GWADAR/QUETTA: Pakistan has suspended trade with Iran through the official Gabd-Rimdan (250) and Taftan border crossings, it emerged on Saturday.
The Ministry of Commerce issued a memorandum on Friday, seen by Dawn, withdrawing its earlier order [No. 9(3)2017-Iran] dated Oct 3 with immediate effect.
Shahid Rind, adviser to the Balochistan chief minister on media and political affairs, said the “purpose of the temporary closure of the Pak-Iran border is to address security concerns, prevent smuggling, and make the border system more effective”.
In a statement on X, Rind refuted “rumours being spread on social media” regarding the closure and urged the public not to pay attention to unverified information.
The Balochistan official stressed that the move was “necessary to improve the security situation and administrative affairs on both sides of the border”.
Rind affirmed that “progress continues between the high officials of both countries to resolve administrative issues” related to the border.
“In the context of the current progress, the Pak-Iran border is likely to reopen soon,” he said, adding that a coordinated system was being established to improve border affairs and prevent smuggling.
Meanwhile, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson Esmail Baqaei also said the closure was temporary, Iran’s state-run Irnareported.
However, he attributed the move to “technical issues” and said the two countries were in consultations to resolve the problem and restore normal operations.
Separately, the Quetta Chamber of Commerce and Industry (QCCI) has also advised its members and businesses involved in trade with Iran to stop placing new import and export orders until further notice.
Hundreds of freight vehicles carrying liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), rice, fresh fruit and other essential commodities have reportedly been stranded on both sides of the border.
According to Iran-based Wana news agency, passenger traffic through the Rimdan–Gabd crossing remains operational. It quoted Syed Hossein Hosseini, director general of the Iranian Transit Office, as saying that commercial operations at the border crossing had been halted.
The Gabd-Rimdan crossing had become a major route for meeting Pakistan’s energy needs, with over 4,000 tonnes of LPG reportedly imported daily through it. Exports of Pakistani products, particularly rice, had also surged in recent months, generating millions of dollars in foreign exchange.
Sources in the trade and energy sector warned that the closure could aggravate LPG shortages in Karachi and other parts of the country.
The Taftan route was already facing disruptions amid unrest in Balochistan. The suspension of supplies through Gabd-Rimdan could push up LPG prices in the open market.
Local traders and the chamber have warned that the disruption could cause not only substantial losses to the national exchequer and jeopardise the livelihoods of many but also an energy crisis.
Since March this year, Islamabad and Tehran have rolled out a series of measures to facilitate border trade, including easing customs procedures, formalising Taftan as a customs station, and notifying new transit routes, against the backdrop of the ongoing US-Iran war that has strained economies in the region and beyond.
In early August, an Iranian delegation led by Trade and Industry Minister Mohammad Atabak visited Islamabad for the 10th session of the Pak–Iran Joint Trade Committee (JTC).
The delegation also met with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, with both sides agreeing to further expand trade ties by keeping border crossings open round the clock, improving logistics and harmonising customs procedures.
The visit came a couple of months after it was reported that trade between Pakistan and Iran through the Gabd-Rimdan border crossing had come to a complete halt.
According to Gwadar Chamber of Commerce and Industry President Jiand Hoot, trade through the Panjgur and Mand-Radig border crossings was virtually non-existent because of poor road infrastructure and recurring incidents of arson and vehicle burnings.
L’Iran et le Pakistan sont pleinement engagés dans la construction d’un ordre financier post-américain à la croisée du Moyen-Orient et de l’Asie du Sud.
Allons droit au cœur du sujet : après avoir soigneusement examiné l’échiquier, les dirigeants politiques et militaires de Téhéran sont déjà parvenus à la conclusion qu’une attaque conjointe américano-israélienne, dont la planification avance à un rythme effréné, est inévitable.
Ils se positionnent donc désormais comme un cobra lové, prêt à frapper et à injecter son venin mortel au premier signe d’une menace imminente du syndicat Epstein — sans même attendre une attaque effective.
Cette offensive préventive, dont les contours sont déjà tracés, sera dévastatrice ; elle s’étendra au-delà des bases américaines au Moyen-Orient vers d’autres cibles régionales, et pourrait notamment inclure les infrastructures énergétiques du Golfe ainsi que les câbles sous-marins (ce qui, dans ce cas, affecterait principalement le Golfe et l’Inde, bien plus que les États-Unis et l’Europe).
Nous sommes en présence d’un danger clair et immédiat : une opération militaire américano-israélienne destinée à exercer une pression sera certainement interprétée à Téhéran comme le début d’une attaque.
Ainsi, la pression en faveur de la guerre exercée par le «culte de la mort» et par Trump se heurte désormais à un seuil de tolérance iranien dangereusement bas. Les options de frappe du Pentagone vont des installations nucléaires iraniennes aux infrastructures énergétiques.
Il va sans dire que le «sociopathe en chef» — déjà en pleine panique face à la débâcle imminente des élections de mi-mandat — est une proie facile pour le puissant lobby sioniste pro-guerre et ses donateurs. Le danger stratégique suprême réside donc dans le fait que cette pression incessante puisse envoyer un signal que Téhéran interpréterait comme une attaque imminente, même si Washington affirme publiquement qu’aucune frappe n’aura lieu avant les élections de mi-mandat.
Le Yémen fait passer la situation à un niveau supérieur
Parallèlement, des sources privilégiées à Islamabad confirment le succès d’un essai de missile pakistanais à Mach 7, d’une portée de plusieurs milliers de kilomètres. Cette nouvelle capacité a tout ce qu’il faut pour modifier concrètement l’équilibre des pouvoirs au Moyen-Orient, en renforçant la portée dissuasive du Pakistan et sa capacité à influencer tous les calculs de sécurité régionaux, tout en approfondissant les liens du Pakistan avec la Chine, l’Iran et les pétro-monarchies du Golfe.
Et voici une autre exclusivité : des membres des services de renseignement militaire israéliens, notamment un général de division, ont quitté Riyad après que MbS, dans un prétendu moment de lucidité, eut dit «non» à l’offre d’»assistance» de la secte de la mort. Et pourtant, plus de 100 membres du CENTCOM sont toujours sur place.
La décision de MbS lui a peut-être été imposée par la Turquie et le Pakistan — les deux autres signataires de l’Alliance de défense de La Mecque, qui se sont soudainement retrouvés dans la même salle de crise à Riyad, côte à côte avec des agents de la secte de la mort.
Si leur départ a peut-être écarté un risque d’escalade, les agents américains restent révélés : toute frappe, d’où qu’elle vienne, faisant des victimes américaines entraînera immédiatement Washington dans la guerre entre l’Arabie saoudite et Ansarallah.
La guerre entre l’Arabie saoudite et Ansarallah atteint en effet un nouveau niveau de volatilité. Le mélange explosif constitué par l’interception d’un missile de croisière au-dessus de la province de Médine, les interceptions de drones ailleurs en Arabie saoudite et les frappes de missiles des forces armées yéménites contre le complexe présidentiel du gouvernement fantoche d’Aden n’est qu’un début.
Ce qui s’est passé après qu’Ansarallah a pris pour cible Najran — l’une des provinces du sud de l’Arabie saoudite volées au Yémen en 1934 par les Britanniques — est tout à fait stupéfiant.
Un porte-parole saoudien a accusé Ansarallah d’avoir lancé un missile de croisière sur Médine. La réponse du porte-parole emblématique des forces armées yéménites, le général Yahya Saree, a été cinglante : «Nous n’avons mené aucune opération militaire visant le territoire saoudien aujourd’hui. Par conséquent, l’affirmation de l’ennemi saoudien selon laquelle Médine aurait été prise pour cible est une pure invention et un mensonge grave».
Traduction : le Yémen frappe l’une de ses anciennes provinces ; les Saoudiens se lancent dans des fausses informations à outrance, inventant de toutes pièces une attaque contre l’une des deux mosquées sacrées — sans doute en préparation d’une opération sous faux pavillon ; puis le Yémen nie aussitôt avoir frappé quelque (italiques de ma part) territoire saoudien.
Cela signifie que Sanaa déclare subtilement, pour que tout le monde comprenne, qu’elle ne mène plus d’opérations à l’étranger (italiques de ma part) sur les trois provinces : Jizan, Najran et Asir. Elle prépare déjà — psychologiquement et opérationnellement — le terrain pour récupérer son territoire volé.
Tout cela se résume dans cette analyse yéménite succincte de la déconstruction de la fastueuse Maison des Saoud :
«Le Yémen sape les piliers ultra-fragiles de l’économie non pétrolière sur lesquels les pirates du désert ont fondé tous leurs espoirs : l’image, les investissements (IDE), l’évasion de la réalité, ainsi que l’impunité et l’invulnérabilité face au terrorisme à l’étranger».
Comment le Pakistan et l’Iran contournent le FMI
Prêtez maintenant attention à un événement assez surprenant qui s’est produit en milieu de semaine à Bangkok, lors de la réunion annuelle du FMI et de la Banque mondiale — dûment accueillie par des manifestations de rue en Thaïlande.
Le gouverneur de la Banque centrale d’Iran, Abdolnaser Hemmati, a rencontré le gouverneur de la Banque centrale du Pakistan, Jameel Ahmad, en marge de ce rituel annuel de premier plan à la gloire du dollar américain.
Le Pakistan est soumis à la poigne de fer des ajustements structurels imposés par le FMI et la Banque mondiale — et, pour couronner le tout, menacé de sanctions américaines parce qu’il entretient des relations commerciales avec l’Iran.
Le fait que le Pakistan et l’Iran discutent de facto de la dédollarisation au cœur même de la tanière du lion — le temple du dollar américain — n’a donc pas de prix.
L’infrastructure est en place depuis 2023, grâce à un accord de swap de devises utilisant le rial et la roupie à la place du dollar américain. Le troc est géré par les deux banques centrales, et les flux bancaires transitent par la Banque Melli en Iran et la Banque Mellat au Pakistan. Leurs marchés frontaliers — au moins six d’entre eux — sont en plein essor : des routes commerciales physiques qui contournent complètement le dollar américain.
Ce dont ils discutaient à Bangkok en début de semaine, c’est la manière d’étendre ce système : ils se moquent éperdument des sanctions secondaires américaines. D’autant plus que Téhéran offre à Islamabad ce que le système américain ne peut tout simplement pas offrir : la souveraineté, pas de changement de régime, pas d’austérité, pas de leçons de morale et, surtout, pas d’ajustement structurel.
Sans compter que le Pakistan a cruellement besoin du gaz iranien — et des routes commerciales de la nouvelle Route de la soie rendues possibles par la Chine.
L’Iran a bâti toute une économie en contournant complètement le FMI — et capable de survivre à un tsunami de sanctions, à un blocus et à la guerre.
Aujourd’hui, l’Iran et le Pakistan sont en pleine construction d’un ordre financier post-américain à la croisée du Moyen-Orient et de l’Asie du Sud — avec des swaps de devises, du troc, des marchés frontaliers en plein essor et des canaux bancaires adaptés, tournant ainsi en dérision les sanctions secondaires.
Soit dit en passant, cela se produit au moment même où un immense train iranien, chargé de pétrole brut — et le premier d’une longue série —, s’apprête à partir pour… la Chine via l’Asie centrale, sur la ligne ferroviaire de la «nouvelle Route de la soie» construite par la Chine.
Le cobra lové est peut-être prêt à frapper. Mais le cobra, depuis des temps immémoriaux, adore aussi faire des affaires.
Security forces have responded to unprovoked firing by Afghan Taliban forces along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Upper Kurram, state broadcaster PTV News reported on Saturday.
PTV News and state-run Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), which cited security sources, said the Afghan Taliban forces opened fire to “facilitate terrorists” along the border in Taldah sector of Upper Kurram.
The army responded using heavy weapons, destroying several Afghan Taliban posts and forcing their personnel to flee from there, PTV News reported.
Meanwhile, APP quoted security sources as saying that several personnel of the Afghan Taliban were “reportedly killed during the Pakistan Army’s retaliatory action along the Ghuzgarhi border”.
The sources further said that in the Upper Kurram sector, the army targeted the Afghan Taliban’s Topsar post and Shipola base camp with artillery fire, reportedly completely destroying the latter.
The exchange of fire was still ongoing in the area, APP quoted security sources as saying.
The border skirmishes come a day after the Foreign Office (FO) said that talks with Afghanistan could not be unconditional, but also rejected suggestions that Islamabad was unwilling to engage with its neighbour and said it would welcome sincere efforts by friendly countries to help resolve the dispute.
“Pakistan is not shying away from discussions or dialogue, including with representatives of Afghanistan. Pakistan would welcome any sincere efforts by friendly countries that could help address our legitimate security concerns and promoting regional peace and stability,” FO spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan said at the weekly media briefing.
The statement came after Russia recently renewed its readiness to mediate between the two countries, although Islamabad denied the existence of any such initiative.
“At present, I am not aware of any separate, formal Russian mediation initiative being under discussion,” Khan said.
Pak-Afghan tensions
Ties between the two neighbours have been strained in the past few years as Islamabad continues to voice its concern over cross-border terrorism.
September witnessed another bout of conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan.
On Sept 21, in response to recent major terrorist attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan conducted “calibrated” airstrikes in the border region with Afghanistan against terrorist hideouts, with the government saying more than 28 terrorists were killed.
Information Minister Attaullah Tarar described the action as part of Operation Ghazab lil Haq, which was launched on the night of Feb 26 in response to unprovoked cross-border firing by the Afghan Taliban.
Days later, Pakistan shot down eight drones launched from across the border that had entered Pakistani airspace near the Torkham border and Kohat. It was also reported that the Afghan Taliban engaged in unprovoked firing the night before near Kurram as security forces foiled an attempt by terrorists to cross into Pakistan.
In retaliation for the drone incursion, Pakistan conducted “precision aerial and drone strikes” in 10 locations across Afghanistan.
A demarche was also delivered to the Afghan side on Sept 26 on account of the Sept 23 airspace violation by drones, the Foreign Office said.
On Oct 1, Pakistan again carried out “well-planned and calibrated” airstrikes against terrorist hideouts in Afghanistan, the information ministry said, which resulted in the deaths of “multiple terrorists”.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Saturday reiterated that the Centre was “compelled” to impose emergency and governor’s rule in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa due to the provincial government’s lack of cooperation in countering terrorism.
The Centre imposed emergency and governor’s rule in KP on Oct 11, citing the provincial government’s “deliberate disengagement” from the fight against terrorism. The decisions were also endorsed by the Parliament this week amid protests by the opposition.
On Saturday, PM Shehbaz visited the residence of Rashid Bashir Virk in Gujranwala to offer condolences on the demise of his father, late MNA Mahmood Bashir Virk.
After recalling the late PML-N lawmaker’s services, the premier stressed that the Centre was compelled to impose emergency in KP.
He said the Centre made a “last attempt”, referring to the rounds of talks held by a joint delegation of the PPP and the government with the opposition.
“They had talks with them (PTI) day and night, for 48 hours, and sat with the intention to settle matters from every aspect,” PM Shehbaz said, adding that a draft was ready under which the PTI was to call off its long march.
The prime minister highlighted that he had held multiple meetings with Sohail Afridi, the KP chief minister whose role now stands non-functional, as well as with his predecessor Ali Amin Gandapur.
“In every meeting, I tried my best to convey to him from the depths of my heart and with seriousness that KP is an extremely beautiful province and has very brave and honourable people, […] and I am always present in every way for their development and prosperity,” PM Shehbaz said.
The premier added that he assured the KP government of the Centre’s support in fighting against terrorism together to face the security challenges in the province.
PM Shehbaz said he had assured the chief minister that he would make the decisions regarding the administration, resources and necessities in consultation with him.
“But, unfortunately, despite all these efforts, thousands of our law enforcement agencies personnel, soldiers, officers and officers of the armed forces were sacrificing their lives every day to defend the homeland.”
The prime minister stressed that the federal government “made many efforts” regarding the situation, but there were “threats and long marches every other day in response”.
“Their past history is very horrific,” he remarked, recalling the 2014 sit-ins staged by the PTI at Islamabad’s D-Chowk during the tenure of his brother, Nawaz Sharif.
“Last year as well, you saw how the entire country was jammed by staging a sit-in in Islamabad,” he added, ostensibly referring to the PTI’s November 2024 protest that had resulted in clashes.
“This time as well, they had an entire plan of bloodshed,” he alleged.
The Oct 11 imposition of emergency and governor’s rule followed weeks of political tensions between the Centre and the PTI — as well as negotiations to bridge their differences — after the latter announced a long march to Islamabad to demand the release of its jailed founder, Imran Khan.
Federal ministers alleged that the PTI-led government in KP had a “nexus” with terrorist groups and asserted that the province’s security situation necessitated the imposition of emergency there.
The Centre and the PTI have been at odds over various issues, particularly on the counterterrorism policy, which was one of the main reasons behind the breakdown of their October 3 talks.
The PTI said it was being left out of security decisions concerning KP, which the Centre denied. It also called for reviewing the counterterrorism policy, while the latter criticised the KP government’s efforts to combat terrorism in the province and objected to its stance on dialogue with the Afghan Taliban.
Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman on Saturday clarified that his party’s remarks regarding the country’s security situation were directed at policies, not institutions, and termed the allegations levelled against him by federal ministers as character assassination.
A day earlier, Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi, without naming anyone, had claimed that a “head of a party” was “extremely upset” about not being appointed the governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The remarks came after Fazl accused the Centre of depriving the provinces of their rights and raised doubts over its reasoning behind imposing governor’s rule that there was a lack of cooperation on counterterrorism.
Earlier on Saturday, State Minister for Interior Tallal Chaudhry also rebuked the JUI-F chief for reportedly seeking his “share” in KP’s governance following the imposition of governor’s rule and an emergency in the province. Other federal ministers have also taken exception to Fazl’s remarks.
Addressing a press conference in Lahore on Saturday, Fazl stressed that his party’s criticism was directed at policies, not institutions, and was intended to bring about corrective action rather than undermine the sacrifices made in the fight against terrorism.
The senior politician called for an in-camera session of Parliament to review the country’s security situation and formulate a consensus-based policy to combat terrorism.
“Our only question is why the country has failed to eliminate terrorism. Let us sit together and find out why. Parliament is the most appropriate forum to discuss the issue and make decisions. Instead of ridiculing politicians, the government should take them on board in this fight so that we can move forward together,” he said.
“If Parliament is supreme, why are decisions taken in Rawalpindi while Parliament is simply told to follow them?” he remarked. “The issue is that this government is powerless. Decisions are taken somewhere else, and it implements them obediently,” he alleged.
The JUI-F maintained that Parliament should review the security situation and that the nation should be taken into confidence. If the public was expected to support the fight against terrorism and those engaged in it, he argued, the government should explain its decisions rather than impose “unilateral measures”.
Fazl reiterated his objection to the imposition of emergency rule in KP or any other part of the country. Recalling his family’s opposition to emergency rule in Balochistan during the 1970s, he said his father had resigned when the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto imposed it in the province.
He described the recurrence of such measures as unfortunate, pointing out that the PP had repeatedly been associated with their imposition.
Questioning the rationale behind the emergency, governor’s rule and deployment of troops in KP, Fazl asked why the province should face such treatment when Balochistan was also grappling with the same level of terrorist violence, if not more.
The JUI-F chief urged the government to develop a shared national narrative and a consensus-based counterterrorism strategy instead of questioning his party’s position.
He went on to ask why the government engaged in negotiations with the PTI, which had been in power in KP, if the party was accused of supporting terrorists. “On top of it, both (the PTI and the government) say that they had reached a consensus on all points.”
Fazl then highlighted that around 250 of his party workers had lost their lives in terrorist violence, arguing that their sacrifices should not be ridiculed or overlooked. “How can a party whose members have laid their lives be accused of supporting terrorists?” he asked.
He also questioned why he was being singled out for criticism when political leaders, including former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, had at various times disagreed with the military leadership.
Ministers assail Fazl
Earlier on Saturday, addressing the media in Jaranwala, Chaudhry said, “I am upset. We did not expect Maulana sahib […] to consider this as spoils of war and seek his share in the absence of a PTI government in the province.”
He emphasised that the imposition of an emergency and governor’s rule in KP was not a political move aimed at strengthening the PML-N’s presence in the province by dismissing the PTI-led government.
“This was an administrative setup,” he said, adding that it had been formed with a “one-point agenda: combating terrorism”, rather than with an intention of establishing a political setup.
“This is not spoils of war,” he reiterated, adding that the imposition of an emergency and governor’s rule in KP was an “immensely responsible” decision taken after every other option had been considered.
“I am unable to understand why Maulana sahab says that he was forced to accept defeat [in elections],” he said, arguing that Fazl’s party had been defeated by the PTI in KP and the Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party in Balochistan.
Chaudhry said the JUI-F was worthy of respect only if it stood by Pakistan’s interests.
The state minister also rejected the impression that the imposition of an emergency and governor’s rule was aimed at taking control of KP’s natural resources.
He also criticised Fazl for bringing up the 1971 separation of East Pakistan — now Bangladesh — from Pakistan in his recent statements.
“You bring up 1971 after losing the 2024 elections,” Chaudhry said.
“This KP setup is not about distributing shares, forming coalitions and governments, or engaging in politics,” he stressed, clarifying that only one member of the KP Advisory Council has a political background, as she represents the families of martyrs.
Chaudhry again offered to implement the National Action Plan and combat terrorism jointly with all stakeholders. “Politics is possible only where there is peace,” he said.
At the outset of his address, Chaudhry alleged that there must be “a relationship or a mutual interest arrangement between the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the PTI”.
“Since 2015, no PTI leader, gathering or member has been targeted by terrorists,” Chaudhry said. “On the other hand, over the past 11 years, no political or religious party, security force, public office, funeral or wedding has been spared terrorist attacks.”
He said the federal government had exhausted all avenues to bring together stakeholders and urge them to condemn terrorism by naming those involved, whether the TTP, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), or groups funded by India or Afghanistan.
The state minister claimed that in 2013, when the government decided to hold talks with the TTP and representatives were proposed by both sides, the TTP had nominated PTI founder Imran Khan to its committee.
He also alleged that the PTI founder had allowed the TTP to open offices in Peshawar.
During his address, Chaudhry also criticised the PTI, showing a press release issued by the TTP that condemned the dismissal of the party’s government.
Meanwhile, speaking at a press conference in Sialkot, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif criticised the JUI-F chief for constantly “targeting” the country’s security forces.
He declared that the sacrifices made by the security forces, officers, and the public in the fight against terrorism were “matchless”.
The defence minister referred to Fazl’s accusations that the emergency and governor’s rule were imposed to capture KP’s mineral resources, saying that he had shared a full list of people who had the mining contracts in KP.
Asif maintained that the whole PTI and opposition leadership was engaged by the government before the imposition of emergency and governor’s rule.
“But it was fruitless,” he said.
“The situation will improve in KP […] parliament can roll back the decision of imposing the emergency only if the improvement of the situation in the province is guaranteed,” the defence minister said.
He said that some individuals in KP were expecting to get a share in the administrative changes in the province.
“We will ensure free and fair elections. Whenever the time comes, everybody can take part in it,” he said.
Fazl’s remarks also prompted a response from KP Governor Faisal Karim Kundi, who has now been tasked with running the province under governor’s rule.
Kundi, referring to the JUI-F chief, asked whether “your land in the land belonging to martyrs in DI Khan is halal”.
“What you get is halal, what the other gets is haram,” he remarked.
The governor reaffirmed that the new KP administration would continue to function properly.
‘Extremely upset’
Fazl, who was involved in reducing tensions between the Centre and the KP government, has been critical of the federal government over the imposition of governor’s rule in KP. He also accused the Centre of reneging on its commitments amid his efforts to mediate between the two parties.
Addressing a rally in Multan on Thursday, Fazl further recalled that his party had expressed reservations over the merger of tribal areas into KP after the 25th Constitutional Amendment in 2018.
“We were not against the merger, but we said that it was an issue of the political future of the people of tribal areas,” he said, alleging that the people of those areas were not consulted on the merger.
He alleged governor’s rule was not imposed in Balochistan because the province’s chief minister “praises you”.
The next day, during an interaction with journalists, the interior minister said, “The head of a party is extremely upset over being denied a role in the new setup in KP and not getting the governorship.”
This politician, Naqvi alleged, had remained “dependent on the establishment for decades to advance his political career”.
“These are the same politicians who remained in politics for decades with the support of the establishment, and this politician even relied on the establishment to arrange air tickets for the members of his party,” he further alleged.
He said such politicians had little justification for criticising others now, particularly after having benefitted from the same system they currently denounced.
The same day, Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz also railed against Fazl in a post on X.
She said it was not expected of a senior politician such as him to support those who facilitate terrorism — an apparent reference to the PTI, which the Centre accuses of backing terrorism.
She also criticised Fazl for his remarks about Chief of Defence Forces and Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir, seemingly referring to his comments during the Multan address about the centralisation of power.
The Centre imposed governor’s rule and emergency in KP on Oct 11, citing the provincial government’s “deliberate disengagement” from the fight against terrorism.
The move has drawn criticism from the opposition, including Fazl, as well as Mehmood Khan Achakzai and Raja Nasir Abbas of the Tehreek-i-Tahafuz-i-Ayin-i-Pakistan.
In the days preceding the imposition of governor’s rule in KP, political tensions between the Centre and the opposition — including the PTI which was in power in KP — had remained high since jailed former prime minister Imran Khan’s party announced a protest march to Islamabad to demand his release.
Intense negotiations between the two sides a week before the imposition of governor’s rule had failed to yield any results, while Fazl was cast as the man who could defuse heightening tensions between the Centre and the PTI. Both sides had held separate meetings with Fazl, reportedly for his intervention to help break the deadlock in the negotiations.
As Secretary of State Marco Rubio heads to Uzbekistan, Washington is hoping the high-level diplomatic engagement translates into concrete economic and security cooperation.
Let’s get right into the heart of the matter: carefully examining the chessboard, the political and military leadership in Tehran has already reached the conclusion that a joint U.S.-Israeli attack, with planning advancing at a feverish pace, is inevitable.
So they are now positioned themselves as a coiled cobra, ready to strike and inject deadly venom at the first whiff of an imminent Epstein Syndicate threat – even without waiting for an actual attack.
The preemption drive, already delineated, will be devastating, extending beyond U.S. bases in West Asia to other regional targets, and potentially including Gulf energy infrastructure and undersea cables (in this case mostly affecting the Gulf and India, much more than the U.S. and Europe).
We are into clear and present danger territory: a U.S.-Israeli military movement intended as pressure certainly will be interpreted in Tehran as the opening of an attack.
So the death cult/Trumpian pressure for war now meets a dangerously low Iranian threshold. Pentagon strike options range from Iranian nuclear installations to energy infrastructure.
It goes without saying that the Sociopath-in-Chief – already freaking out with the imminent mid-terms debacle – is an easy prey to the powerful pro-war Zionist lobby/donors. The supreme strategic danger then is that this non-stop pressure may produce a signal that Tehran interprets as an imminent attack, even while Washington publicly maintains that no strike will happen before the mid-terms.
Yemen is taking it all to the next level
In parallel, privileged sources in Islamabad confirm a successful Pakistani missile test at Mach 7, with a range of several thousand kilometers. This new capability has all that it takes to materially alter West Asia’s balance of power, strengthening Pakistan’s deterrent reach and how it will be able to influence every regional security calculation, and adding to Pakistan’s deepening interconnection with China, Iran and the Gulf petro-monarchies.
And now for another esclusive: Israeli military intelligence personnel, including a Major-General, have left Riyadh after MbS, in an alleged moment of lucidity, said “No” to the death cult’s offer of “assistance”. And yet more than 100 CENTCOM personnel remain.
MbS’s decision may have been forced on him by Turkiye and Pakistan – the other two signatories of the Mecca Defense Alliance, who suddenly found themselves in the same war room in Riyadh side by side with death cult operatives.
Now their departure may have removed one escalation risk, but U.S. operatives remain exposed: any strike, wherever it comes from, generating U.S. casualties will immediately draw Washington into the Saudi-Ansarallah war.
The Saudi-Ansarallah war, in fact, is hitting the next – volatility – level. The toxic mix of a cruise-missile interception over Medina province; drone interceptions elsewhere in Saudi Arabia; and Yemeni Armed Forces missile strikes on Aden’s puppet government presidential complex is just the start.
What happened after Ansarallah targeted Najran – one of the southern Saudi provinces stolen from Yemen in 1934 by the British – is total eyebrow-raising territory.
A Saudi spokesman accused Ansarallah of launching a cruise missile at Medina. The response by iconic spokesman for Yemeni Armed Forces, Gen Yahya Saree, was a killer: “We did not carry out any military operation targeting Saudi territory today. Therefore, the Saudi enemy’s claim that Medina was targeted is an outright fabrication and a grave falsehood.”
Translation: Yemen hits one of their former provinces; the Saudis go for total fake news, fabricating an attack on one of the two sacred mosques – no doubt as preparation for a false flag; then Yemen promptly denies striking any (italics mine) Saudi land.
That means that Sana’a is subtly declaring, for everyone to understand, that they no longer conduct foreign (italics mine) operations on the three provinces: Jizan, Najran and Asir. They are already – psychologically and operationally – setting the stage to recover their stolen territory.
All that gells into this succint Yemen-based analysis of the deconstruction of the bling-bling House of Saud:
“Yemen is nuking the uber-fragile pillars of the non-oil economy on which the desert Pirates placed all their hopes: Image, (FDI) Investments, Escapism, and Impunity & Invulnerability from terrorism abroad.”
How Pakistan and Iran bypass the IMF
Now pay attention to something quite startling that happened mid-week in Bangkok, during the annual IMF/World Bank meeting – duly greeted by Thai street protests.
The head of Iran’s Central Bank, Abdolnaser Hemmati, met the head of Pakistan’s Central Bank, Jameel Ahmad, on the sidelines of the foremost annual ritual in praise of the U.S. dollar.
Pakistan is under the fierce structural adjustment clutches of the IMF/World Bank – and on top of it threatened with U.S. sanctions because it trades with Iran.
So Pakistan-Iran de facto discussing de-dollarization right inside the lion’s den – the U.S. dollar temple – is beyond priceless.
The infrastructure is in place since 2023 – via a currency swap agreement using the rial and the rupee instead of the U.S. dollar. Barter is managed by both Central Banks, and banking channels run through Bank Melli in Iran and Bank Mellat in Pakistan. Their border markets – at least 6 of them – are booming: physical trade routes completely bypassing the U.S. dollar.
What they were discussing in Bangkok earlier this week is how to expand the whole thing: they couldn’t give a damn to U.S. secondary sanctions. Especially because Tehran is offering Islamabad what the American system simply cannot: sovereignty, no regime change, no austerity, no lecturing and most of all no structural adjustment.
Not to mention that Pakistan badly needs Iranian gas – and China-enabled New Silk Road trade routes.
Iran built a whole economy completely bypassing the IMF – and capable of surviving a tsunami of sanctions, a blockade, and war.
Now Iran and Pakistan are deep into building a post-American financial order in the intersection between West Asia and South Asia – complete with currency swaps, barter trade, booming border markets and appropriate banking channels, making a mockery of secondary sanctions.
By the way, this is happening just as an immense Iranian train, loaded with crude oil – and the first of many – is ready to depart to… China via Central Asia, on the New Silk Road railway built by China.
The coiled cobra may be ready to strike. But the cobra, since times immemorial, also loves to do business.
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