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Feijóo confirma conversaciones con Vox para las elecciones al Senado: "Sería un error facilitar al 'sanchismo' el control"

20 October 2026 at 09:06
"Si Vox está a la altura, el PP también va a estarlo", sostiene el 'popular', que desliza que una fórmula podría ser ceder senadores autonómicos a cambio de que Abascal no se presente en ciertas provincias Leer

"Si Vox está a la altura, el PP también va a estarlo", sostiene el 'popular', que desliza que una fórmula podría ser ceder senadores autonómicos a cambio de que Abascal no se presente en ciertas provincias

Quince años por robar, quince años por matar

20 October 2026 at 08:56
Dos adolescentes recibieron quince años de prisión por el homicidio de Andrés Blaquier, la sanción máxima prevista por la ley penal juvenil vigente. (Imagen Ilustrativa Infobae)

El caso Andrés Blaquier expone una distorsión que la nueva Ley de Responsabilidad Penal Juvenil debe corregir. Dos adolescentes que asesinaron al empresario para robarle su moto fueron condenados a quince años de prisión, pese a haber sido declarados responsables de homicidio criminis causa, delito que para un adulto prevé prisión perpetua. No se trata de cuestionar la sentencia: los jueces aplicaron la ley vigente. El problema está en la propia ley, que establece un límite máximo uniforme de quince años, cualquiera sea la gravedad del delito o la cantidad de hechos cometidos.

La cuestión no es solamente si quince años son muchos o pocos para un menor. El problema es que ese límite altera la estructura del sistema penal al borrar las diferencias entre delitos de distinta gravedad. La ley vulnera un principio elemental: si cometer un delito más grave no aumenta la pena, desaparece el incentivo para no dar ese paso adicional.

La advertencia fue formulada hace siglos por Montesquieu en Del espíritu de las leyes. Al analizar la relación entre los delitos y sus castigos, escribió: «Es un grave mal imponer la misma pena al salteador que roba en despoblado y al que roba y asesina. Hay que establecer alguna diferencia en la pena, por seguridad pública. Donde la pena es la misma para asesinos y ladrones, los ladrones asesinan siempre. Como ellos dicen, los muertos no te delatan».

La enseñanza es contundente: si matar a la víctima no acarrea un castigo mayor que robarle, el sistema penal elimina una razón para no matarla. La diferencia de penas no es un detalle técnico ni una exigencia meramente retributiva: es, ante todo, una herramienta de prevención del delito.

Eso es lo que el legislador debe advertir. Si un robo con armas puede recibir una pena de hasta quince años, ¿qué consecuencia adicional afrontará el autor si decide matar a la víctima? Si el homicidio queda sujeto al mismo techo, desaparece la amenaza de una sanción mayor. El sistema deja de ofrecer un incentivo penal para detenerse antes de matar.

La contradicción se vuelve todavía más grave cuando el primer homicidio ya fue cometido. Si el condenado alcanzó el máximo legal, ¿qué pena mayor podrá recibir si vuelve a matar? ¿Qué agravamiento efectivo podrá imponerse por un segundo homicidio, un tercero o una sucesión de crímenes? Si ningún delito posterior puede elevar la condena por encima de los quince años, el límite legal neutraliza cualquier respuesta penal adicional.

La ley no debe equiparar conductas de distinta gravedad ni privar al sistema penal de la posibilidad de responder con mayor severidad ante un crimen más grave. La proporcionalidad de las penas exige una graduación real; la prevención exige que esa graduación tenga sentido.

Podría objetarse que la prisión perpetua también constituye un máximo y que, una vez impuesta, no existe una pena superior para quien vuelva a delinquir. Sin embargo, esa comparación desconoce dos diferencias decisivas.

En primer lugar, la prisión perpetua fue concebida para durar toda la vida y, aunque no pueda aumentarse, constituye la sanción más grave del sistema penal.

En segundo lugar, la prisión perpetua está reservada para los delitos más graves. El problema del límite de quince años es que puede alcanzarse también por delitos de gravedad muy inferior. Así, el homicidio pierde su consecuencia penal diferencial y los crímenes posteriores ya no pueden traducirse en una condena más extensa.

La solución no consiste en imponer a los menores exactamente el mismo régimen penal que a los adultos. La diferencia debe establecerse en el lugar correcto: las escalas penales deben ser las previstas para los adultos, con exclusión de la prisión perpetua, pero el régimen de ejecución de las condenas debe ser específico para quienes cometieron delitos cuando eran menores de edad.

De ese modo, la gravedad del delito conservaría su relevancia al determinar la pena, sin desconocer la edad del autor al establecer las condiciones de cumplimiento. El homicidio agravado mantendría una escala penal superior a la del robo con armas, y varios homicidios podrían recibir una respuesta más severa que uno solo. Al mismo tiempo, los menores contarían con reglas de ejecución diferenciadas, sin equiparar por completo el cumplimiento de sus penas al de los adultos.

La edad debe incidir en la forma de ejecutar la condena, no borrar las diferencias que el Código Penal establece entre las conductas criminales.

Por eso, es necesario reformar de inmediato la Ley de Responsabilidad Penal Juvenil. El legislador debe eliminar el límite uniforme de quince años, conservar las escalas penales previstas para los adultos —con exclusión de la prisión perpetua— y establecer un régimen de ejecución diferenciado para los menores.

La edad del autor justifica un régimen de ejecución más benigno, no que un homicidio pueda recibir la misma pena máxima que un delito mucho menos grave. La ley debe reformarse para que la respuesta penal guarde proporción con el crimen cometido.

Vox se abre a facilitar la mayoría en el Senado si el PP le cede senadores

20 October 2026 at 00:50
Abascal ofrece a Feijóo un "entendimiento" en la Cámara Alta para responder a la candidatura única que tendrán los partidos de la izquierda Leer

Abascal ofrece a Feijóo un "entendimiento" en la Cámara Alta para responder a la candidatura única que tendrán los partidos de la izquierda

Judge Refuses to Recuse in Case Involving Alleged Misconduct by Philly DA's Office

15 October 2026 at 17:20

A federal judge referred Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner and one of his deputies to the Department of Justice for potential prosecution for alleged misconduct. In response, Krasner's office filed a motion seeking to force the Judge--Paul Diamond--from a case involving his office.

Yesterday, Judge Diamond rejected the Philly DA's motion with a terse and forcefully worded order.

Here, from the order, is some background:

In the last two years, the Third Circuit, this Court, and the Philadelphia Common Pleas Court have condemned as dishonest repeated post-trial concessions of relief made by the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office. . . . The Pennsylvania Supreme Court was so concerned that it took the remarkable step of ordering all Philadelphia Common Pleas Judges to seek the Pennsylvania Office of Attorney General's intervention whenever the DAO made a post-trial concession, so that the Attorney General could confirm the concession's honesty. . . .

The DAO's present post-trial concession is also remarkable: Here, four DAO supervisors credibly testified that the District Attorney himself and his lieutenant, Assistant District Attorney Matthew Stiegler, urged them to make false representations to this Court to "protect the office." According to "the Four," the District Attorney threatened them with "consequences" if they did not. Because these and related accusations, if true, could amount to criminal misconduct, I disqualified the District Attorney and Stiegler from participating further in this case and referred the matter to the Department of Justice for investigation. In the DAO's newly-filed Motions and the District Attorney's unsworn "Declaration"—all of which generate more heat than light—the DAO seeks my recusal from all matters in which the Office appears and asks me to reconsider my rulings in this case. I decline to do either.

And on the merits of the recusal request, here is what Judge Diamond had to say:

During the three-day hearing before me, the DAO failed to object to virtually all the rulings and actions it now challenges. That the Office chose to object only after the Court issued a decision unfavorable to the District Attorney and his lieutenant confirms that the DAO merely disagrees with those rulings. . . .

The Office challenges my noting that the District Attorney neither testified nor offered an affidavit in response to the Four's testimony—on which I based my disqualification order and DOJ referral. I do not credit the District Attorney's absurd suggestion that he did not know he could testify—especially after I twice asked DAO counsel if he wished to call any witnesses. Nor has the District Attorney explained why he did not offer a responsive affidavit, which would have required the declarant to tell the truth (under penalty of false swearing). The Office thus cannot truthfully dispute that the District Attorney chose not to give his version of events in Court under oath. The DAO's apparent belief that this tactical choice was reasonable hardly warrants recusal.

Finally, the DAO believes that I should have been leerier of Mason's testimony—the various corroborative documents notwithstanding—and more responsive to the uncorroborated, dubious testimony of Stiegler. Again, disagreement with my credibility determination is not a basis for recusal. Liteky, 510 U.S. at 555 ("[O]pinions formed by the judge on the basis of facts introduced or events occurring in the course of the current proceedings . . . do not constitute a basis for a bias or partiality motion unless they display a deep-seated favoritism or antagonism that would make fair judgment impossible."); Wecht, 484 F.3d at 220–21 (recusal not warranted despite the court's "skewed and unfair reading of the record"). The other arguments the DAO raises do not warrant discussion. Accordingly, I will deny as frivolous the Motion for Recusal.

And on the question of reconsideration:

The DAO does not discuss or even mention the burden and criteria a party seeking reconsideration must meet. Rather, as it did in seeking my recusal, the Office urges me to revisit my rulings because it disagrees with them. Once again, that disagreement does not warrant reconsideration. . . .

I will not discuss here every protest the Office makes to virtually all my rulings, my credibility determinations, and (once again) my reference to the District Attorney's silence in the face of damning testimony from his own employees and former employee. In his belated, unsworn "Declaration" the District Attorney attacks three of these witnesses as unworthy of belief.  This after-the-fact attempt to cram "evidence" into a closed record seems intended to persuade the media, not the Court. In any event, the evidence is unpersuasive and does not warrant reconsideration. . . .

Accordingly, I will again deny the DAO's frivolous Motion.

Judge Diamond's order concludes:

Four of the District Attorney's supervisors offered powerful, unrebutted testimony that their boss and Stiegler urged them to misrepresent to this Court. When the Four told the District Attorney that he had thus created a conflict compelling them to inform the Court and withdraw from this case, he threatened them with "consequences." There are few attorney transgressions more serious than lying to the Court, urging others to do so, or threatening them should they tell the Court the truth. . . . If this in fact occurred, it is all the more serious because it occurred after four Courts condemned the DAO's conduct in circumstances like those presented here. Disqualifying the District Attorney and Stiegler and referring them for investigation is thus reasonable and warranted. That the District Attorney chose not to testify but sought to "make his case" with an unsworn declaration—the credibility of which I am unable to assess—makes that investigation even more necessary. Although Mr. Krasner may yet have the opportunity to testify under oath in another forum, his intemperate filings provide no basis for recusal or reconsideration of my rulings.

The post Judge Refuses to Recuse in Case Involving Alleged Misconduct by Philly DA's Office appeared first on Reason Magazine.

Admiral McRaven: Public Execution Is Shameless and Ignoble

11 October 2026 at 19:07

A 62-grain, 5.56-mm round leaves the barrel of a standard-issue M4 rifle at approximately 2,900 feet per second. When it strikes a human being, the results are violent, traumatic, and unpredictable. If Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has his way, such images will soon be broadcast to the American people. The Pentagon has announced that the execution of Nidal Hasan, the Army officer convicted of killing 13 fellow service members in a 2009 mass shooting at Fort Hood, in Texas, will be livestreamed.

According to Amnesty International, 17 people were publicly executed in 2025. Eleven of these were in Iran and six in Afghanistan. Is this what we have become? Iran? Afghanistan? Are we so weak, so insecure, that we must convince the world that we are still powerful by making a public spectacle of an execution? Or maybe Secretary Hegseth and President Trump intend this as a spectacle for the American people: a show of just how much testosterone the two men have surging through their veins.

No one should shed a tear for Hasan. I certainly won’t. But if Hegseth thinks that this public display will somehow deter others from horrible acts of violence, he is mistaken. Terrorists seek attention above all. Publicizing Hasan’s death therefore could incite other extremists to do equally egregious acts. And it adds to the narrative, advanced by our enemies and ever more worrying to our allies, that the United States has lost its way.

When Osama bin Laden was killed, President Obama made a point of not releasing photographs of his body. “It’s not who we are,” he said. All of us who were involved in the operation agreed. Not sharing the pictures was a recognition that we are better than the inhuman beings who do unconscionable things, that there was a difference between a legitimate exercise of government authority and a public display of coercive power. Now, with this announcement, we are lowering ourselves to the ranks of brutal and failing regimes.

I teach a graduate class on national-security decision making. I give my students a framework for thinking about how to make difficult decisions. The first question they have to answer before they can get to the right decision is: Who are we as a nation? It is an acknowledgment that all correct decisions, those that will benefit us in the long run, will flow from an understanding of our American values.

Our values as a nation matter. It’s not naive to think that we should have a sense of propriety when carrying out the harsh business of justice; to believe in our national sense of honor; and to expect our leaders to behave with dignity, integrity, civility, and humility. These values build stronger, smarter, more humane societies. They engender good alliances. They drive trust in businesses and higher education and they inspire our men and women in uniform.

In almost 40 years of service, I came to realize that Americans share a common longing to be seen as the good guys. We were proud that our parents or grandparents fought against Nazism and fascism. As a nation, we stood tall against totalitarianism and communism. A younger generation sacrificed to keep America safe after 9/11. We made mistakes along the way; we always do. But despite these stumbles, inevitable in a complicated and violent world, I never once doubted that within our DNA was a sense of nobility that shaped the American character.

There is nothing noble about a public display of a government-sanctioned execution. With this decision, the Trump administration continues to undermine our national values. Our current leaders are shameless and ignoble. They have no sense of dignity or honor. They seem to believe that the performance of cruel power is what makes a nation great: the spectacle, the show, the crude theatrics of a tough guy. Nothing could be further from the truth. Just ask the oppressed people of Iran and Afghanistan.

© Illustration by The Atlantic

La jeune fille et le pilote

By: H. T.
15 September 2026 at 18:04
PNG - 13.5 kio

En fin d'après-midi, trois amis passent me prendre pour aller dans un centre commercial. Ce 9 janvier, le froid est bien installé sur Ispahan. Les nuits deviennent glaciales. Le réseau téléphonique et Internet fonctionnent mal, mais cela ne nous inquiète pas particulièrement. Ce genre de perturbation n'est pas rare près de notre base militaire.

Dans le parking du centre commercial, alors que nous approchons de notre voiture, un bruit étrange attire mon attention : un gémissement étouffé. Derrière un véhicule se trouve une jeune fille d'à peine 16 ou 17 ans, adossée au mur. La douleur déforme son visage. Ses cheveux sont en désordre et ses yeux injectés de sang. Les taches qui couvrent son manteau noir donnent l'impression qu'elle a reçu un seau de peinture. Ses gémissements sont presque insoutenables.

Je m'approche :

— Ma sœur, qu'est-ce qui t'arrive ? Es-tu blessée ? Laisse-moi appeler quelqu'un pour t'aider.

Elle me supplie :

— Non… Ne dites rien… Ils vont me prendre…

Mes amis nous rejoignent. L'un d'eux me regarde :

— Tu ne sais pas ? Il y a eu des manifestations aujourd'hui.

La jeune fille raconte avec difficulté que les forces de sécurité l'ont visée avec des fusils projetant des billes de peinture, afin d'identifier ultérieurement les manifestants. Elle est persuadée qu'on la recherche.

Mon ami refuse qu'on la ramène chez elle.

— Nous sommes militaires. C'est ma voiture. S'ils nous arrêtent, on est finis.

Quand elle comprend que nous sommes militaires, sa peur devient encore plus visible. Son visage pâlit. Elle remonte le bas de son pantalon pour nous montrer les impacts de plombs et de projectiles sur sa jambe.

— J'ai eu tort… Je ne recommencerai plus… Je vous en prie…

Mes amis veulent partir au plus vite. Ils ont raison. Chaque minute accroît le danger. Ils montent dans la voiture et m'appellent.

Elle refuse qu'on lui commande un taxi.

— Il me livrera aux autorités.

Puis elle me regarde.

— Va-t'en, mon frère. Merci pour tout.

Son accent d'Ispahan me brise le cœur.

En la laissant seule, j'abandonnerai non seulement une gamine blessée et terrifiée, mais aussi une part de mon pays. J'ai prêté serment de défendre tous les Iraniens.

Je lui donne mon manteau et je jette le sien à la poubelle. Puis nous sortons du centre commercial. Je lui achète un foulard et nous commençons à marcher. La ville a changé de visage. Partout, des forces de l'ordre occupent la rue. Je transpire malgré le froid. À chaque contrôle, j'essaie de paraître naturel. Je salue les agents. Une fois, je leur explique même que je suis militaire. Ils nous laissent passer.

Nous traversons plusieurs rues, plusieurs carrefours avant qu'elle me demande de la laisser.

— Ma maison est au bout de la rue, me dit-elle.

Elle disparaît dans l'obscurité. J'attends une heure qu'elle me ramène mon manteau. Le froid devient insupportable. Les tirs résonnent dans la ville. Pendant un moment, je suis froissé qu'elle ne revienne pas. Puis je comprends. Peut-être qu'à sa place, moi non plus je n'aurais pas fait confiance à un militaire.

Je commande une voiture pour rentrer à la base. Je sens encore les gaz lacrymogènes flotter dans les rues. L'air brûle mes yeux. En chemin, j'entends la foule scander : « Armée sans honneur ! Armée sans honneur ! »

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