European leaders losing sleep over Trump’s economic and territorial threats should spare a thought for their Canadian counterparts. On August 22nd, Canadian prime minister Mark Carney announced that his country was “at war” with the United States after trade negotiations collapsed at the eleventh hour. Trump’s subsequent renaming of Lake Ontario to Lake America echoed the crisis with Greenland in January, when the US called into question Denmark’s sovereignty over the territory and refused to rule out taking it by military force.

Both the EU and Canada, in other words, face a similar conundrum: how to de-risk their relationship with an increasingly predatory United States, which exposes them to security threats from Russia and poses a new threat of its own. It is against this backdrop that Carney will attend commission president Ursula von der Leyen’s State of the European Union Speech in Strasbourg on September 16th. An EU-Canada summit will follow in October. The timing could scarcely be better for Europe and Canada to make common cause. But if European leaders want to shift the relationship into a new gear, they will have to revise their usual approach to how the EU treats third countries, particularly in defence and security, where both sides’ dependence on the US runs deepest.

Blurring the lines

Some Canadians, traumatised by Trump’s bullying, have fantasised about joining the EU. Alas, Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union—its accession clause—restricts membership of the bloc to European states. But the EU need not choose between full membership and arm’s-length third-country status. A strict in-or-out model of security and defence co-operation risks excluding partners like Ukraine, Britain, Norway and Canada from key initiatives and the bloc’s defence technological and industrial base—leaving Europe less safe as a result.

The EU already treats one non-member as something more than an ordinary third country or even one on the path to membership: Ukraine has received notable carve-outs for the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) and the EU’s Security Action for Europe (SAFE) mechanism, which offers €150bn in low-interest defence loans—not to mention exemptions in other areas like trade, energy, and telecommunications. In other words, the question is not whether bending the rules is permissible under certain circumstances, but what those circumstances are. Extending the same treatment to Canada (as inoffensive an ally as they come) would be popular at home and would offer a template for how other relationships, including with Britain, could be structured.

There is already a clear trend towards a closer relationship between Brussels and Ottawa, especially on the defence industrial side. In 2021, Canada joined the military mobility project of the EU’s framework for deeper defence co-operation, PESCO. Last year, both sides signed a security and defence partnership and this year they agreed to Canada’s participation in SAFE.

On the bilateral front, Berlin and Ottawa are finalising a strategic partnership agreement which will include elements on defence cooperation, on top of agreements already signed with France, Denmark, and other Nordics. On the procurement side, German shipbuilder ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems won a contest to build 12 submarines for the Royal Canadian Navy—the biggest defence deal in Canadian history. Canada is also considering buying Swedish Gripen fighter jets instead of American F-35s and is building ice-breakers in Helsinki. Finally, Canada is actively involved in deterring Russia with boots on the ground in Latvia, where it leads a multinational brigade as part of NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence (eFP).

But these efforts are mostly non-binding and aspirational—except for SAFE (which is time-limited) and eFP (which sits outside of EU structures entirely). The EU-Canada summit at the end of October gives Brussels and Ottawa a concrete opportunity to turn these efforts into specific investments, capabilities and operational co-operation.

Under the radar

Canada is an underrated military power. The 2% of its GDP that it currently spends on defence is already more than the 14 smallest EU defence budgets combined

The EU stands to gain more from a closer relationship than one might think. Canada is an underrated military power. The 2% of its GDP that it currently spends on defence is already more than the 14 smallest EU defence budgets combined. Compared to the EU’s biggest defence spenders, it ranks behind only Germany, France, Italy and Poland. And its budget is set to increase significantly as Canada moves to spend 4% by 2030 and C$500bn (€310bn) over the next decade.

Much of that money will be invested in equipment and suppliers outside of Canada. As Carney made clear in a recent speech: “The days of our military sending 70 cents of every dollar to the United States are over.” EU defence projects should open up to countries outside the EU and the European Economic Area. Canada’s armed forces bring significant know-how in Arctic warfare, an area of increasing interest to Europe amid growing threats from both Russia and the US. And its six decades within the joint US-Canadian air-defence command, NORAD, give it rare experience of continental-scale air defence and early warning, just as Europeans scramble to expand their own independent missile-defence network.

Deeper cooperation

The EU can use these resources and capabilities to deter Russia and wean itself off its dependence on America, starting with deeper Canadian co-operation with the EU’s defence projects and agencies. A first step would be encouraging Canada to join further PESCO projects. Canada’s expertise could be of great help in ACCESS, which aims to develop Arctic-capable, GPS-denied electronic warfare and sensor systems, and TWISTER’s space-based early warning strand. Canada could join both without too much red tape (for EU standards) because neither project is supported by the European Defence Agency (EDA). A second step would be an administrative arrangement between Canada and EDA, which would allow Canada to join EDA-supported PESCO projects it is currently ineligible for, as well as joint training, monitoring and research. Since the US already has such an arrangement, extending it to Canada should prove uncontroversial.

But the most ambitious step the EU could take would be to treat Canada as a full-fledged member of the EU’s defence technological and industrial base instead of as a third country. Member states and the commission should write Canada into EDIP’s successor, the ring-fenced defence-spending stream—or “window”—of the upcoming European Competitiveness Fund (ECF), which is currently being negotiated as part of the EU’s next budget.

As it stands, current EDIP rules will likely roll over into the ECF unchanged. Under those rules, a system built in Europe carrying 35% American components would qualify for funding, but a wholly Canadian one would not. When EDIP was being negotiated, members states deliberately created a carve-out for Ukraine. Member states should extend the same preferential terms to Canada under the ECF, but also go further, letting Canada run programmes as well as bid for them.

These would be major concessions and they must not be given away for free. The expectation should be that Canada pay for access, open its own procurement to European firms in return, and align its export controls with the EU’s. As a proof-of-concept, both sides could design at least one major system with no US export-controlled parts in it (a counter-drone system would work very well).

In addition to these efforts, Berlin and Paris should also throw their weight behind Canada’s proposal for a Defence Security and Resilience Bank. They might even propose merging it with Britain’s proposed Multilateral Defence Mechanism to create a coalition spanning Britain, Canada and EU member states.

Skin in the game

As the EU’s borders come under pressure from multiple directions, there is a strong case for expanding Canada’s stake in European territorial integrity. That begins by establishing reciprocity. Europeans shouldn’t scoff at Canadian concerns—just as Denmark flew blood bags to Greenland in anticipation of a US invasion in January, so too have the Canadian Armed Forces modelled a possible US military invasion.

European countries should make it clear to Washington that its statements calling into question its ally’s sovereignty are intolerable. They should also prevail upon Canada to unequivocally pick sides should the US raise the Greenland issue again. In the event of a future military mission to Greenland, similar to the Danish-led Operation Arctic Endurance, or even a mission under the EU’s common security and defence policy, Copenhagen should invite Ottawa to join with boots on the ground, just as it has done in Latvia. Likewise, the EU could bind its anti-coercion instrument to equivalent Canadian countermeasures, ready for joint activation during a crisis.

Boosting Ottawa’s participation in Arctic issues would tie it more closely to the defence of the region more broadly and would give it a bigger role in defending European borders. After all, no serious conversation about the region is conceivable without Canada, whose Arctic territory is vastly larger than that of most other Arctic states. Canada is already part of the region’s multilateral infrastructure, but there is still scope to deepen its co-operation with the EU instruments specifically. One way to bridge the gap would be to take up the European Parliament’s proposal to create a dedicated EU-Canada Arctic cooperation framework with structured dialogues between EU and Canadian institutions.

An additional step which would contribute decisively to European security would be to invite Canada to the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF), the UK-led coalition of northern European states. Canadian forces have already taken part in JEF exercises in Latvia last year and Carney has participated in virtual meetings of the group. Formally joining JEF, which sits outside NATO and EU structures, would involve little red tape and could happen almost immediately. As the US considers far-reaching troop reductions in Europe, any step that improves interoperability among non-US NATO allies is a win for the entire continent.

A price worth paying

The steps outlined above are likely to draw America’s ire and invite retaliation. The US has repeatedly cast scorn on Carney’s middle powers strategy—an effort to rally mid-sized states against pressure from larger ones—which it increasingly views as a serious challenge to its primacy. Under-secretary of war for policy Elbridge Colby recently suspended the Permanent Joint Board on Defence, a longstanding US-Canadian strategic consultative body, and linked the pause to Canada’s weak defence spending and its middle powers strategy. Both the EU and Canada should expect increasing pushback if they embark on this joint course. But any American paroxysm will prove the point—that both Europe and Canada are better off together than alone or in thrall to Washington. If that means blurring the boundaries between EU member states and third countries, so be it.

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Summer is here, and with it ECFR’s entertainment list. As the year passes its midpoint, with headlines dominated by uncertainty, crises and conflict, it’s time to take a break. And with the Annual Council Meeting 2026 held in Vienna, a city which provided one of the biggest intellectual movements of the 20th century, this year’s entertainment list could hardly be anything but enlightening.

This year, our contributors’ choices take us to the US—but far beyond the newspaper headlines—to learn about the country’s people, their fights and their struggles. With Russia’s war in Ukraine showing no sign of abating, another recommendation for a book about the difficulty to survive provides insights about real life on the ground. We’ll take a quick stop in Alexandria to learn more about books, libraries and the written world, and jump forward in time to England’s Tudor court and what it meant to be powerful. Then our journey takes us to Nigeria’s civil war, where we explore themes of identity, displacement, trauma, love and the enduring legacy of colonialism.

Enjoy all of this and much more with the recommendations below. ECFR wishes its readers pleasant journeys and a restful summer.

“Half of a Yellow Sun”, by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

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“Half of a Yellow Sun” recounts the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), also known as the Biafran War, through the eyes of Ugwu, a village boy who comes to work for Odenigbo, a university professor. Alongside Odenigbo lives his partner, Olanna, who abandons her privileged life in Lagos to be with him; Olanna’s twin sister, Kainene, who takes over her parents’ business; and Kainene’s British lover, Richard. Through their intertwined lives, Adichie explores identity, displacement, trauma, love and the enduring legacy of colonialism with remarkable empathy, allowing the reader to immerse themselves in Nigerian and Biafran perspectives of the time. She creates deeply compelling characters who exist against the vivid backdrop of the social and political realities of 1960s Nigeria. By foregrounding voices that have long been marginalised in European narratives, Adichie demonstrates exceptional prose and storytelling.

“Beloved”, by Toni Morrison

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“Beloved” is inspired by the true story of Margaret Garner, an African-American slave who in 1856 escapes to the free state of Ohio. The book tells the story of escaped slave Sethe, her daughter Denver and a mysterious woman named Beloved. It covers multiple topics, including slavery, identity crisis, discrimination, the condition of female slaves, trauma and madness; “Beloved” mixes history, fiction and the supernatural. Morrison won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1988 for her novel, and the Nobel Prize in 1993 for her work.

Ozark, available on Netflix   

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“Ozark”,an American crime thriller tv series with Jason Bateman, Julia Garner and Laura Linney (yes, the Laura Linney from Love Actually!) follows the story of the Byrde family, who move from Chicago to the Lake of the Ozarks region in Missouri. Family fights, strong women, weak men, strange people, plot twists, and beautiful and peaceful landscapes will keep you on the edge of your seat from beginning to end of this four season and 44-episode show.

“My Life on the Road”, by Gloria Steinem

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“My Life on the Road”, by Gloria Steinem, is a splendid biography of the author’s life as a writer, reporter and activist. This book is a compilation of the stories she learned on the road while growing up—and afterwards, throughout the rest of her life.

Here she describes her campaign trail: from Bobby Kennedy to Hillary Clinton, her early experience with social activism in India, of organising ground-up movements in the US and listening to people whose voices, ideas and values would inspire change and revolution. This book has some of everything: it is shocking, it is funny and it is inspiring.

“My Life on the Road” is a great book for anyone who wants to understand the people behind the headlines. As Steinem points out, focus on country capitals often overshadow the lives of ordinary people and paint a distorted picture of a country. But through her travels, she shows how the true character of a place is found on its streets and roads.

“The Odyssey”, attributed to Homer (translated by Emily Wilson)

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With Christopher Nolan’s big-screen version of “Odyssey” hitting cinemas in mid-July, there is no better moment to revisit Emily Wilson’s translation, which deserves a place on any reading list. The story—a man’s 20-year journey home from war—is well known, but Wilson’s rendering lays bare the flaws in both its hero and his household. Odysseus, for all his cunning, loses all his men during his voyage back to Ithaca and, once home, dispatches every one of Penelope’s suitors in a scene of slaughter that is excessive and genuinely uncomfortable to read. His son Telemachus, meanwhile, spends much of the poem sulking, more petulant adolescent than budding king.

Wilson does not sand down these rough edges, nor does she soften the poem’s darker vocabulary: where earlier translators reached for “servants”, she writes “slaves”, restoring an uncomfortable truth that previous polite translations had smoothed away. The effect is a text that feels more modern and raw; with heroes who are flawed, and their misfortunes partly the result of their own natures. Those wanting more should turn to the film “The Return” (2024), Ralph Fiennes’s stripped-back 2024 take on Odysseus’s homecoming.

“Endling”, by Maria Reva

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“Endling”, by Maria Reva, is a witty, powerful novel about three women whose lives intersect through Ukraine’s booming marriage industry. What begins as a search for a missing mother and a fight to protect a rare species soon becomes an unforgettable road trip across a country on the brink of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Blending dark humour with emotional depth, Reva explores gender, survival and resilience in a story that lingers long after the final page.

“Bundyville”, a podcast by NPR

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Like most folk, I have an outsized love for my hometown community and, as a result, an exaggerated view of its historical importance. Thus, I believe that an armed standoff between a libertarian Mormon ranching family and the federal government outside of Las Vegas in 2014 was a precursor to the Trumpian years that followed—and thereby I recommend my favourite podcast.

Structured like a true-crime series, “Bundyville” follows the Bundy family of Bunkerville, Nevada, through interviews with people at the centre of their fight with the federal government over cattle-grazing rights. Compared to January 6th 2021 and the right-wing unrest that followed, the conflict looks almost quaint; but it reveals just how deep American distrust of the government runs, and how far people will go in the name of “freedom”.

“Salvage the Bones”, by Jesmyn Ward

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If you’re looking for a light summer read, this is not it. “Salvage the Bones” begins like a coming-of-age novel as 14-year-old Esch discovers love, desire and her changing body, all during a long Mississippi summer. But she is also growing up in a world shaped by poverty, neglect and misogyny, where the consequences of her choices fall far more heavily on her than on the boys around her. Hurricane Katrina approaches, but it is only one of the many forces threatening her family. Over 12 days, the novel paints a devastating portrait of those living on the margins, abandoned by the systems meant to protect them. This novel describes the quiet resilience of people forced to survive with almost nothing. It is a powerful reminder that disasters are never equal, and that for some, the storm began long before Katrina made landfall.

“Papyrus: The Invention of Books in the Ancient World”, by Irene Vallejo

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“Papyrus”, by Irene Vallejo, is a captivating journey through the history of books, libraries and the written word in the ancient world. From Egyptian papyrus scrolls and the legendary Library of Alexandria, to the rise of the codex, Vallejo traces how books shaped civilisations and preserved human knowledge. Blending history, mythology, literature and personal reflection, she introduces a vibrant cast of emperors, librarians, scholars, poets and rebels whose lives were intertwined with the power of words. Along the way, she explores enduring themes such as education, censorship, identity and cultural memory. Both scholarly and accessible, Papyrus is a celebration of humanity’s enduring love of stories and a tribute to the books that have carried ideas across centuries.

“The Automobile Club of Egypt”, by Alaa Al Aswany

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Alaa Al Aswany’s “The Automobile Club of Egypt” is entertaining and easy to read: but it is above all a thought-provoking account of Cairo in the 1950s that blends history, politics, love and family drama. Through the lens of a corrupt British-run club, Al Aswany exposes the hypocrisy and class struggles of colonial Egypt. The novel’s multi-layered narrative follows a variety of characters—from the club’s elitist members to its marginalised Egyptian employees—each grappling with power, identity and resistance. The book explores themes of power, justice, loyalty and social change, while Al Aswany’s storytelling blends satire, social critique, sharp dialogue and vivid descriptions to make it the perfect summer read.

“Wolf Hall”, by Hilary Mantel

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There’s a reason everybody likes the Tudors. The dynasty, which began with Henry VII becoming king in 1485 and ended with the death of Queen Elizabeth I in 1603, was so embedded in rivalry, passion and intrigue that it has long provided rich material for all manner of cultural outlets. But perhaps no one captured the emotion behind the machinations of the Tudor court quite like the late Hilary Mantel. “Wolf Hall” is the first in her trilogy of novels which imagine the consolidation of power and eventual fall from grace of Thomas Cromwell, the son of a blacksmith who rose from obscure beginnings to become one of Henry VIII’s most trusted advisers. While “Wolf Hall” is a hefty book, with the paperback clocking in at 672 pages, it is nothing less than a page-turner; the plot, with its twists and turns, is aided by Mantel’s gift for writing as if she were alongside Cromwell at court. For anyone who wants to remember why the Tudors remain so fascinating—or who is discovering their story for the first time—”Wolf Hall” is one of the best places to begin.

“Empire of Pain: The Secret History of the Sackler Dynasty”, by Patrick Radden Keefe

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“Empire of Pain” is about three generations of the Sackler family. As the owners of the pharmaceutical company behind OxyContin, they are renowned for their philanthropy—but notorious for the role they have played in the US opioid crisis. This book is a gripping story about greed, impunity, justice and the importance of investigative journalism.

I also recommend, as an accompaniment, the book “Demon Copperhead” by Barbara Kingsolver. Where Keefe does not let the reader forget that his book is non-fiction, Kingsolver makes them feel the impact and human cost of the opioid crisis.

“The Power of the Powerless”, an essay by Václav Havel

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Mark Carney’s speech at Davos brought renewed attention and relevance to Havel’s 1978 essay, in which he analyses how the communist regime in Czechoslovakia functioned and sustained itself for decades. In his essay, Havel describes dissidence as a form of opposition that brings together thinkers from conservative circles, liberals and radical leftists, with Havel serving as a central and unifying figure. The core of the movement—and its power—lies in its non-negotiable demand to live in truth and in the parallel society of dissidents who shared this worldview. This is exactly what Havel brings to today’s world of unorder: reject conformity and the ruthlessness dictated by others, stand for truth, and engage with those who share this bare-minimum vision and values.

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Problem

Italy’s 2027 electoral campaign has begun. So far, the contest has been defined by opposition parties exploiting what they see as prime minister Giorgia Meloni’s flaws in government policy on Russia, Ukraine and defence spending.

One person in particular is fuelling this criticism: former general Roberto Vannacci and his far-right party, National Future (Futuro Nazionale). With Meloni struggling to justify her commitment to Ukraine, NATO and the EU, and an Italian left radicalising along pacifist lines, National Future embodies an ideological nationalism which could prove indispensable for Italy’s right-wing bloc ahead of 2027.

Vannacci is also a Trojan horse for Russian influence inside Italy. He has publicly stated that he would have “no problem” accepting party and legal funding from Moscow or Beijing, and has adopted a transactional, sovereigntist posture modelled closely on Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Domestically, this is an easy argument to win: a recent ECFR policy brief confirmed that Italians are favourable to resuming imports of Russian gas and oil. This openness to Russia is compounded by his military past: Vannacci was Italy’s military attaché in Moscow, raising anxieties about counterintelligence and security.

Should National Future enter a governing coalition, Vannacci’s background could shatter the EU’s collective security consensus. A Rome influenced by Vannacci would actively block EU defence initiatives, veto sanctions and leak sensitive security coordination. For Meloni, normalising Vannacci would trigger an immediate rupture with the European mainstream with which she has been cooperating since 2022. Ultimately, he alone could paralyse Brussels’ capacity as a coherent geopolitical actor.

Solution

To fully grasp the extent of the danger that Vannacci poses to the EU, Europeans need to look beyond the playbook of contemporary European populism. While figures like Marine Le Pen have spent years achieving dédiabolisation—meticulously distancing themselves from Vladimir Putin’s regime to capture mainstream credibility—Vannacci is highly likely to align himself with the pro-Russia Alternative for Germany (AfD).

Italians and Europeans alike should thus not treat National Future as just another right-wing movement. Instead, Vannacci—who also sits in the European Parliament—should be dealt with as a strategic issue. Whether or not National Future joins a second Meloni government, his party’s emergence demonstrates that Europe’s mainstream must no longer simply contain the far right or the far left. Now Europeans need to preserve the credibility of democratic politics as new radical actors reshape the political landscape.

Meloni should exclude National Future from any form of governance. She needs to resist this new far-right siren call by using the political capital she has built in the EU since 2022: she has been at the forefront of support for Ukraine, collaboration on trade, initiatives on migration, and contributions to EU reactions to international developments. Importantly, Meloni has maintained a friendly relationship with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen.

However, the conservative mainstream also needs to react. It is normalising anti-EU parties by seeking their political support at the EU level and in the European Parliament. Building a cordon sanitaire around anti-EU forces requires everyone’s engagement: EU conservative leaders should work together to show their voters that they reject such extreme views. Pragmatic collaboration will also help overcome some divisions which are freezing decision-making on issues such as Russian security threats and migration.

Context

Meloni entered office in 2022 and gradually established herself as a pragmatic conservative leader, separate from more openly revisionist forces on the European right. But her recent decision not to attend a Coalition of the Willing meeting in Paris on July 13th highlights the pressure she is under, ahead of Italy’s 2027 election, to focus on domestic commitments instead of European debates on Russia, Ukraine and defence.

Here, Vannacci is a key force. National Future, which he founded only four months ago, is polling around 6% and establishing itself as the second-largest force in Italy’s right-wing bloc. Vannacci’s platform combines nationalist rhetoric, opposition to military support for Ukraine, openness to legally permissible Russian and Chinese electoral funding, and a confrontational approach to liberal democratic values.

His ideological trajectory mirrors the social architecture, ethnonationalism and systemic Euroscepticism of the AfD. Vannacci is not constrained by regional economic interests or coalition dynamics, unlike the leader of Italy’s right-wing League party, Matteo Salvini. This defines Vannacci as a loose cannon; National Future is well-positioned to capitalise on societal anxieties and economic grievances to pull the Overton window toward radical revisionism.

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