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In Phoenix, young ultra-conservatives look to carry on Charlie Kirk’s legacy

14 October 2026 at 15:37
More than a year after the assassination of far-right influencer Charlie Kirk in September 2025, young activists from the organisation he co-founded, Turning Point USA, are working tirelessly to honour his legacy by rallying the youth vote ahead of the US midterm elections.

Two rare pregnancies spark hope for Sumatran rhinos — but also concerns about inbreeding

14 October 2026 at 05:39
Two critically endangered Sumatran rhinos are pregnant at an Indonesian sanctuary, a rare success for a species reduced to a few dozen animals in the wild. The pregnancies also highlight the genetic constraints facing the country’s captive-breeding program. Indonesia’s Ministry of Forestry and the NGO Yayasan Badak Indonesia (YABI), which manages the sanctuary, announced the pregnancies on Oct. 3. A female named Ratu is carrying her fourth calf, fathered by Andalas, while her daughter Delilah is carrying her second calf, fathered by Harapan. Both are due around May 2027. Ratu was captured from the wild in Sumatra in 2005, while Andalas and Harapan, who are full brothers, were born at Cincinnati Zoo in the U.S. in 2001 and 2007, respectively. Delilah was born to Ratu and Andalas at the Sumatran Rhino Sanctuary in 2016 — meaning the father of Delilah’s calf is her paternal uncle. Experts at the Sumatran Rhino Sanctuary seek to pair the least-related males and females possible, Nina Fascione, executive director of the International Rhino Foundation, told Mongabay in an email. They also must consider factors such as differences in body size, she said, but their choices are limited by the small number of rhinos under human care. The 11 animals in Indonesia’s breeding program are the only captive Sumatran rhinos in the world, and all of the males in the program are related. “The current critical situation outweighs the genetic diversity considerations,” Fascione said. Ratu, a captive female Sumatran rhino, is expecting her fourth calf. Image…This article was originally published on Mongabay

In Ecuador, Indigenous youth turn to rap music to defend the Amazon

9 October 2026 at 17:32
Willan Gualinga first stepped onto a stage in his home community of Sarayaku, in the Ecuadorian Amazon, in the province of Pastaza. He recalls his hands sweating, his body trembling, and his mouth freezing up as words crowded his mind. Three years after that debut, he performed the same song at the Rizoma 2026 Festival in the Amazonian city of Puyo. This time, he was no longer in front of dozens of people. He was seeing thousands chanting his lyrics in his Indigenous Kichwa language. On this occasion, his body moved with the rhythm and with the strength his message demanded: “Allpamanda kawsay manda jatarishun,” or “Let us rise up for the land and for life.” That was the title of his first track and the phrase he shouted at the top of his lungs throughout his performance. The song draws on elders’ stories about the origins of Sarayaku (his traditional territory) and, like his other compositions, spotlights the threats facing his people. “Through music we can transmit the knowledge of our ancestors and, above all, defend the territory,” said Gualinga, a 23-year-old artist known on stage as “Taki Supay.” Like him, a new generation of Amazonian artists is using rap to bring attention to the threats facing Indigenous peoples and nationalities across the Ecuadorian Amazon — and to show why the rainforest must be protected. “Rap is talking about what you feel, what is happening, and our struggle,” Misael Elías Criollo Grefa, better known as Misa17, said. He is…This article was originally published on Mongabay

‘A few are afraid of the chicks’: Preparing Thailand’s rescued leopard cats for life in the wild

7 October 2026 at 18:30
KHON KAEN, Thailand – A wildlife officer holds a leopard cat cub in one hand, its entire body small enough for her fingers to wrap around its torso. With the other hand, she feeds it formula milk from a syringe. This is the latest rescue at the Department of National Parks and Wildlife’s rescue center in Khon Kaen, northeastern Thailand, which rehabilitates and ultimately releases dozens of lost and injured leopard cat cubs every year. Behind the officer, 15 larger leopard cats (Prionailurus bengalensis), rescued as young cubs months earlier, pace around inside their cages. They look a lot like domestic cats, only slightly more slender and with sharply defined markings on their fur; unlike domestic cats, they bare their teeth and growl whenever a human walks past. Nine of the cats, between 8 and 9 months old, will be released in the forest that afternoon. The other six, a younger cohort, will take their place in the center’s specialized behavioral rehabilitation pens, where they will spend two months practicing their climbing and hunting skills in preparation for life in the wild. Leopard cats are small wild felines common across much of Asia. The IUCN classes them as least concern, though experts believe populations are increasingly vulnerable to hunting and habitat loss. Highly adaptable to changing landscapes, leopard cats often live close to farms and villages. In northeastern Thailand, females are frequently found raising their litters in sugarcane fields. The tall leaves offer shelter from the sun, but proximity to…This article was originally published on Mongabay

Corinna Lain, death penalty expert: ‘Lethal injection has been problematic from the start’

7 October 2026 at 19:39

Christa Pike was supposed to be executed on September 30 at a Tennessee prison for the 1995 murder of a fellow student. But after receiving two supposedly lethal doses of pentobarbital, the 50-year-old survived. A week later, she remains hospitalized in Nashville. Her attorneys say she is now conscious and able to speak, though she continues to require medical care and faces a lengthy and uncertain recovery.

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Corinna Lain in an undated photo.

The Madrid bear sculpture meant for a Miami roundabout that ended up inside a restaurant instead

7 October 2026 at 15:09

Sometimes people count their chickens before they hatch. That’s what happened to the regional premier of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, in June 2022 during one of her trips to Miami, where she posed beside a large bear sculpture that she said would end up on a public roundabout in the southern Florida city. Meant to represent Madrid, the large, candy-like bear has instead been parked in the hallway of a well-known Miami restaurant, where it serves as a decorative item.

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Left to right: the sculptor Eladio de Mora, Hombres G drummer Javier Molina; Madrid regional premier Isabel Díaz Ayuso; Hombres G frontman David Summers; and the entrepreneur Carlos Galán, on June 26 2022.A bear painted like the Madrid regional flag has become a decorative element at Crazy About You restaurant, in Brickell, Miami's financial district.

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Madrid regional premier Isabel Díaz Ayuso speaking to the press in Miami in June 2022.

The Christa Pike case and the ethical dilemma of saving someone the state is trying to kill

7 October 2026 at 11:45

Christa Pike, 50, has been hospitalized for almost a week after receiving two injections that allegedly contained lethal pentobarbital. On Tuesday, her lawyers said she had regained consciousness and speech, though her prognosis remains uncertain. The state of Tennessee had attempted to execute her for the 1995 murder of a fellow student, but Pike survived and was taken to hospital. If she stabilizes and is discharged, the state could send her back to death row and try to execute her again.

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© EPV

Christa Pike entrando en el Tribunal Penal del condado de Knox en Knoxville, el 4 de diciembre de 2007.

On 'She's The Best,' Troye Sivan takes the party to unexpected places

7 October 2026 at 10:00
The pop starShe's The Best, gives Troye Sivan more breathing room to dig into darker feelings.'/>

The Australian singer-songwriter's last album earned him his first Grammy nominations, a global tour with Charli xcx and even an SNL parody. His new release, She's the Best, excavates a deeper layer of his desires.

(Image credit: Marcus Cooper)

Why a Bolsonaro biopic is at the center of Brazil’s presidential election

4 October 2026 at 21:08

This article is a partnership with Mother Jones

In May, now-presidential candidate Flávio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of former Brazilian far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, shared on his social media a “leaked” trailer for an upcoming biopic about his father. The “most anticipated movie of the year,” Flávio said then, would depict the story of a “true hero.” In the trailer, which had a “disclosure prohibited” watermark, a wig-wearing Jim Caviezel—the American Hollywood actor perhaps most famous for his role as Jesus in Mel Gibson’s 2004 The Passion of the Christ—plays Bolsonaro, who is serving a 27-year prison sentence under house arrest for a failed coup attempt after his 2022 electoral defeat. 

Director Cyrus Nowrasteh described Dark Horse as a “tense political thriller about power, media, and faith under fire.” The movie’s trailer, which centers on Bolsonaro’s first presidential run and rise to power in 2018, frames the ex-president as “the voice of the people” and a leader who “fought the system” that tried to silence him. It includes a dramatic reenactment of his stabbing during the campaign. “IF YOU CARE ABOUT OUR ELECTIONS,” Caviezel, who is also known for the more recent Sound of Freedom, posted on Instagram earlier this year, “watch my newest film coming out September 11, 2026!” 

The production company behind the movie advertised it on X. “A trailer that circulated online was enough to put The Dark Horse at the center of discussions for months,” says the post in Portuguese. “Now, anticipation continues to grow for one of the most awaited international productions inspired by events that marked Brazil.”

https://twitter.com/GOUPEntertainme/status/2066990326284276175

That September 11 date went by and the movie, which was shot in English, has yet to be released in Brazil; it won’t come out before the first round in a nail-biting presidential race set for Sunday, October 4. These federal elections, which include congressional and gubernatorial  races alongside the presidential contest, have been dogged by accusations of meddling by the Trump administration, prompting incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to send a clear message to the US leader: “Brazil does not fit in anyone’s backyard.” While Dark Horse has not featured as a centerpiece in that conversation, it has certainly had its own share of controversy even before hitting the big screen.

The Brazil-US joint production has become the subject of an ongoing investigation that has sent shockwaves through the presidential campaign of one of the main candidates in a high-stakes, knife-edge election. Brazilian authorities are actively looking into the financing of the movie by a now-disgraced businessman accused of leading one of the biggest bank frauds in the country’s history. That financial scandal involves banker Daniel Vorcaro, former owner of the liquidated Banco Master, who is jailed for alleged fraud in a complex billion-dollar scheme involving worthless credit portfolios. The imbroglio has rocked the 214-million-people nation and thrown the Brazilian Supreme Court into an unprecedented institutional crisis, ensnaring justices, including Alexandre de Moraes—a polarizing figure credited by some with having stopped Bolsonaro’s coup plot and vilified by others for judicial overreach—and high-profile politicians and public officials with alleged ties to Vorcaro.

Among them is Brazilian senator Flávio Bolsonaro, who is cited in the investigation by Brazil’s federal police into the financing of the movie for “possible participation” in alleged crimes involving “money laundering, illicit capital flight, corruption, and other related offenses.” Last May, the Intercept Brasil exposed audio recordings and messages exchanged between Flávio and Vorcaro in which the senator asks the banker for money to fund Dark Horse. Documents from the federal police indicate Flávio was a “direct interlocutor” in negotiating with Vorcaro about the financing of the movie production. 

The bombshell reporting revealed that Flávio, the primary opponent facing off against President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who’s vying for re-election, negotiated a $24-million-dollar investment from Vorcaro. At the time, documents obtained by the Intercept Brasil showed that Vorcaro had made payments for the movie adding up to at least $10.6 million, between February and May 2025; the total has since climbed to $12.3 million, according to the federal police.

In a voice message to Vorcaro from September 2025, Flávio pressed the banker on pending payments, stressing the importance of getting the movie across the finish line. “Imagine us defaulting on Jim Caviezel, on Cyrus [Nowrasteh], these guys, man, hugely renowned in American and global cinema. Man, that would be really bad,” Flávio said in the audio, a transcription of which is cited in the federal police’s inquiry. He added: “Now that we’re in the final stretch, we can’t slip up, we can’t fail to honor the commitments here, because otherwise we lose everything.”

The Bolsonaro camp had high hopes for Dark Horse, originally projected for release three weeks before election day. “We’ll touch the hearts of a lot of people,” congressman Mário Frias, who was involved in the development of the project and is also named in the investigation, told Vorcaro, “and it will be very important for our country.” Ahead of the election, Flávio Bolsonaro, the presidential hopeful, has found himself having to provide explanations. He has dismissed the payments from Vorcaro as “private sponsorship” for a private project, underscoring that no public funds were used in the movie, and denied any wrongdoing.

A $2,000 rental wig for Jim Caviezel

Unsealed court documents state that payment transfers for Dark Horse were made via an intermediary company and processed through the Texas-based Havengate Development Fund managed by a Brazilian lawyer close to Flávio’s brother, Eduardo Bolsonaro, who is self-exiled in the United States since last year following a lawmaker’s request for him to be investigated for allegedly lobbying against Brazil’s national interests. This June, Eduardo, who was stripped of his congressional seat for being absent, was convicted of “coercion” for attempting to secure interference from the Trump administration on Brazil’s internal affairs; he sought to persuade them to impose tariffs on Brazil and sanctions on Brazilian justices to help his father’s case. 

Investigators looking into the origins of the money and its destination have raised the “hypothesis” that Eduardo, who lives in Texas, “directed the management of resources on foreign soil.” They also are investigating whether funds from Havengate may have been used to cover Eduardo’s living expenses, according to multiple reports by Brazilian media outlets. Flávio has maintained that all the resources allocated to the fund went towards the movie production.

On X, Eduardo has denied receiving money from the Texas fund, saying his immigration status wouldn’t have allowed it. (He has recently obtained a green card.) “During my immigration process,” he said, “I explained to the American authorities the whole origin of my assets and I didn’t have any problems.” He added that “all the investments were made in the US because the production was American, with American actors.”

Agência Pública, Brazil’s largest nonprofit newsroom, recently reported on Eduardo’s lavish lifestyle; he resides in a luxury home in Southlake, owns a $43,800 SUV, and travels frequently—20 times in 18 months—including to attend a gala at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago, watch a World Cup match in Miami, and surf in Abu Dhabi. Eduardo has previously explained his financial circumstances by saying he lives off of “passive income.”

The former lawmaker denied having any management role in Dark Horse, but a production contract signed in 2024 and obtained by the Intercept Brasil mentioned the ex-congressman as an executive producer in the movie. In response to the article, Eduardo said that he had signed a contract when the project was still in the early stages and invested $50,000 to get a Hollywood director attached to the movie, but he was later repaid and left the project once other investors were secured. Agência Pública contacted Eduardo’s press team but didn’t hear back before publication.

Go UP Entertainment, the US-based production company behind Dark Horse, is led by Karina Ferreira da Gama and Michael Brian Davis. (Ferreira da Gama and an NGO she directs are the target of a separate inquiry into whether public money was used to finance the movie.) According to an audit commissioned by Go UP, production costs in Brazil were $3.73 million. Costs in the United States amounted to $9.66 million—or more than 70 percent of the movie’s roughly $13-million reported spending. The expenses in the United States, according to the audit, included soft production, pre-production, project development, filming, and post-production. On LinkedIn, a production manager who worked on the movie described it as “the largest-budget feature filmed entirely in Brazil.” 

The movie’s reported expenses have raised eyebrows among industry insiders, who have compared the numbers to those of an Oscar-worthy production. The company spent $2,000 on a rental wig for Caviezel and about $135,000 in hotel accommodation for the star and his agent and security, based on bank statements and invoices provided to the federal police. ”It’s not a film that will be nominated for an Oscar,” Wilson Feitosa, director of the company responsible for the distribution of Dark Horse, told O Globo newspaper. “It won’t be in contention for a nomination, but it has that Hollywood seal of quality.” 

The federal police noted that, even accounting for “complex variables” in estimating the costs of film productions, there was an “apparent mismatch between the projected cost of the production of Dark Horse and the parameters usually practiced in the Brazilian audiovisual market,” saying it warranted further investigation into the “effective allocation of resources” and the purpose of the operation. 

“A nightmare for the Left”

Registered in Florida since 2021, Go UP Entertainment listed, until recently, its place of business as Davis’ home address in Raleigh, North Carolina. In June 2026, the address was changed to a commercial location in the same city. The company’s website only mentions an address in Westlake Village, California. A google search for that address leads to another production company, Damascus Road Productions, focused on “family and faith content.” (Ryan O’Quinn, the president of Damascus Road Productions, has promoted Dark Horse on his social media and is listed on the movie’s IMDb page as a producer. He didn’t respond to an email with questions or return a voicemail message.)

“Go UP Entertainment hereby clarifies that it conducts its business activities and the production of the film Dark Horse in a documented and transparent manner and in compliance with its contractual obligations,” the company said in a statement to the Brazilian magazine Piauí. In an email, Davis declined an interview for this article, saying “we will not provide comments on confidential budgets, private agreements and contracts, or unrelated business matters.”

Go UP’s website, which appears to have been revamped this year, states that the company “was born from the union of two creative forces: Go 7 and UP Tone.” Go 7 seems to be a reference to a different company operated by Davis’ co-partner Ferreira da Gama in Brazil. Go 7, which has reportedly never released a movie or TV production in the country, has its registration status with Ancine—the Brazilian regulatory film agency—listed as “irregular.” (Go UP Entertainment’s status is “regular” and Ancine granted Dark Horse a foreign work registration.)

Uptone Pictures is a self-described “independent film production company” in North Carolina that names the Dark Horse producer, Davis, as founder and executive producer. The movie releases featured on Go UP’s page appear to be examples of Uptone’s previous work. Among them are the 2014 A Long Way Off, a modern-day retelling of the prodigal son parable; Paul’s Promise from 2022, a Christian drama about a “firefighter-turned-pastor” produced and starred by O’Quinn; and the Brazilian-American Destiny Road, based on a book by a televangelist. Uptone Pictures lists Dark Horse as one of its credited productions. On Facebook, the company calls itself “your fixer in Brazil.” 

Davis has Brazilian citizenship and lived in Brazil in the 1980s, where he learned Portuguese and became a São Paulo soccer team fan, before moving to the United States, according to the BBC News Brasil. Besides Go UP Entertainment and Uptone Pictures, he’s linked to several other entertainment businesses in North Carolina, some of which have been dissolved over the years.

Davis has reportedly said that, on the advice of lawyers, he won’t hand over Go UP’s company documents without a judicial order in the United States. The producer wrote in an email to his business partner included in the investigation that “requests from Brazilian authorities involving documents or data under American jurisdiction must be formalized exclusively through the competent diplomatic and international legal cooperation channels.”

Mother Jones emailed Davis a number of questions about his partnership with Ferreira da Gama, the founding of Go UP Entertainment in 2021, and the company’s office addresses. We also asked him for details about the production and budget of Dark Horse, the company’s audit and expenses in the United States, as well as his reason to refuse a federal police’s request for evidence. Finally, the email included questions about Davis’ business history.

In a note, Davis replied that “given Mother Jones’ far-left editorial orientation and the framing of several of your questions, we do not have confidence that our participation would result in a fair and balanced account of Dark Horse.” He wrote that the “inquiry takes a broad, scattershot approach combining questions about the film with historical business affiliations, registered addresses, and other companies.” Davis also said, “several questions” contained “assumptions, speculations, or characterizations that we do not accept,” but didn’t explain what those were.

Meanwhile, select audiences in the United States have already had a sneak peek of Dark Horse. Back in June, Eduardo attended the first public screening of the movie at the Fraud Fighter Summit in Las Vegas. Speaking at a panel, Eduardo suggested the biopic could have a similar enduring impact to Terminator 2. “This movie,” he said, “is going to be a nightmare for the Left.”

Vietnam’s fishers face rising costs, declining catches and a contested sea

2 October 2026 at 19:01
QUANG NGAI, Vietnam — When diesel prices in Vietnam hit an all-time high in March, Vo Huu Viet, a fisherman with more than 30 years at sea in Quang Ngai province in Central Vietnam, did something he rarely does. He stayed on shore. “The catch is simply not enough to make up for the labor of four men,” Viet said. Docking the aging wooden boat he inherited from his father means he, his wife, his crew and their families had to do other work, such as hauling heavy goods for other people, to make ends meet. Viet was hardly alone. In fishing ports around Vietnam, thousands of boats stayed docked for months as the fuel crisis made sea-bound trips unprofitable. The hike in fuel prices, fishers told Mongabay, didn’t just raise the cost of diesel — it raised the cost of everything else that supports a fishing boat, from ice to food. From March 1 to April 21 of this year, fishing activities around Vietnam fell 18.9% compared with the same time last year, from the nonprofit vessel-tracking platform Global Fishing Watch. For energy-intensive trawlers, the drop was 31%. As fuel prices spiked in Vietnam, fishing boats spent fewer hours on the water. Graphic by Andrés Alegria/Mongabay. Fuel is not the only pressure. Declining fish stocks — the result of years of unsustainable and illegal fishing, compounded by climate change — along with international pressures to tighten fishing enforcement and the growing presence of Chinese vessels add to the strain. The…This article was originally published on Mongabay

Lycéens contre le tri sélectif

Le monde de l'éducation aura vécu une fin d'année agitée. À la protestation contre la hausse des frais de scolarité pour les étudiants étrangers non européens s'est greffée une mobilisation lycéenne inédite, apparue dans la France périurbaine.

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François Bard. – « Le Complot », 2017
© ADAGP, Paris, 2019 - Galerie Olivier Waltman, Paris, Londres, Miami

Un courriel suffit parfois pour saisir l'affolement d'un ministère en butte à la contestation. Ce 12 décembre, voilà deux semaines que l'agitation se répand dans les lycées français. Un directeur des services de l'éducation nationale écrit aux chefs d'établissement de son académie : « Afin d'éviter que ne s'installent chez nos élèves et leurs parents des éléments d'information relatifs à la réforme du lycée et du baccalauréat tronqués, incomplets, voire fallacieux, je vous demanderai de bien vouloir veiller à ce que nos établissements ne puissent accueillir des temps de réunion communs entre enseignants, parents d'élèves et élèves (1). » Interdire la discussion pour étouffer l'opposition : cette méthode illustre le pouvoir démesuré gagné par les proviseurs, devenus « managers de la République (2) », au détriment des enseignants — une évolution que la réforme du lycée et de l'accès à l'enseignement supérieur ne fera qu'amplifier.

Tout a commencé le 30 novembre, à l'appel de l'Union nationale lycéenne (UNL). Souhaitant faire savoir que « la jeunesse aussi est en colère », le syndicat a exhorté les élèves à bloquer leurs établissements pour dénoncer, pêle-mêle, le lycée à la carte, la sélection à l'université, les suppressions de postes, la réduction des enseignements généraux dans les filières professionnelles, mais aussi la hausse de la contribution sociale généralisée (CSG), la réforme de la Société nationale des chemins de fer français (SNCF), le service national universel… Au printemps dernier, l'UNL avait échoué à mobiliser contre Parcoursup, la nouvelle plate-forme d'inscription en ligne dans l'enseignement supérieur. Les problèmes soulevés par le syndicat demeuraient abstraits aux yeux de nombreux élèves ; les organisations d'enseignants, dont l'engagement aux côtés des lycéens joue souvent un rôle moteur, étaient divisées. Quelques mois plus tard, une génération de bacheliers a essuyé les plâtres, et l'histoire va se dérouler autrement.

Au jour dit, plus de cent lycées sont totalement bloqués. Non pas dans les grands centres urbains, comme il est de coutume dans ce type de mouvement, mais dans des zones rurales et périurbaines, dans des villes petites et moyennes — à Gien, Ingré, Laval, Beaugency, Pithiviers, Saint-Priest, Givors, Neuville-sur-Saône, Guérande, Tours, Sète, Vitré, Blagnac… La protestation continue les jours suivants et s'étend bientôt aux banlieues populaires et aux grandes métropoles. Le 11 décembre, plus de 450 établissements sont bloqués ou fortement perturbés ; des manifestations rassemblent des milliers d'élèves.

Le souvenir de la désastreuse première campagne Parcoursup

Cette cartographie particulière ne s'explique pas seulement par l'effet d'entraînement du mouvement des « gilets jaunes ». Les territoires périurbains pourraient être les premiers à pâtir des réformes en cours. Celle du lycée prévoit de substituer aux filières actuelles (scientifique, littéraire…) un système « à la carte », où les élèves pourront choisir entre douze « enseignements de spécialité » selon le parcours qu'ils veulent suivre à l'université. Si plusieurs enseignements (mathématiques, histoire-géographie, physique-chimie…) seront a priori disponibles partout, d'autres (numérique et sciences informatiques, sciences de l'ingénieur, arts…) ne le seront que dans certains établissements — la décision appartient aux rectorats, après demande des proviseurs —, au risque de créer une logique de spécialisation. Pour les élèves des grandes villes, celle-ci sera peu préjudiciable : il y aura bien, dans les environs, un établissement proposant le bon cocktail. Mais, dans les petites villes, les lycéens devront-ils renoncer à la formation de leur choix ? Ou parcourir des dizaines de kilomètres ?

À cette crainte s'ajoute le souvenir de la désastreuse première campagne Parcoursup : des dossiers d'inscription pléthoriques, des listes d'attente interminables, l'angoisse des réponses négatives, l'opacité de la procédure… Tout le monde connaît quelqu'un qui voulait s'inscrire dans une discipline mais s'est retrouvé dans une autre ; ou qui a pu rejoindre la filière désirée, mais à trois cents kilomètres de chez lui. Lors de sa conférence de presse de rentrée, la ministre de l'enseignement supérieur, Mme Frédérique Vidal, avait minimisé ces difficultés. Selon elle, Parcoursup a été une « vraie réussite » qui, loin d'avoir instauré la sélection, a « favorisé la démocratisation de l'enseignement supérieur », tous les candidats ayant reçu des propositions « au plus près de leurs vœux ».

En réalité, il est très difficile de mesurer le niveau de satisfaction des élèves, un élément rarement pris en compte dans le discours institutionnel — sans même parler de leur niveau d'anxiété. Chaque candidat de terminale était invité, en mars, à émettre dix vœux, sans les hiérarchiser (3). On pouvait donc « accepter une proposition d'admission », mais par défaut, car on jugeait sa place trop incertaine sur la liste d'attente de la filière désirée. Parmi les 583 000 candidats ayant accepté une proposition (sur 812 000 inscrits en mars 2018), plus de 71 000 conservaient à la fin de la procédure principale (le 5 septembre) d'autres vœux en attente ; on peut supposer qu'ils espéraient mieux (4). À ces insatisfaits il faut ajouter près de 40 000 « inactifs » — les radiés du système, restés trop longtemps passifs — et les quelque 180 000 candidats ayant « quitté la procédure ». Soit parce qu'ils n'ont pas obtenu le baccalauréat (la moitié), soit parce qu'ils ont disparu des radars. Ont-ils renoncé aux études supérieures ? Se sont-ils inscrits dans un établissement privé ? Le ministère ne donne aucun détail. Mais nombre d'écoles privées se sont félicitées d'une explosion des demandes.

L'angoisse générée par Parcoursup a particulièrement frappé les élèves des établissements accueillant une population défavorisée, où les premiers résultats ont fait l'effet d'une douche froide. À Nanterre, 76 % des élèves d'une classe de filière littéraire n'ont alors eu que des réponses négatives ou « en attente ». La proportion s'élevait à 82 % dans une terminale technologique de Beauvais, et même à 92 % dans une classe technologique d'Asnières-sur-Seine (5). En moyenne, 71 % des élèves de série générale ont reçu une réponse positive dès le premier jour, contre 50 % dans les séries technologiques et 45 % dans les séries professionnelles (6). Si ces résultats ne valaient pas rejet définitif, ils furent source de frustration et de découragement pour de nombreux élèves, poussés à sauter sur le premier accord en sous-estimant leurs chances d'obtenir mieux. Parcoursup a ainsi pénalisé les bacheliers des filières professionnelles, dont les inscriptions à l'université ont chuté de 13,7 % entre 2017 et 2018. « Nous ferons en sorte que l'on arrête, par exemple, de faire croire à tout le monde que l'université est la solution pour tout le monde », avait annoncé le président Emmanuel Macron peu après son élection. En ce sens, la plate-forme a effectivement été une « vraie réussite ».

La gestion du temps s'est imposée comme un critère central de l'accès à l'enseignement supérieur. En 2018, la procédure s'étalait sur près de neuf mois, de janvier à septembre. Pendant l'été, environ 66 000 candidats se trouvaient toujours sur liste d'attente. Cela a désorganisé les filières du supérieur, qui se voyaient dans l'impossibilité de dresser la liste de leurs inscrits, et retardé l'accès au logement des étudiants : difficile de postuler pour une place dans une résidence universitaire sans connaître son lieu d'études… « La durée de la procédure a entretenu un sentiment d'insécurité », a reconnu Mme Vidal, qui a décidé d'écourter l'anxiété de deux mois pour la session 2019.

L'élève devient le produit d'une série d'opérations qu'il ne contrôle pas

Cet ajustement n'est pas seulement technique. Le dispositif Parcoursup saucissonne le jugement scolaire — le processus de classement, d'appréciation, de notation des élèves — en une suite de phases auxquelles le lycéen doit se conformer. Il structure l'orientation et la candidature selon un parcours linéaire qui ne souffre aucun accroc : de décembre à avril, l'information et la formulation des vœux ; d'avril à mai, l'attente des résultats ; de mai à juillet, le choix. La plate-forme s'impose ainsi comme un levier proprement « disciplinaire », au sens où elle contraint chaque famille et chaque élève à des cycles et à des tâches ritualisées face auxquels tous ne sont pas égaux : aller chercher l'information sur les filières, préparer les lettres de motivation… Pendant de longs mois, le lycéen devient le produit d'une série d'opérations de tri, de classement et de calcul qu'il ne contrôle pas. Son avenir se joue à coups d'algorithmes fondés sur des critères dont il ne connaît rien, ou presque.

Dans un tel système, le droit à l'erreur ou le droit de « ne pas savoir quoi faire » n'existe pas. Tout déraillement, tout ralentissement est sanctionné par un rappel à l'ordre. On pense aux mises en garde adressées par l'administration aux lycéens demeurant « en attente » d'une réponse alors qu'une formation leur avait déjà donné un accord. « On encourage tous ceux qui ont eu une proposition à aller s'inscrire », n'a cessé de répéter le ministère. Pour faire plier les hésitants, les règles ont même changé en cours de route. À partir de juillet, les inscrits n'avaient plus que trois jours pour confirmer un vœu, faute de quoi toutes les propositions étaient annulées. Ces candidats indécis espéraient sans doute une meilleure proposition, mais on les accusait de ne pas libérer les places assez vite. Ils étaient rendus responsables non seulement de leur propre attente, mais aussi de celle des autres.

Traditionnellement, les sociologues considèrent que la légitimité du jugement scolaire relève de l'organisation de sa procédure. Son caractère acceptable dépend de la transparence des critères, de l'équité de leur usage, mais aussi de la publication des résultats dans un délai raisonnable. Or les élèves des filières professionnelles, souvent issus des milieux populaires, ont patienté en moyenne dix-sept jours pour recevoir une première réponse positive, contre quatre pour les titulaires d'un bac général. L'attente est devenue le reflet des inégalités sociales, incarnant et redoublant la violence du classement.

Avec Parcoursup, des dizaines de milliers de jeunes sont restés dans l'incertitude durant des mois, pour des raisons qui leur paraissaient obscures et parfois injustes. En procédant ainsi, l'institution les a poussés à perdre confiance en eux, mais également à douter du système scolaire, social et politique qui produit le classement — un constat également valable pour l'enseignant qui prépare l'élève et pour la famille qui l'accompagne. Voilà, pour le moment, le principal acquis des réformes éducatives de la présidence de M. Macron.

Voir en ligne : /2019/01/ALLOUCH/59445

(1) Courriel révélé par le Syndicat national des enseignements de second degré (SNES).

(2) Anne Barrère, Sociologie des chefs d'établissement. Les managers de la République, Presses universitaires de France, coll. « Éducation et société », Paris, 2013.

(3) Lire « Les étudiants livrés au marché de l'anxiété », Le Monde diplomatique, avril 2018.

(4) Ministère de l'enseignement supérieur, de la recherche et de l'innovation, « Tableaux de bord Parcoursup », « Parcoursup 2018 : propositions d'admission dans l'enseignement supérieur et réponses des bacheliers », note Flash no 17, Paris, octobre 2018, et « Inscription de nouveaux bacheliers entrant en première année à l'université en 2018-2019 », note Flash no 20, novembre 2018.

(6) Lire Jean-Michel Dumay, « Les lycées professionnels, parents pauvres de l'éducation », Le Monde diplomatique, mars 2018.

Lire aussi le courrier des lecteurs dans notre édition de mars 2019.

Mangroves keep waves at bay. A new study helps scientists predict how

2 October 2026 at 00:29
Existing at the junction of land and sea, mangrove forests have long been heralded for their ecosystem services, including their ability to buffer coastal areas against storm surges and rising seas. Now, new research has found a way to predict just how much mangroves can diminish waves associated with severe storms. When a wave hits an outcrop of mangroves, its energy is absorbed by the plants’ dense network of twisted roots. When the wave comes out on the other side, its intensity is often decreased, acting as a natural buffer for shorelines — sometimes even shielding shoreside communities from water damage or severe floods. This ability for mangroves to curb wave intensity — a property called attenuation — is well known among scientists. However, much of the data supporting this was collected by measuring mangrove attenuation during mild, calm periods of weather. Quantifying mangrove attenuation during storms or typhoons is trickier — it’s harder to gather data, and there are more factors dominating wave motion, like turbulence. Because of this, “existing models do not always perform so well to predict the wave attenuation by mangroves during storms,” Stijn Temmerman, a professor at the University of Antwerp, Belgium, told Mongabay by video call. This is especially important, researchers told Mongabay, as climate change is linked to severe weather systems. More than 87 million people were impacted by climate-related disasters in 2025, including flooding events and severe storms. Because of this, the development of new methods to model worst-case scenario climate and…This article was originally published on Mongabay

Tennessee governor halts executions after Christa Pike survives two lethal injections

Tennessee Governor Bill Lee has halted the one remaining execution for 2026 after a woman named Christa Pike on Wednesday survived two injections of pentobarbital, a situation described as unprecedented.

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© Correccionales De Tennessee (EFE)

Christa Pike in an image released by the Tennessee Department of Corrections.

Philippine eagle habitat study maps mining risks and conservation priorities

30 September 2026 at 19:18
A new study mapping the likely nesting habitats of the iconic Philippine eagle in its main stronghold warns that the threat of habitat loss — a key driver of its disappearance across much of its range — still looms large for the critically endangered species. The study, published in Bird Conservation International, shows that approved mining concessions overlap with 41% of highly suitable nesting habitat and 65% of its core areas in eastern Mindanao, the Philippines’ southernmost and second-largest island. Only about 35% of the highly suitable habitat identified across the Eastern Mindanao Biodiversity Corridor falls within protected areas. Indigenous ancestral domains separately overlap with 65% of core high-quality nesting habitat. (The figures do not necessarily represent the same areas, the study notes.) “This study turns nearly four decades of field observations, nest records, GPS tracking and satellite information into something people can actually use,” study co-author Christopher J.W. McClure, vice president for global science at U.S.-based NGO The Peregrine Fund, said in a Sept. 24 statement issued by the Philippine Eagle Foundation. “It helps us see where surveys and safeguards are needed most before important habitat is changed,” McClure added. Juan Carlos Gonzalez, an ornithologist and curator for birds at the Museum of Natural History at the University of the Philippines Los Baños, who wasn’t involved in the research, said the findings are concerning because Philippine eagles (Pithecophaga jefferyi) already have limited suitable habitat inside protected areas and also persist in Indigenous-managed forests. “Both represent the last stronghold for…This article was originally published on Mongabay

Execution of Christa Pike halted at the last minute by a Tennessee appeals court

30 September 2026 at 16:57

The state of Tennessee has ordered a stay on the execution of a woman who was sentenced to death for the murder of a fellow student when she was 18. If it had been carried out as planned on Wednesday, Christa Pike, now 50, would have been be the first woman put to death in the mid-southeastern state in more than two centuries.

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© George Walker IV (AP Photo/George Walker IV)

Protesters call for clemency for Christa Pike in Tennessee on September 29.

Despite a drop in deforestation in 2025, forest losses pile up in the Mekong

29 September 2026 at 03:05
BANGKOK — Over the course of 2025, the Mekong countries of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam lost a combined 746,168 hectares (1.8 million acres) of tree cover, an area roughly equivalent to the size of the Bangkok Metropolitan Area, according to Mongabay’s analysis*. Data published by the Global Land Analysis and Discovery (GLAD) laboratory at the University of Maryland, in partnership with Global Nature Watch (GNW) — formerly Global Forest Watch — shows that of the total 746,168 hectares of tree cover lost, more than 154,000 hectares (380,000 acres)  was primary forest. Mongabay’s analysis found that just shy of 200,000 hectares (494,000 acres) of the total were lost from the region’s protected areas. While these numbers may paint a bleak picture for the Mekong’s forests, the rate of regional deforestation has dropped by almost 25% from that recorded by GNW in 2024, continuing a decline that, according to the data, began in 2023. Fewer wildfires, higher rainfall, stricter law enforcement and lower market rates for commodities could all factor into a drop in the Mekong’s deforestation rate for 2025 when compared to 2024. However, experts warn that short-term drops do not always represent a broader trend in deforestation. Every country in the Mekong saw a fall in deforestation rates from 2024 to 2025, but each still grapples with a range of challenges to protecting the region’s remaining forests. Data from 2025 shows a drop in deforestation recorded across Mekong nations, but much of the tree cover lost last year was lost inside…This article was originally published on Mongabay

Indígenas Kayapó se colocam em risco para bloquear garimpo ilegal na Terra Indígena Baú

25 September 2026 at 08:00

Menos de dois meses depois de uma operação da Polícia Federal, o avanço de uma invasão de garimpeiros na Terra Indígena Baú, no sudeste do Pará, forçou indígenas Kayapó a tomarem uma atitude de alto risco. Desde segunda-feira, 21 de setembro, um grupo de guerreiros Kayapó bloqueia a via de acesso a um garimpo ilegal chamado Pista Velha, próximo ao rio Curuazinho, no meio do território.

Com o bloqueio, os indígenas tentam frear a logística de abastecimento do garimpo, que vem atraindo cada vez mais invasores pelo alto volume de ouro extraído no local. Segundo informações das organizações da Rede Xingu+, que atuam nas terras indígenas Baú e Menkragnoti e monitoram o local, o número de garimpeiros quadruplicou apenas nos últimos dois meses, chegando a aproximadamente 400 pessoas.

A cada dia de espera, cresce a tensão e o medo de um novo conflito. Informações passadas ao grupo que está bloqueando o acesso ao garimpo apontam que há armas de vários calibres no local, incluindo armas pesadas, como pelo menos quatro fuzis. Por conta desse armamento, os indígenas suspeitam de participação de facções criminosas ligadas ao narcotráfico na extração ilegal de ouro.

Ainda assim, os indígenas afirmam que não estão dispostos a sair do local enquanto não houver uma ação do poder público para retirar os invasores. À reportagem, a Polícia Federal (PF) afirmou estar acompanhando a situação. 

O garimpo criminoso na Terra Indígena (TI) Baú é um problema desde 2019 e tem provocado vários conflitos entre garimpeiros e indígenas Kayapó (autodenominados Mebengôkre), que tentam proteger o território. A atividade, porém, vem se intensificando desde o ano passado, sem que as autoridades tenham conseguido desestruturá-la de forma efetiva. 

No final de julho, a PF e o Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis (Ibama) realizaram uma operação na Terra Indígena Baú. Na ação, as equipes realizaram autuações, registraram as áreas degradadas e inutilizaram dois acampamentos, além de pás-carregadeiras, motores usados em balsas de garimpo, gerador, tanque e galões de combustível. Mas a operação não chegou ao garimpo de Pista Velha e apenas dispersou os infratores momentaneamente, segundo as organizações que acompanham de perto a situação. A TI Baú é um vasto território de 1,5 milhão de hectares (dez vezes a cidade de São Paulo), onde vivem os povos Kayapó e os isolados Pu´rô.

Foto aérea mostra ferida aberta pelo garimpo de nome Pista Velha em Terras Indígenas Baú, dos Kayapó, visível em imagem de satélite do Google Earth
Ferida aberta pelo garimpo Pista Velha na Terra Indígena Baú é visível em imagem de satélite do Google Earth

Meses antes da operação, em fevereiro, a Rede Xingu+, formada por 53 organizações indígenas, ribeirinhas e da sociedade civil com atuação na bacia do rio Xingu, alertou a vários órgãos do governo federal que uma expedição de vigilância realizada pelos Kayapó havia interceptado dois grupos de garimpeiros. Na ocasião, um dos responsáveis pelo garimpo disse que havia dezenas de mineradores ilegais instalados no território, e os próprios indígenas apreenderam duas armas de fogo.

No começo do ano, o trabalho de vigilância dos Kayapó identificou outro ponto de garimpo ilegal, além do Pista Velha, e informou às autoridades a localidade que serviria como “porta de entrada” para a invasão do território. Agora, com a chegada de mais garimpeiros ao Pista Velha, os indígenas da TI Baú e da vizinha Terra Indígena Menkragnoti se uniram para tentar impedir a continuidade do funcionamento do garimpo.

Nesta quinta-feira, 24 de setembro, uma equipe indígena de vigilância encontrou uma espingarda calibre 28 e um motor de barco escondidos em uma área próxima ao Pista Velha. Em sites na internet, esse motor custa entre R$ 10 mil e R$ 12 mil.

O medo é que o garimpo cresça ainda mais nos próximos meses. Ali, a extração ilegal de ouro se dá em barrancos abertos no meio da floresta. As árvores são derrubadas, a vegetação é destruída e o solo é revirado na busca predatória por minério. A atividade de mineração é proibida em terras indígenas pela legislação e, além de provocar impactos graves para a natureza, também causa conflitos sociais nas comunidades indígenas.

A Agência Pública procurou o Ministério dos Povos Indígenas (MPI) e a Fundação Nacional dos Povos Indígenas (Funai), mas não teve resposta até a publicação desta reportagem.

Já a PF afirmou que a operação na TI, realizada entre os dias 28 de julho e 1º de agosto, empregou três aeronaves para combater “atividades ilegais de extração mineral na região e em áreas externas que, conforme informações reunidas pelos órgãos participantes, impactam cursos d’água e comunidades indígenas”.

“Diante da situação, a Polícia Federal segue atuando no acompanhamento da região e na adoção de medidas cabíveis para o enfrentamento de atividades ilícitas”, completou o órgão.

Desde 2019, ano em que o garimpo Pista Velha foi reativado, a área afetada pela mineração ilegal na Terra Indígena Baú vem crescendo. A maior parte da expansão garimpeira se deu durante o governo Bolsonaro. Até 2017, 150 hectares haviam sido desmatados no território, mas apenas entre 2018 e 2022, as áreas de garimpo superaram 308 hectares, segundo levantamento do Instituto Socioambiental. Em 2025, elas chegaram a um total acumulado de 332 hectares, o equivalente a cerca de 460 campos de futebol, conforme dados disponibilizados pela plataforma Amazon Watch.

No ano passado, já haviam sido detectados vários pontos ativos de garimpo em diversas partes do território, e um sobrevoo confirmou que havia mineração ilegal em expansão na área do Pista Velha. Ao longo de 2025, a Rede Xingu+ enviou alertas formais aos órgãos governamentais com denúncias sobre a atuação criminosa.

Além dos pontos de garimpo identificados dentro do território, há vários outros dispostos ao longo das fronteiras oeste das Terras Indígenas Baú e Menkragnoti. Em maio, uma decisão da Justiça Federal no Pará determinou que o Ibama realizasse ações de fiscalização para desmobilizar um desses garimpos, o “Esperança IV”. Às margens do rio Curuá, a atividade minerária ilegal ameaça diretamente o rio – e todos que dependem dele e de seus mais de cem igarapés e afluentes.

Imagem de sobrevoo realizado neste ano mostra o garimpo “Esperança IV”, localizado às margens do rio Curuá, na região que faz fronteira com a Terra Indígena Baú.
Imagem de sobrevoo realizado neste ano mostra o garimpo “Esperança IV”, localizado às margens do rio Curuá, na região que faz fronteira com a Terra Indígena Baú

Uma análise do monitoramento da Rede Xingu+ mostra que a área desmatada por garimpo no entorno oeste das duas terras indígenas cresceu 11% entre 2024 e 2025 e que quase 80% dessas áreas de garimpo não possuíam autorização da Agência Nacional de Mineração (ANM) para exploração.

A Terra Indígena Baú tem uma longa história de resistência à pilhagem da natureza. No início dos anos 1990, quando o território foi declarado como de posse indígena, invasores impediram várias vezes a demarcação física da área. Em 2003, quando o processo de demarcação foi retomado, os Kayapó aceitaram abrir mão de uma faixa equivalente a 3 mil km² do lado oeste da terra indígena com a promessa de que as invasões seriam interrompidas. A homologação do território, etapa final da demarcação, só aconteceu cinco anos depois.

Os demais territórios Kayapó no eixo da rodovia BR-163 (que liga Cuiabá, no Mato Grosso, a Santarém, no Pará) também sofrem os impactos da extração ilegal de ouro. No caso das TI Panará e da TI Menkragnoti, há denúncias de contaminação dos rios, que têm adquirido um aspecto barrento, ameaçando a disponibilidade de água para as comunidades indígenas.

As terras onde vivem os Kayapó fazem parte de um mosaico de territórios indígenas e unidades de conservação que formam uma grande área contínua de conservação na bacia do Xingu. Na região, o garimpo tem promovido o avanço do desmatamento também nas Terras Indígenas Kuruaya, Trincheira Bacajá e Apyterewa e em outras cinco áreas protegidas. Uma das situações mais críticas, segundo o monitoramento da Rede Xingu+, é na Reserva Biológica Nascentes da Serra do Cachimbo, onde nascem vários dos rios que banham a bacia.

Technocracy’s Appeal: 800,000 Have Applied For Citizenship In “Liberland”

15 September 2026 at 03:28
A micro-state Utopia for crypto billionaires who eschew taxes, government, and regulations of any kind. These so-called “network states” are popping up all around the world. Peter Thiel has backed Praxis and Prospera, which is in Honduras. Reportedly, Thiel now calls Prospera home. Praxis doesn’t have a home yet, but they are hoping for Greenland. ⁃ Patrick Wood Editor.

More than 800,000 people are hoping to move to a self-proclaimed crypto micronation called ‘Liberland’ that is on a patch of muddy floodplain along the Danube River.

The uninhabited seven-square-kilometre land on the border of Serbia and Croatia was founded by Czech libertarian politician Vit Jedlicka who claimed the territory in 2015.

There, Mr Jedlicka said he founded a new country with the aim of creating a libertarian state founded on the blockchain technology underpinning cryptocurrencies – or, as a haven for crypto billionaires.

According to the self-declared president, the small ‘nation’ has received 804,000 citizenship applications – enticed by the eradication of tax and government regulation. Its motto is: To Live and Let Live.

It comes as the UK faces an exodus in the tech sector after nearly 6,000 entrepreneurs fled the UK in the past two years, with many fleeing to destinations with more forgiving tax regimes, such as Dubai.

The group of 30 tech billionaires are using blockchain – effectively a secure digital ledger – to construct the first decentralised autonomous government and also the world’s ‘freest country’.

The micronation of around 1,200 citizens has its own official language of ‘Liberlandish’, will be holding a congressional election later this month, has its own passports as well as its own navy, known as the ‘Liberty’.

Meanwhile, its ‘administration’ has appointed three ‘legal professionals’ to form a Supreme Court to oversee applications. It added an app will soon be used to fast track applications from those without a criminal record.

Vit Jedlicka had a vision to create a nation which eradicates tax and government regulation

In lieu of tax, a voluntary monthly contribution system was created that is claimed ‘inherently superior to forced tax’ which allows one to ‘become a true co-owner’ of the ‘nation’.

Liberland citizens use cryptocurrency to pay voluntary taxes for the upkeep of the heavily-forested island and its navy. The tokens are the Liberland Dollar, which handles money and network fees; and Liberland Merit, which handles voting and laws. Both can be bought with bitcoin.

One’s ‘dedication’ will be ‘recognised’ through the Liberland app and a rating ‘badge’ system based on monthly contributions – spanning from Bronze (one to ten Merits) to Diamond (more than 10,000 Merits). The chart will be published publicly monthly, justified as a way to maintain ‘radical transparency’.

‘Liberland,’ officially known as the Free Republic of Liberland, joins a movement by the ultra-wealthy of creating micro-states and special economic zones.

These ‘bubbles of capitalism’ have popped up in Honduras, where Peter Thiel, a PayPal co-founder, financially supported the founding of the private city of Prospera. Elsewhere, a ‘Crypto City’ is being built in Venezuela, while ‘Liberstad’, a private member-based city, is being created in Norway.

Liberland is yet to be recognised by other nations, with a lack of proper infrastructure and 200 registered companies. Those behind the project have set up a permanent outpost across the river called ‘Ark Village’ which has shared rooms, kitchenettes and a meeting room.

The territory had been long contested between Croatia and Serbia since the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the 1990s Balkan wars. Mr Jedlicka claimed the land on the principle of ‘terra nullius’, effectively that unclaimed land belongs to the first person to occupy it.

Croatia deployed border police units and patrol boats to prevent repeated attempts by Liberland organisers to reach the area when it was first set up in 2015. Serbian police prevented them from crossing the border from their side.

Since being declared independent by Mr Jedlicka, there are now more than 1,262 registered citizens and 804,000 applications for citizenship.

A settlement on the island – which is about the size of Gibraltar – has been up and running since August 2023, with a core group of people maintaining a continuous physical presence.

They have been developing the land, having already constructed the first house, set up basic infrastructure and marina facilities.

Liberland’s website states that non-EU visitors who cross into the area from the Croatian side are usually issued a notice requiring them to leave Croatian territory within seven days, accompanied by a temporary re-entry ban.

However, it also says those seven days are ‘more than enough to earn full Liberland citizenship’, by helping with construction, clearing land, building infrastructure or other community projects.

Other individuals in Europe have previously declared the formation of a micronation state – including the Principality of Sealand, an abandoned North Sea oil rig off the coast of Suffolk which declared independence in 1967.

An exodus of the wealthy from the UK has been fuelled from changes to Capital Gains Tax, the mansion tax on properties worth more than £2million, Inheritance Tax changes and VAT on private schools.

The figures showed that 5,940 business owners left the UK between January 2024 and January 2026. The analysis showed that 10 per cent of those leaving were from the software sector, more than three times higher than the next most affected, property development.

The United Arab Emirates – which includes Dubai and Abu Dhabi – as well as Spain and the US were among popular destinations for business owners, according to wealth managers Rathbones.

Michelle White, head of Rathbones’ private client office, said: ‘We are talking to more individuals and families – particularly younger business owners – considering relocation.’

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