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Saudi Arabia Main Airport Struck, Major Gas Plant Reportedly Hit (Videos)

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An attack on King Khalid International Airport in Saudi Arabia’s capital injured several people and forced authorities to suspend operations on October 10, as separate reports emerged of a possible strike on a major oil and gas facility in the kingdom’s eastern oil-producing region.

Saudi Arabia’s civil aviation authority said operations at the Riyadh airport had been suspended while officials assessed the damage and verified the safety of the facility.

Meanwhile, a regional official told The Associated Press that a missile struck the complex housing Terminals 3 and 4, which serve domestic flights.

Witnesses reported an explosion inside the airport and injured people on the ground. More than a dozen ambulances were seen rushing to the facility, Reuters reported. A traveler told the news agency that something had flown across the sky before part of the ceiling near a departure gate collapsed.

The official casualty toll remained unclear. Saudi authorities said they were assessing the number of injured, while a source at a Riyadh hospital told AFP that dozens of people had been wounded, including at least five who were being treated in intensive care.

The suspension disrupted air travel across the kingdom. Flight-tracking services showed flights to Riyadh being canceled or diverted, while Kuwait Airways, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways canceled services to the Saudi capital.

The airport had already been targeted twice earlier in the week in attacks that killed four people and destroyed a Saudi airliner.

Yemen’s Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, have claimed responsibility for previous strikes on Saudi airports and other infrastructure but had not immediately commented on the latest incident.

The airport attack came amid reports of a possible strike on the Shedgum gas-processing plant in the Ghawar oil-field complex in eastern Saudi Arabia. The reports described smoke rising from the facility after an alleged missile attack.

The Israeli news outlet JFeed reported that the plant had been hit by ballistic missiles, citing satellite imagery and a reported spike in thermal activity. The open-source monitoring site Hamer Intel also reported smoke over the area following the suspected attack.

Despite these reports, Saudi authorities and state oil company Saudi Aramco have not yet publicly confirmed an attack on Shedgum.

Ghawar is one of the world’s largest conventional oil fields and a central part of Saudi Arabia’s petroleum industry. Shedgum is a gas-processing facility associated with the field, meaning damage there would not by itself establish that oil production across Ghawar had been interrupted.

The attacks came as fighting intensified between Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces and the Houthis, who have expanded their missile and drone campaign against Saudi targets in recent days.

The group warned international airlines to avoid Saudi airspace, describing it as a zone of military operations, after Saudi-backed forces launched an offensive to regain territory along Yemen’s Red Sea coast.

U.S. President Donald Trump said after the attack on King Khalid International Airport that Washington was considering whether to join Saudi military action against the Houthis.

“We may. We’re going to look at it,” he told reporters, according to Reuters.

Overall, Saudi Arabia appears to be defenseless in the face of the Houthis, who have succeeded to a large extent in restricting aviation over the kingdom. Despite Trump’s latest remarks, the U.S. is unlikely to take a more direct role against the group, as its forces in the region remain focused on Iran. Still, the U.S. could carry out a one-off attack to show support for Riyadh. This could, however, trigger an even harsher response by the Houthis.

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Houthi Attacks on Saudi Airports Dealt Blow to Kingdom’s Investment Plans

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Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) are disrupting Saudi Arabia’s efforts to attract international investors and energy executives, with attacks on the kingdom’s airports and explicit threats against commercial aviation prompting airlines and businesses to reconsider travel ahead of two major conferences in Riyadh, the Financial Times reported on October 10.

The World Petroleum Council Energy Congress is scheduled to take place from October 11 to 15, followed by the Future Investment Initiative, known as “Davos in the Desert,” from October 26 to 29.

The gatherings are important showcases for Saudi Arabia’s efforts to attract foreign capital and establish itself as a global destination for business, tourism and investment under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 economic diversification program.

The Financial Times reported that companies are reconsidering the number of employees they will send to the events, with some exploring alternatives to air travel and others considering remote participation.

Italy’s energy minister has abandoned plans to attend the energy congress in person and will participate virtually. Organizers intend to proceed with the events, but the difficulties facing international participants have raised questions about attendance, particularly at the larger investment conference later this month.

The disruption follows an explicit warning from the Houthis, whose military spokesman, Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree, declared on October 8 that Saudi airspace had become a theater of military operations and issued what he described as a final warning to international airlines to stop flying into the kingdom.

Notably, the warning exempted airspace over the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina, according to the group’s statement.

The Houthis have claimed responsibility for a series of missile attacks on Saudi airports in recent days. On October 9, Saudi aviation authorities confirmed that two attacks on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh had killed three Saudi nationals and wounded several other people. A Saudia Airlines plane was also destroyed. Other aircraft were reportedly damaged.

The latest casualties brought the reported death toll from the recent airport attacks to six, including victims of earlier strikes on Riyadh and Abha.

The aviation threat has already produced consequences beyond the immediate damage. On October 9, the European Union Aviation Safety Agency expanded its advisory against operating in Saudi airspace, adding an area in the kingdom’s northwest after concluding that the recent attacks demonstrated the Houthis’ ability and intent to strike deeper inside Saudi territory.

The aviation risk-sharing organization OPSGROUP separately advised its members to avoid operations in Saudi Arabia, including using Saudi airports as alternative destinations during flights.

Airlines have responded with cancellations and suspensions affecting Riyadh and other Saudi cities. Lufthansa Group and several Indian carriers announced suspensions of flights to Riyadh, while Etihad Airways canceled services and flydubai extended cancellations affecting Riyadh, Yanbu and Abha.

Flight-tracking data showed 131 cancellations to and from Riyadh by early afternoon on October 9, following hundreds of cancellations the previous day, Reuters reported.

For Saudi Arabia, the implications reach beyond the immediate problems facing conference organizers. The kingdom has invested heavily in attracting international companies, financial institutions and visitors as it seeks to diversify its economy away from oil revenues.

The energy congress and the Future Investment Initiative offer opportunities to draw senior executives to Riyadh, cultivate investment commitments and demonstrate that the country can host major international gatherings.

The Houthi campaign is now testing that effort through both physical attacks and the threat of further strikes. Even without additional damage to airport infrastructure, warnings that commercial aircraft could be targeted give airlines and corporate security departments a reason to reconsider routes, staff deployments and attendance.

With the energy congress beginning on October 11 and the investment conference approaching later in the month, Saudi organizers face the immediate challenge of keeping international participants coming while the threat to aviation remains active.

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More Victories For The Houthis

Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) have made battlefield gains in Taiz, halted a Saudi-backed advance near the Bab al-Mandab Strait and carried out repeated missile and drone attacks against Saudi Arabia over the past week.

Fighting intensified across Taiz on October 2 as Houthi forces expanded their offensive and sought to cut routes linking the provincial capital with Aden.

The Houthis continued their operations around Taiz while expanding attacks into Saudi Arabia on October 3. Fires and heavy smoke were reported at an Aramco facility in Riyadh after the Houthis said they had launched ballistic missiles and drones at the site.

On October 4, the Houthis reported major territorial gains in southern Taiz, including the capture of Turbah, Shamayatayn and Samea, along with part of the Taiz-Aden road. Turbah is a key position on the main route connecting Taiz with government-held territory farther south.

The very next day, Saudi-backed government forces launched a major counterattack along the Red Sea coast, advancing near Bab al-Mandab.

The Houthis responded with another wave of strikes on Saudi Arabia, claiming attacks against King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, Abha airport, Khamis Mushait military base and an Aramco refinery in Rabigh.

On October 6, the Saudi-backed advance began to stall. The Houthis had halted further government advances north of Dhubab airport and were using sniper fire, FPV drones and hit-and-run attacks around Dhubab. Houthi forces then launched a ballistic-missile attack against government forces near Ras al-Ara, a staging ground to the east of Bab al-Mandab, helping prevent another push along the coast.

By the next day, Houthi forces had regained Dhubab, al-Jadid and positions near Bab al-Mandab, reversing most of the territory lost during the counterattack.

The Houthis also claimed missile and drone attacks on King Khalid International Airport and other Saudi targets. Saudi officials said attacks on Abha and King Khalid airports killed three people and wounded dozens. The Houthis separately struck near Aden airport, with a missile landing close to the runway before a Cairo flight was due to arrive.

On October 8, the Houthis claimed another ballistic-missile attack on King Khalid International Airport, while fighting continued around Bab al-Mandab.

Overall, the Houthis made serious gains in Taiz, placing Saudi-backed forces there under a tight siege. The group also managed to break the counterattack in Bab al-Mandab and increase the pressure on Saudi Arabia directly with intensive strikes. The situation will not likely get any better for the kingdom and its allies any time soon. Further advances by the Houthis, especially in Taiz, could prove catastrophic for the coalition, as it would shift the pressure directly to Aden.

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Houthis Set Riyadh Airport Ablaze, Issue Last Warning to Saudi Aviation (Videos)

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Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) claimed two separate ballistic missile attacks on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh on October 8, as explosions disrupted air traffic in the Saudi capital and reports emerged of fires and possible strikes on oil and defense-related infrastructure elsewhere in the kingdom.

In a statement issued early in the day, Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said the group had “targeted King Khalid Airport in Riyadh with a ballistic missile,” which he said “hit its target accurately” and disrupted airport operations.

Saree issued another statement hours later, saying a second ballistic missile had struck the airport successfully and caused damage and further disruption to air traffic.

Saudi authorities said their air defenses intercepted two ballistic missiles fired toward Riyadh. Still, impacts were reported.

The attacks produced visible disruption at King Khalid International Airport. The Associated Press reported that a large explosion was heard at the airport, where fire and ambulance crews were deployed and passengers were told to evacuate.

Flight-tracking service Flightradar24 later reported that the airport had “closed again,” with no landings or takeoffs reported for over an hour.

Reuters reported that smoke was rising from a stationary civilian aircraft at the airport. Three people briefed on the incident said the aircraft was believed to have been empty.

The latest disruption came one day after Saudi authorities reported that an attack on King Khalid International Airport had killed one person and wounded eight. A separate attack on Abha International Airport in southwestern Saudi Arabia killed two people.

The escalation extended beyond Saudi Arabia’s airports. Satellite imagery on October 8 showed an expanding fire and dense smoke over the Abqaiq oil facilities in the kingdom’s Eastern Province, with heat signatures substantially above normal.

The Houthis subsequently warned personnel working in Saudi oil facilities to stay away from sites they consider military targets.

“We warn all employees, including experts, engineers and workers in all Saudi oil facilities, against being present in places that represent targets for our forces,” Saree said.

He repeated an earlier warning to international airlines, saying it was the group’s “last” warning against continuing to operate flights through Saudi airspace, which he said had become a theater for its military operations. Saree noted that the warning did not apply to the airspace over Mecca and Medina.

The Saudi-led coalition responded to the broader escalation with strikes inside Yemen. Coalition spokesman Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki said Thursday that coalition forces had destroyed 82 Houthi military targets in Saada, Hodeidah, Al-Jawf and Marib, including ballistic missile storage sites, command centers and weapons depots.

Saree separately claimed that the Houhtis had struck Saudi-backed forces with ballistic missiles at Qa’wa camp in the Ras al-Arah area and at concentrations south of Bab al-Mandab, Al-Suqya and Ras al-Arah. He claimed the attacks caused casualties and fires at weapons stores.

The escalation in strikes on Saudi Arabia came as the kingdom’s allies in Yemen continue to lose ground in Taiz and have yet to make any meaningful gains close to Bab al-Mandab. Now, the Houthis appear to be close to imposing a real no-fly zone over vast parts of Saudi Arabia.

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Pakistan Strikes Houthis as Turkey Rejects Direct Role in Yemen

Illustrative image. (Telegram)

Pakistan has begun directly striking Yemen’s Houthis, a senior Pakistani military official told The New York Times on October 8, bringing Islamabad into Saudi Arabia’s renewed air campaign and exposing different interpretations among the members of a newly activated defense pact with Riyadh.

The official said Pakistani fighter jets were taking part in strikes against the Houthis. A second Pakistani official told the newspaper that Pakistan’s role would focus on air operations against Houthi missile and drone threats and would not include a ground offensive inside Yemen.

The reports came three days after Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey activated their Makkah Joint Defense Agreement following a series of Houthi attacks on Saudi territory.

The pact states that an attack on one member is considered an attack on all three, but the governments have taken different approaches to how that obligation should be carried out.

Pakistan had already confirmed that its forces were in Saudi Arabia. Lt. Gen. Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, spokesman for Pakistan’s military, said on October 8 that Pakistani forces were operating in the kingdom in “multiple capabilities and domains.”

Turkey has taken a more limited approach. Reuters reported on October 7 that Ankara was providing Saudi Arabia with mainly defensive and technical assistance, including air defense systems, logistical support, drone operators, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

Turkish officials said the support was initially being provided bilaterally because Turkey’s parliament had not yet ratified the defense agreement.

Following Reuters’ report, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan made clear that Turkey would not follow Pakistan into direct attacks inside Yemen.

Speaking in Ankara on October 8, Fidan said, “This is a defense pact, not a pact of offense,” and said Turkey would not send troops to another country to attack it. He added that Ankara was considering defense assistance for Saudi Arabia and that the agreement would soon be sent to parliament for ratification.

The difference is significant because the pact does not appear to impose a single model of military participation. Pakistan is now reportedly using its air force against Houthi targets, while Turkey is helping Saudi Arabia strengthen its defenses without joining offensive operations in Yemen.

The Pakistani contribution is relatively limited in size. Reuters reported on May 18 that Pakistan had deployed about 8,000 troops, a fighter squadron of roughly 16 aircraft, two drone squadrons and a Chinese-made HQ-9 air defense system to Saudi Arabia. The fighter squadron consisted mostly of JF-17 aircraft.

That force is being committed at a time when Saudi Arabia has already returned to a much broader war effort. Saudi-backed Yemeni forces launched a major offensive on October 4 to recover territory from the Houthis around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, with more than 100 Saudi warplanes supporting the operation, according to The Associated Press. The Houthis have largely repelled the offensive. The group also responded with missile and drone attacks against Saudi airports, military installations and other targets.

Saudi Arabia has fought this war before, with no success. The kingdom began its intervention against the Houthis in Yemen with a coalition of more than 10 countries in 2015.

At the time, Saudi Arabia was reported to have mobilized around 100 warplanes and 150,000 troops, while aircraft from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar and Bahrain participated in the campaign.

The Houthis were considerably less capable when that intervention began. Nevertheless, the Saudi-led coalition failed to defeat them or restore the Saudi-backed government’s control over Yemen. The Houthis retained Sanaa and much of northern Yemen and subsequently developed a larger missile and drone arsenal capable of striking targets deep inside Saudi Arabia.

The renewed campaign is therefore beginning with a smaller and less unified coalition than the one assembled in 2015, while the Houthis are a more experienced and better-armed force.

Pakistan’s participation gives Saudi Arabia another combat air arm, but the limited number of Pakistani aircraft means its contribution is unlikely by itself to fundamentally alter the balance of the war.

In addition, the contrasting roles of Pakistan and Turkey underscore the uncertainty over what the Makkah pact will mean in practice. Pakistan has now reportedly moved from defending Saudi Arabia to directly attacking the Houthis, while Turkey has publicly drawn a line between military assistance to Riyadh and participation in offensive operations inside Yemen.

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Preparations For A War Between Israel And The Turks Are In Full Swing

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Written by Damir Nazarov

Following Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, analysts interpreted the move as an attempt by Netanyahu to establish a foothold against Yemen’s Ansar Allah and gain leverage in the Red Sea. However, the recognition of officials from this separatist enclave in the Horn of Africa indicates that Israel’s plans extend beyond countering the Houthis; Turkey also figures among the adversaries of the Israeli state.

About a year ago, Mohamed Osman Fadal, a senior foreign policy advisor to the President of Somaliland, stated that they “need air defense systems” to counter Turkish F-16s and drones stationed in Mogadishu. He further noted, “We want Israel to support us in the confrontation with Turkey.” About a year ago, Mohamed Osman Fadal, a senior foreign policy advisor to the President of Somaliland, stated that they “need air defense systems” to counter the Turkish F-16s and drones stationed in Mogadishu. He further noted, “We want Israel to support us in the confrontation with Turkey.”

This stance reflects the sentiments within Somaliland’s self-proclaimed administration and aligns with Netanyahu’s ambitions, as both parties seek to prepare as fully as possible for a clash with the de facto government of Somalia. The official Somali army already possesses special forces and a navy trained by Turkey, as well as T129 ATAK helicopters, the renowned Bayraktar UAV, and even M48 and M60 tanks.

Recently, Somali President Sheikh Hassan Mohamud stated that Israel plans to establish a naval base in the port city of Berbera—located in Somaliland—and utilize its airport. Mohamud made this statement in an interview with Al Jazeera, warning that Mogadishu would oppose any Israeli military presence in territory it considers part of Somalia. “Under no circumstances will we allow an Israeli presence in the country based on the way Israel treats Somaliland.”

Circumstances are compelling the parties to arm themselves, and it is quite likely that the Horn of Africa will become the first theater of open confrontation between Israel and Turkey.

If the battle against separatists in Somalia is supposedly the first frontline, then who is next? The Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean sea, where Greece is gradually being drawn into Israel’s sphere of influence.

According to media reports, in late August, Ankara redeployed the 51st Commando Brigade—comprising approximately 2,000 professional special forces troops—from Hozat in the country’s east to the Söke district in Aydın province, directly opposite the Greek island of Samos.

Earlier in the spring, Greece purchased weapons from Israel worth approximately 2.3 billion shekels. The arsenal includes the Elbit-developed PULS system, training missiles, precision-guided munitions, loitering munitions, and ten years of logistical support. This new acquisition is part of Greece’s plan to modernize its armed forces by 2030. Athens intends to spend around 28 billion euros by 2036 to establish an Israeli-style defense system—known in Greece as the “Achilles Shield”—and to purchase up to 40 F-35 fighter jets from the US, as well as frigates from France and Italy.

While many experts believe Greece took this step in response to threats arising from the US-Israeli conflict with Iran—particularly given Tehran’s strikes on US allies in the Persian Gulf—it is also clear that Greece is concerned about Turkey’s growing capabilities in the field of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). On top of all this, let us not forget that Greece is preparing to establish a “Mediterranean Quadrilateral Dialogue” with India, Israel, and Cyprus, serving as a counterweight to the “Mecca Pact” involving Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan.

The region is gradually entering a new level of conflict, with blocs now forming in anticipation of a future redistribution of spheres of influence. Israel, the primary proponent of the IMEC project, views Turkey as an adversary due to its strategically important position along the Silk Road. Consequently, Somaliland and Greece are poised to become key players in Israel’s strategy to curtail the influence of Turkey and its allies.


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Heroism or Staged Spectacle: What Really Happened in the Cockpit of Flydubai Flight FZ1073

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Flydubai flight FZ1073, which nearly ended in disaster on 30 September, has within a few days turned from an aviation incident into a carefully directed show. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu posed with a passenger who had been designated the saviour and drew parallels with 11 September. Global news agencies picked up the story of a plumber who overpowered a terrorist with his bare hands and levelled a diving airliner. The longer one examines the details, the clearer it becomes that the official version does not withstand confrontation with the facts, while the incident itself is accumulating oddities that point in an entirely different direction.

Most revealing is the way the information was presented. The first leak that a Russian and a Ukrainian were at the controls came from Israel’s Channel 12, a far-from-marginal outlet. Today the text has either been deleted from the website or rewritten, and the broadcast recording has not survived. Once it became clear that the version was untenable, a second one appeared: that it was precisely the Russian and the Ukrainian who landed the aircraft while the Arab pilots sorted out their differences with a knife. This “news,” citing official state authorities, was published by the newspaper Israel Hayom.

Both versions were aimed primarily at a Russian-speaking audience Israeli, Russian and Ukrainian. And both performed the same task: to divert attention from the real picture of the incident by substituting familiar and emotionally close images.

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What fails to add up in the official version? Let us begin with the passenger composition. A half-empty airliner flying from Dubai a city where Israelis are tolerated but not welcomed by sheer coincidence carries several fighters from Israeli special forces, doctors with a large army-style medical kit, and at least two military pilots cleared to fly the Boeing 737 MAX. Such a coincidence cannot be explained by chance. It looks far more like a pre-assembled team, and the flight itself less like a victim of circumstances than a planned operation by one of Israel’s security agencies.

Iran’s Fars agency, regarded as a mouthpiece of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, did not soften its language. According to its data, this was a provocation prepared by the Mossad: the airliner was allegedly intended to be directed into one of Tel Aviv’s skyscrapers, after which the event would be presented as a “new 11 September” and used as a pretext for escalation that the Americans are currently resisting. Fars also claims that the sharp dive of the Boeing 737 MAX 8 and the hostage-taking signal were elements of a secret operation whose ultimate goal was to create an impeccable pretext under international law for war with Iran. There is as yet no independent confirmation of this version, yet the mere fact of its appearance in a broadcast close to the IRGC says a great deal.

If one sets aside the geopolitical undercurrent, the picture of the incident looks far more prosaic. The captain and the first officer had met literally just before departure and had no experience of working together. Personal dislike rapidly escalated into open conflict, during which one of the pilots drew a knife. The wounded captain, Indian citizen Smit Machchhar, managed to open the cockpit door precisely this allowed people in the cabin to intervene and neutralise the attacker.

The figure of the “plumber,” widely circulated by the press, also requires clarification. Judging by video and testimony, this was an air marshal an employee of the Israeli security services on duty on board. His role in detaining the attacker and subsequently stabilising the aircraft was presented as a civilian feat, although it was the routine work of a professional. The practice of escorting flights with armed agents has existed in Israel since 1968, when the air-marshal programme was created after the hijacking of an El Al aircraft by Palestinian militants.


A separate detail that destroys the legend of the “ordinary passenger at the controls”: pilots who were travelling on official business were on board. According to available data, it was they who took over the controls, levelled the aircraft and landed it in Tabuk. All 174 passengers survived; both pilots were hospitalised. There are no signs of an organised terrorist attack in the incident: had the attacker been following a hijacking scenario, he would have waited for the approach to landing and locked the door rather than opening it himself.

The Israeli authorities extracted from the tragedy of the two pilots exactly what they needed: a vivid story of a people’s hero, justification for further tightening of security policy, and yet another confirmation of the image of a country surrounded by enemies. Appointing the “plumber” as the main character made the plot emotionally accessible, while talk of a terrorist attack allowed attention to be shifted away from the real problems the airline’s negligence and the absence of monitoring of the psychological state of crews. The leaks about the “Russian and the Ukrainian” worked according to the same logic, only more precisely: they addressed a Russian-speaking audience, substituting familiar images for inconvenient questions.

Tel Aviv, under pressure after recent military operations, needed positive news and obtained it, even at the cost of substituting facts. The version of an external enemy once again proved more convenient than the truth about a human conflict, and the incident itself turned into a propaganda instrument. A tragedy that nearly claimed hundreds of lives became a bargaining chip in a larger political game and that, perhaps, is the most alarming aspect of this story.


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Smoke Covers Saudi Capital After Suspected Houthi Attack on Key Refinery (Videos)

File image.

Smoke was reported over Riyadh on October 3 after satellite monitoring detected unusual thermal activity at an Aramco refinery, amid unconfirmed reports that the Houthis had attacked the Saudi capital.

NASA’s FIRMS detected higher-intensity thermal activity at the refinery, while NASA Terra imagery appeared to show a large fire and thick smoke drifting across northern Riyadh. Videos posted to social media also indicate that a massive fire broke out at the facility.

Click to see full-size image. (Photo via firms.modaps.eosdis.nasa.gov)

Click to see full-size image. (X(=)

Saudi authorities and Aramco had not commented, and the Houthis had not claimed responsibility. The group usually announces such attacks within 24 hours.

The reported incident came amid an intensification of fighting in Yemen. The Houthis reported Saudi strikes on the capital, Sanaa, and the provinces of Saada, Taiz and Amran, while Yemen’s internationally recognized government claimed that its warplanes carried out 20 strikes against Houthi positions and forces in Taiz on October 2.

The escalation followed reports of Houthi advances on several fronts in Taiz, where the group has been seeking to expand its positions and cut routes linking government-held areas.

Yemeni military officials have disputed some Houthi claims of territorial gains, and the front lines in Taiz remained contested.

The developments also came shortly after Reuters reported that Saudi Arabia was preparing an offensive against the Houthis that could begin within weeks. The operation would reportedly rely on more than 100,000 Yemeni ground troops overseen by Riyadh and supported by Saudi strikes, with the campaign aimed in part at reversing Houthi gains along the Red Sea coast and around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

All recent developments indicate that the war in Yemen is about to heat up even further. Efforts to de-escalate do not appear to be moving forward.

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Saudi Arabia Is Preparing Large-Scale Offensive With 100,000 Troops Against Houthis

Illustrative image. (U.S. Air Force photo by William R. Lewis)

Saudi Arabia is preparing a large-scale offensive against the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in Yemen that could involve more than 100,000 Yemeni troops and seek to retake the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait, Reuters reported on October 2, citing regional and Western officials familiar with the preparations.

The operation could begin in the coming weeks and would be carried out primarily by Yemeni government forces overseen by Riyadh, with Saudi air support, according to six people familiar with the plans.

Saudi officials are considering either a concentrated assault around Bab el-Mandeb or a wider campaign involving simultaneous attacks in Al-Bayda, Marib, Taiz and Al-Jawf.

The planned offensive would aim to reverse the Houthis’ gains along Yemen’s Red Sea coast and restore control over Bab el-Mandeb, which links the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and is a major shipping route between Asia and the Mediterranean. The strait has taken on greater importance as the Strait of Hormuz has been effectively closed during the conflict with Iran, Reuters reported.

The timing has not been settled. Sources cited by Reuters gave possible dates ranging from within a week to a period after the United States midterm elections in early November.

Saudi and Western officials told the news agency that Riyadh does not consider renewed peace talks with the Houthis viable while the group retains control of Bab el-Mandeb.

The U.S. is providing military advisers and intelligence, including targeting information, to support Saudi air operations, according to a Western diplomat cited by Reuters. Direct U.S. combat involvement is not expected, however.

Turkey and Pakistan have also supplied military equipment for Saudi operations in Yemen. Pakistan sent four cargo aircraft to Aden last month carrying air defense systems, light artillery, drones and counter-drone equipment, according to a Pakistani official.

Pakistani military advisers are operating alongside Saudi counterparts, while Turkish drones previously purchased by Riyadh have been deployed over Yemen.

Saudi Arabia is also seeking to protect its oil infrastructure and other strategic sites from Houthi missile and drone attacks.

Pakistan has deployed between 30,000 and 40,000 troops to Saudi Arabia for border protection and assistance with missile and drone interceptions, although Islamabad has not decided to send those forces into Yemen for combat, a Pakistani official told Reuters.

Any ground campaign would rely heavily on Yemeni factions backed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates during earlier stages of the civil war. Divisions among those forces remain a significant factor as Riyadh considers a broader offensive.

An offensive of such scale would put some serious pressure on the Houthis. However, the group faced such pressure in the past and prevailed. In addition, Saudi Arabia could face a major response, not just from the group, but also from its allies, including Iran and Shia armed factions in Iraq. Such a move could even ignite a regional conflict.

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In Video: Houthi Snipers Gun Down More Than a Dozen Fighters in Saudi Arabia

File image.

Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) released nearly five minutes of video on October 1 showing their snipers killing at least 17 personnel along the border with the Saudi province of Jizan. 

The Houthis’ military media said those targeted included Saudi soldiers, Yemeni government fighters and mercenaries from Sudan.

The video was released as the Houthis continued missile and drone attacks against targets across Saudi Arabia, including in Jizan.

On October 1, Saudi Arabia said its air defenses intercepted two ballistic missiles and four drones launched toward the kingdom. One missile was intercepted over Jizan and the other over Khamis Mushait, where debris from the interception caused limited damage to buildings and vehicles. All four drones were reportedly intercepted over Khamis Mushait.

Saudi authorities also disclosed on October 1 that an investigation had concluded that the Houthis were responsible for a drone strike on the Taiba power distribution station in Medina on September 29. The strike put one transformer out of service but did not disrupt the wider electricity network. The Houthis denied responsibility.

Later on October 2, Saudi Arabia reported another interception, saying a ballistic missile launched by the Houthis toward Khamis Mushait was destroyed before reaching its target.

The latest attacks close to the border may be a sign of an imminent Houthi offensive there. The group has in the past carried out large-scale cross-border raids into the kingdom.

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