling extensively through Arab towns and villages. What is the mood like ahead of the election?

Abu Shehadeh: We are just one week away from election day, and it is a decisive moment. We are out every day meeting people in our towns and villages. In nearly 30 years of political work, I have never seen Palestinian citizens of Israel, both men and women, so ready to go out and vote. Our aim is to achieve a turnout of more than 70%, a level we have not seen in years. But reaching that target will require even more work.

Q. You are aiming to win 10 seats, but opinion polls put you at eight or nine. Is your target realistic?

Abu Shehadeh: Week after week, the polls have shown turnout projections rising. And every day, as we travel through our communities, we see strong support for the Joint List.

We are now entering the final week, which is both the most important and the most difficult. The Israeli far right exists in both political camps, Netanyahu's bloc and the bloc opposing him.

I believe the more they recognise the strength and political influence of Palestinians in Israel, the more the incitement against us will intensify. We are also concerned that this could escalate into violence. There is no precedent in human history for a far-right fascist government like the one currently ruling Israel losing an election and accepting the result. We are facing a critical week, with extremely sensitive and difficult issues at stake.

Q. Are you concerned that Arab voters could face restrictions at polling stations, including extremist monitors attempting to prevent them from voting?

Abu Shehadeh: Ultimately, elections come down to numbers. The attacks on Palestinians in Israel and attempts to suppress turnout are driven by electoral calculations. Israel's Jewish majority is split into two almost equally matched political camps. The Knesset has 120 seats, and opinion polls put each camp at around 50 seats, give or take a few. That means Arab voters will decide this election.

This explains the attempts to target and disqualify the Joint List, the United Arab List, Hadash candidate and Knesset member Ofer Cassif, and Balad. My own candidacy was effectively disqualified, and we are now hearing about further measures aimed at reducing turnout among Arab voters. We have also seen growing incitement and physical attacks against male and female students, as well as bus drivers. This is not a simple battle. Israeli Jewish society is deeply racist, and it now faces a major challenge: the majority cannot decide the election on its own. The votes of the Arab minority will determine the outcome.

In a normal country, there would be nothing unusual about that. But because of racism in Israel, the prospect is seen as a serious threat. That is why we are so concerned about what could happen in the coming days.

Q. How do you intend to use this potentially decisive influence?

Abu Shehadeh: Our community makes up around 20% of Israel's population, and we have the power to decide this election. That is exactly what we intend to do. Our first priority is to prevent the government responsible for genocide from returning to power. We will do everything we can to achieve that.

Q. You have also criticised the opposition bloc that could replace Netanyahu, saying you do not trust it. Isn't that a contradiction?

Abu Shehadeh: There is no contradiction. The political reality in Israel is extremely difficult. There is no peace camp, no political bloc committed to ending the occupation, and no camp seeking to build a democratic state based on justice and equality.

The choices are bad. For the Joint List and Arab society, the choice is between bad and worse. That is not an easy position to be in. We say this openly and explain it to people. Our community is educated and politically aware. People understand the situation for themselves.

In this existential struggle, our first priority is to stop the bloodshed, ease people's suffering and preserve the hope that change will one day be possible. Netanyahu and his ministers, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, have made it clear that they want to continue the genocide in Gaza and "resolve" the situation in the West Bank, by which they mean ethnic cleansing. They also want to deal with Palestinian citizens of Israel, who are already facing political persecution and restrictions.The situation is extremely dangerous.

At times like these, political leaders must act wisely and responsibly and make difficult decisions. We are not pretending that there is a good option. We wish there were, but there isn't. We say that with great pain. We would have welcomed a genuine partner among Israel's Zionist parties, one that wanted to end the war and work towards peace.

Q. But wouldn't providing a "safety net" for an alternative government come at a political cost?

Abu Shehadeh: There has been a misunderstanding about what we mean by a safety net. I was the first to propose the idea. The safety net we are talking about is for our people and our communities. It is intended to protect them from the racist policies targeting Palestinians and the Palestinian cause.

We have never used the term in the Israeli political sense of providing a safety net for one Zionist politician or another. We proposed it as a way of protecting our community, because our people need security.

Our people are suffering everywhere: in Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Jerusalem and inside Israel. One of the most urgent problems facing Palestinian citizens of Israel is organised crime. Our communities need security. That is why we formed the Joint List, bringing three parties together to create a political force capable of protecting our people. That is what we mean by a safety net, not the way the term is understood in Israeli politics.

Q. But wouldn't such a safety net also benefit the political bloc opposed to Netanyahu?

Abu Shehadeh:  First, there is no single possible outcome to this election. We are facing a situation in which Israel's Jewish majority is divided into two political camps of almost equal strength. Some Zionist parties are hovering around the electoral threshold, and whether they make it into the Knesset could have a major impact on the results.

There are several possible scenarios—Netanyahu could refuse to accept the election results. A national unity government could emerge. Or all the right-wing and far-right parties could pass the electoral threshold, allowing Netanyahu to return to power. There are other possibilities too. We cannot know the outcome in advance.

Once the results are announced, we will sit down, examine them carefully, consider what they mean for our people and our cause, discuss the options and then decide how to proceed.

Q. What is your message to Arab voters ahead of the election?

Abu Shehadeh: We have developed a political programme with the help of dozens of professionals, specialists and political leaders. It addresses the most urgent demands of our people, and by that I mean the entire Palestinian people.

We see the Joint List as a source of security for our people in what is the most important election we have faced since the Nakba. Our list brings together an exceptional group of candidates with expertise in different fields, setting us apart from competing lists in both Arab and Jewish politics. They have the energy, experience and knowledge needed to represent people's concerns and confront the major challenges ahead.

What I have been telling people in recent days is that the time has come to reap what we have sown. We must turn out in large numbers and bring down this government after four years of oppression, persecution, genocide, ethnic cleansing, home demolitions, rampant crime and suffering on every front. We have an opportunity to bring about change.

The Joint List has a political programme that is different from both Netanyahu's camp and the bloc led by Gadi Eisenkot. We want to end the war and work towards peace and a political solution between the two peoples, based on justice, equality, freedom and human rights. Our community wants change. It wants to stop Netanyahu and his gang from returning to power.

The decision is in our hands. That is why we need a strong Joint List, and why we must push turnout above 70%. With enough determination, we can achieve that.

As for what happens after the election, we will deal with those scenarios when the time comes.

This interview was originally published by The New Arab's Arabic language edition, and has been translated into English. Click here to read the original Arabic version.

Egyptian authorities on Wednesday evening ordered the release on bail of Lina Attalah, co-founder and editor-in-chief of independent news website Mada Masr, after summoning her for questioning in the latest case brought against her, amid a continued crackdown on journalists in the country.

The decision came hours after Attalah's questioning began. Mada Masr said the session lasted around three hours at the Supreme State Security Prosecution's headquarters in New Cairo and was attended by her defence team.

The summons sent to Attalah did not specify the reasons for the investigation or the allegations in the new case. No further official details have been announced.

The latest summons followed the publication of a Mada Masr report detailing complaints by detainees who said they had been subjected to violations inside Egyptian prisons.

"Prosecutors have been investigating Mada Masr Editor-in-Chief Lina Attalah for three hours at the headquarters of the Supreme State Security Prosecution in New Cairo. Her defence team has been present with her throughout the questioning. The investigation session is ongoing," Mada Masr wrote on X on Wednesday.

The news site said this was the sixth case brought against the outlet, its journalists or its editor-in-chief over the past six years.

The most recent was in August 2025, when the State Security Prosecution ordered Attalah's release on bail of 30,000 Egyptian pounds after charging her with "publishing false news" and "using a website without a licence".

Egyptian authorities arrested Attalah in May 2020 while she was interviewing Laila Soueif, the mother of political activist Alaa Abdel Fattah, outside Tora Prison, where he was being held at the time. Attalah was detained for seven hours before being released on bail.

The latest summons comes amid mounting pressure and a continued crackdown on press freedom in Egypt. In September, authorities arrested six journalists from the fact-checking platform Matsad2sh (Don't Believe It).

After five days in secret detention under the country's anti-terrorism law, the six journalists appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution.

Some said they had been subjected to torture and ill-treatment, including blindfolding, being handcuffed behind their backs, being stripped of their clothes, beatings and electric shocks.

On 13 October, the prosecution ordered the journalists' detention to be extended by a further 15 days pending investigation by the Supreme State Security Prosecution. They face charges of joining and financing a "terrorist group" and "publishing false news".

Egypt ranks 169th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders' 2026 World Press Freedom Index. The organisation says 18 Egyptian journalists are currently behind bars.

A man with a disability was killed Thursday by the Israeli army during an attack on southern Syria, where it has stepped up its invasion, Syrian state news agency said.

Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024, the Israeli army has carried out hundreds of strikes in Syria and regular invasions into its territory.

"A civilian with a disability was killed Thursday by fire from the Israeli occupation forces during their incursion into the village of Jamla" in Deraa province, SANA news agency said.

Israeli forces deployed in one neighbourhood of the village and placed snipers on the rooftops after bombing the area late on Wednesday, the report said.

After Ahmed al-Sharaa came to power in Damascus in late 2024, Israel launched hundreds of strikes against Syria.

The Israeli military also expanded its occupation of Syria's south and deployed troops in the UN-monitored buffer zone along on the occupied Syrian Golan Heights.

In recent days, Israeli forces have also uprooted vast olive groves in Quneitra province, near Deraa, according to the agency.

Trees were destroyed across an area of about 1.3 hectares by the village of Saida, SANA said. The village faces the buffer zone where the Israeli army has been building fortifications.

"Tanks entered my land without any warning," Mohammad Ali al-Chaghla, 58, the owner of the field, told AFP. "They cut down and destroyed some 400 trees during their incursion."

The Syrian Foreign Ministry on Sunday condemned "the intensification of incursions by the Israeli occupation" in Quneitra and Deraa.

Israeli officials have repeatedly stated their intention to maintain troops in the "security zone".

The two countries have launched negotiations to reach a security agreement, so far without success due to Israeli actions.

A late-night attack on Saudi Arabia's Dammam airport killed two people and injured eight others, the civil aviation authority said on Thursday, as strikes by Yemen's Houthis intensify.

A Saudi and an Indian man were killed in the attack on Wednesday, the general authority of civil aviation said in a statement, updating an earlier death toll. Damage to the airport was being assessed, it added.

In recent weeks, Houthi attacks on Saudi oil and civilian infrastructure have reached an unprecedented scale, forcing Riyadh to shut its main airport and postpone a major investment conference.

A total of 22 people have been killed in attacks on Saudi airports this month, according to an AFP tally of official figures.

A Houthi maritime blockade in the Red Sea is also threatening oil shipments from Saudi Arabia, the world's biggest exporter of crude.

The Houthi attacks follow the collapse in July of a years-long truce in Yemen's civil war, where the Iran-backed group is fighting the government supported by a Saudi-led coalition.

The Houthis declared a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia and began hitting its ships, territory and oil facilities, before launching a major offensive in September in which they seized government-held territory along the Red Sea coast.

In response, the Saudi air force has frequently targeted areas under Houthi control, which includes much of impoverished Yemen.

Welcome,

Here are the key updates:

• US president Donald Trump denied that negotiations were happening with Iran, adding that the situation will resolve "fairly soon" without elaborating
   
• Iran's IRGC reported that its navy struck four ships involved in oil transfers in the Gulf, with three other vessels on fire after hitting mines near Hormuz
   
• The Yemen war rages with deaths and wounded within the country and across the border in Saudi Arabia
   
• Israeli attacks continue on Gaza, occupied West Bank, south Lebanon and southern Syria despite any agreements or alleged ceasefires

And so we continue our live coverage of the day...

A Tunisian court on Wednesday sentenced 10 environmental activists to up to a year in prison over an anti-pollution protest they attended in 2020, a defence lawyer said.

Eight of them were sentenced to six-month suspended sentences, lawyer Hamida Chaieb said.

The activists had taken part in a demonstration against a major phosphate-processing factory in southern Tunisia's coastal city of Gabes, where locals have complained about pollution and health issues they linked to the plant.

The case stemmed from a complaint by the state-run factory, which accused the activists of obstructing its operations, Chaieb said.

The activists were arrested at the time but later released amid pressure from rights groups.

They believed the case against them had been dropped, said Khayreddine Debaya, head of the campaign group, Stop Pollution, which has led several protests against the facility.

But in March this year, the activists discovered they had been sentenced in 2023 to one year in prison in absentia.

The court retried them in their presence this time, handing only two of them one-year jail terms while Debaya was among those who received six-month suspended sentences.

The plant, inaugurated in 1972, processes phosphate to make fertilisers, and some of the gases and waste it discharges into the open air and the Mediterranean are radioactive and can cause cancer, researchers have found.

In February, a court rejected demands to suspend the facility's operations.

Taking advantage of rising prices for fertiliser on global markets, Tunisia now wants its output to increase more than fourfold by 2030.

President Kais Saied has long vowed to revive Tunisia's phosphate sector, hindered by years of underinvestment and unrest, calling it a "pillar of the national economy".

Egypt rejected on Wednesday Libya's eastern-based parliament's ratification of a long-disputed maritime agreement with Turkey, saying it infringed on Cairo's rights in the Mediterranean.

The agreement "constitutes a clear infringement upon Egypt's sovereign rights within its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf", Egypt's foreign ministry said.

Cairo said the agreement violates the Law of the Sea, and was therefore "null and void, possesses no legal effect, and its ratification by the Libyan House of Representatives carries no legal consequences for Egypt".

The agreement was ratified Tuesday by Libya's Benghazi-based parliament, backed by military leader Khalifa Haftar.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi was historically one of Haftar's strongest backers, but experts say relations have cooled in recent years due to Haftar allowing his territory to be used to funnel support to Sudanese paramilitaries.

Turkey and Egypt are also currently close security allies, and cooperate on a host of regional issues, though they have historically been on opposing sides in Libya.

Haftar's forces have for years rivalled the internationally recognised government in Tripoli.

The parliament had also rejected the maritime deal first agreed by Ankara and the Tripoli-based government in 2019.

The deal has also angered European countries after it saw Ankara claim large and potentially gas-rich areas of the eastern Mediterranean.

The European Union on Tuesday reiterated its objection to the deal, calling it "null and void" and saying it "infringes upon the sovereign rights of third states", including member states Greece and Cyprus.

In recent years, relations between Turkey and the authorities in eastern Libya have warmed significantly, with both sides increasing political and economic contacts following years of hostility.