Buenos Aires, 23 oct (Prensa Latina) Cuando hoy comenzó el tercer juicio contra la exmandataria Cristina Fernández, ahora junto a su hijo Máximo Kirchner, la justicia argentina sobreseyó al presidente Javier Milei y otros acusados de la millonaria estafa en la causa $Libra.
Brasilia, 23 oct (Prensa Latina) Antiguos aliados de Jair Bolsonaro y adversarios históricos del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) llaman hoy a votar por Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva en la segunda vuelta presidencial de Brasil, prevista para este domingo.
Desde el sur de Florida, legisladores republicanos instaron al gobierno de Estados Unidos y aliados en el hemisferio a elevar la presión contra el régimen de Cuba. Al mismo tiempo, reiteraron el esquema de elecciones en Venezuela para facilitar el alivio de la crisis de esa nación.
Serú Girán cambió la escala del rock argentino. Desde su formación en 1978, Charly García, David Lebón, Pedro Aznar y Oscar Moro construyeron una propuesta que combinó sofisticación musical, puestas en escena innovadoras y una convocatoria masiva, incluso durante los años más duros de la última dictadura militar.
En el día del cumpleaños de Charly, el periodista especializado en música popular Mariano del Mazo repasó la historia del cuarteto en Infobae a la Tarde. Autor del libro Entre lujurias y represión. Serú Girán: la banda que lo cambió todo, explicó cómo el grupo transformó el circuito rockero, amplió su audiencia y construyó un legado que trascendió su disolución.
Serú Girán y la profesionalización del rock argentino
Para Del Mazo, uno de los principales aportes de Serú Girán fue elevar los estándares de producción y presentación de los espectáculos. Aunque el rock argentino ya convocaba multitudes a mediados de los años setenta, su presencia en los medios masivos seguía siendo limitada.
“Fue la banda que le dio un toque profesional a un movimiento que en ese entonces era bastante caótico”, sostuvo el periodista. El cambio alcanzó tanto al sonido como a la dimensión visual de los recitales.
“Empezó a darle un criterio mucho más profesional en términos de sonido, de espectáculo, de escenografía”, explicó. Las presentaciones en Obras Sanitarias, con diseños de Renata Schussheim y elementos inspirados en el universo de Lewis Carroll, reflejaron esa búsqueda estética.
La transformación también se manifestó en la composición del público. Según Del Mazo, el grupo consiguió atraer a sectores que tenían menor presencia en el circuito rockero, entre ellos las mujeres. “Ahora suena extraño, pero en ese momento el rock era bastante machista, tenía bastante excluidas a las chicas”, señaló.
El crecimiento de Serú Girán adquirió una dimensión particular durante la dictadura. En un contexto de censura y restricciones culturales, sus recitales se convirtieron en espacios de encuentro para una audiencia cada vez más amplia.
“Se fue convirtiendo en una banda muy masiva, muy masiva, que en tiempos de dictadura significó una hendija ante tanta cerrazón, tanta censura o autocensura”, afirmó Del Mazo.
Entre el álbum debut de 1978 y Peperina, publicado en 1981, el cuarteto consolidó una identidad propia y amplió su convocatoria. Su propuesta combinaba arreglos elaborados con una puesta en escena que convirtió sus conciertos en acontecimientos culturales.
La censura y los mitos alrededor de Serú Girán
El vínculo entre el rock y el poder político durante la dictadura también formó parte de la entrevista. Del Mazo cuestionó la interpretación del movimiento como una expresión homogénea de la izquierda y destacó su relación conflictiva con distintas formas de autoridad.
“El rock nunca fue de izquierda”, afirmó. Y agregó: “Era una tercera posición en la cual eran corridos por izquierda y por derecha”.
El periodista explicó que la cultura rock incorporaba influencias diversas, desde las filosofías orientales y la ecología hasta el movimiento hippie y el amor libre. Esa identidad no encajaba necesariamente con las expectativas de los sectores conservadores ni con las de quienes reclamaban una militancia política más tradicional.
Del Mazo también se refirió a “Encuentro con el diablo”, una canción de Serú Girán que algunas versiones vincularon con una supuesta reunión con representantes de la dictadura. “Falso. Es previo”, respondió al rechazar esa interpretación.
El autor distinguió la composición del tema de otro episodio: el encuentro entre productores musicales y un emisario del general Roberto Viola. Según relató, desde ese sector del poder existió interés por acercarse al rock debido a su capacidad para convocar a grandes audiencias.
La censura ya había atravesado la trayectoria de García durante su etapa con Sui Generis. Del Mazo propuso leer Vida (1972), Confesiones de invierno (1973) y Pequeñas anécdotas sobre las instituciones (1974) como un recorrido por los cambios políticos y culturales de la Argentina.
En ese último álbum quedaron afuera de la edición original canciones como “Botas locas” y “Juan Represión”. El periodista recordó la advertencia del productor Jorge Álvarez al músico: “Charly, si vos publicás estas dos canciones, duramos un minuto”.
La disolución y el camino solista de Charly García
Serú Girán dejó de funcionar como grupo después de la salida de Pedro Aznar, quien viajó a estudiar a Berklee y posteriormente se incorporó a la banda del guitarrista estadounidense Pat Metheny.
Para Del Mazo, el final no respondió a una ruptura convencional. “No se separaron. Como ocurrió también con los Redonditos, se diluyeron”, explicó. La partida de Aznar abrió interrogantes sobre la continuidad del cuarteto, aunque sus integrantes terminaron desarrollando sus propios caminos musicales.
García encontró en su carrera solista una forma de interpretar los cambios culturales que siguieron a la guerra de Malvinas. “El Charly solista sintonizó mucho con el cambio de época”, afirmó Del Mazo.
El periodista destacó la sucesión de discos que comenzó con Yendo de la cama al living y continuó con Clics modernos y Piano bar. Esos trabajos consolidaron una nueva etapa artística, con otros sonidos y una relación diferente con la cultura urbana.
“La gente quería bailar, la gente quería sacudirse, la gente quería otra cosa”, resumió al describir el cambio de sensibilidad musical de comienzos de los años ochenta.
El legado de Serú Girán y las nuevas generaciones
Al analizar la música actual, Del Mazo identificó continuidades entre el rock de aquellas décadas y la escena urbana. Entre los artistas que considera relevantes mencionó a Dillom, Wos, Lali Espósito, Milo J y Feli Colina.
“Me parece muy interesante toda esta escena de las músicas urbanas y me parece que es un lugar muy grande para meterse”, sostuvo. También destacó el peso de las letras y la capacidad de los músicos jóvenes para abordar cuestiones vinculadas con su tiempo.
“Es una música con mucho texto y están diciendo muchas cosas los chicos”, agregó.
Para el periodista, esa escena no implica necesariamente una ruptura con las generaciones anteriores. Las referencias a Charly García, las conexiones con el rock nacional y las aproximaciones al folclore muestran una relación activa con distintas tradiciones de la música argentina.
La historia de Serú Girán ayuda a entender esa continuidad. Con cuatro músicos provenientes de trayectorias diferentes, el grupo renovó el sonido del rock local, profesionalizó sus espectáculos y alcanzó una masividad inusual para una escena que todavía tenía dificultades para ingresar en los grandes medios.
Su importancia también estuvo ligada al contexto en el que desarrolló su carrera: en plena dictadura, construyó un espacio cultural propio y convocó a miles de personas alrededor de una propuesta artística que desbordó los límites de la música. Ese recorrido explica por qué, décadas después, Serú Girán sigue siendo una referencia central del rock argentino.
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Former Rams running back Lawrence McCutcheon, a five-time Pro Bowler and longtime front office executive, died at 76 after battling Parkinson's disease.
El juez de la causa consideró que los hechos investigados no constituyen delitos. La resolución también beneficia a otros nueve involucrados en el escándalo que estalló en febrero de 2025.
A man in his 30s has died and several others have been injured after a car crashed into the front of a Lidl supermarket in Wolverhampton, police have said.
More than 30 people were wounded in the shooting, attributed by the authorities to a “group of extremists” who are still at large
At least seven people have been killed and some 34 others wounded in a terrorist attack on a Greek Orthodox church in Jordan. The authorities have described the suspects as “extremists” who fled the scene and are still on the loose.
The slaughter unfolded on Friday afternoon in the village of Hmoud in western Karak Governorate, which is home to a sizable Christian community in the majority-Muslim country.
A group of at least three assailants arrived at the local St. George’s Church, where a funeral ceremony was underway. The gunmen attacked the mourners, with the shooting reportedly lasting for about 15 minutes before the suspects drove away from the scene unhindered. No group has claimed responsibility.
CCTV footage from the scene shows the attackers, two of whom were armed with handguns and the third with an assault rifle, firing at people desperately trying to flee the scene, tripping over pews and each other in the process. Highly graphic footage shows the suspects repeatedly shooting wounded victims in the head as they lay on the ground, apparently to finish them off.
Jordanian King Abdullah II has vowed to “confront the terrorist act that targeted Karak with the harshest penalties.” The country’s interior minister, Mazen al-Faraya, confirmed during a news conference that the suspects still remain at large, describing the attackers as a “group of extremists” without providing any further detail.
He described the attack as “painful and horrific,” stating it was “unparalleled in the history of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,” which has rarely seen such levels of violence.
The massacre has prompted a major response from the authorities, with Hmoud flooded by assorted security forces. Tightened security measures have also been implemented in the city of Karak, where the bulk of the wounded were transferred for treatment.
The king visited the victims at a hospital later on Friday to show support, promising to punish the perpetrators. Abdullah could be seen arriving at the facility in a military field uniform, accompanied by a large security detail.
More than 30 people were wounded in the shooting, attributed by the authorities to a “group of extremists” who are still at large
At least seven people have been killed and some 34 others wounded in a terrorist attack on a Greek Orthodox church in Jordan. The authorities have described the suspects as “extremists” who fled the scene and are still on the loose.
The slaughter unfolded on Friday afternoon in the village of Hmoud in western Karak Governorate, which is home to a sizable Christian community in the majority-Muslim country.
A group of at least three assailants arrived at the local St. George’s Church, where a funeral ceremony was underway. The gunmen attacked the mourners, with the shooting reportedly lasting for about 15 minutes before the suspects drove away from the scene unhindered. No group has claimed responsibility.
CCTV footage from the scene shows the attackers, two of whom were armed with handguns and the third with an assault rifle, firing at people desperately trying to flee the scene, tripping over pews and each other in the process. Highly graphic footage shows the suspects repeatedly shooting wounded victims in the head as they lay on the ground, apparently to finish them off.
Jordanian King Abdullah II has vowed to “confront the terrorist act that targeted Karak with the harshest penalties.” The country’s interior minister, Mazen al-Faraya, confirmed during a news conference that the suspects still remain at large, describing the attackers as a “group of extremists” without providing any further detail.
He described the attack as “painful and horrific,” stating it was “unparalleled in the history of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,” which has rarely seen such levels of violence.
The massacre has prompted a major response from the authorities, with Hmoud flooded by assorted security forces. Tightened security measures have also been implemented in the city of Karak, where the bulk of the wounded were transferred for treatment.
The king visited the victims at a hospital later on Friday to show support, promising to punish the perpetrators. Abdullah could be seen arriving at the facility in a military field uniform, accompanied by a large security detail.
The October 25 parliamentary election comes after nearly two years of protests, with ties to Russia and the EU among the key issues
Serbia is heading into a snap parliamentary election on October 25 following nearly two years of anti-government protests sparked by a deadly railway station canopy collapse.
Former Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic is running for prime minister against a fragmented opposition seeking to capitalize on the protest movement. The result could reshape Serbia’s political landscape and its delicate balancing act between Russia and the EU.
What is Serbia voting for, and why does it matter?
Voters will elect 250 members of the National Assembly, with 126 seats needed for a majority. A total of 18 electoral lists, comprising 2,418 candidates, are contesting the election, including the ruling coalition, student-backed candidates, established opposition parties and representatives of national minorities.
The vote will test whether the protest movement can challenge the ruling coalition at the ballot box.
What led to the snap election?
The crisis began after a concrete canopy at the Novi Sad railway station collapsed on November 1, 2024, killing 16 people. Protesters blamed the disaster on alleged corruption and failures of government oversight.
Demonstrations intensified after students and lecturers involved in a vigil commemorating the disaster at Belgrade’s Faculty of Dramatic Arts on November 22, 2024 blocked traffic, prompting drivers to clash with the crowd; some of the motorists were later identified from photos posted online as Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) officials.
Students began blockading university faculties, demanding the release of documents relating to the station’s renovation, accountability for attacks on protesters, an end to the prosecution of detained demonstrators and increased funding for public universities.
The authorities said the demands had been met, but protesters disputed the claim.
Serbian Prime Minister Milos Vucevic resigned in January 2025 following another attack on students, but the protests continued. A major rally in Belgrade on March 15 attracted an estimated 275,000 to 325,000 people, according to the organization Arhiv javnih skupova.
Parliament elected a government headed by Djuro Macut in April, but the student movement demanded snap elections on May 5.
Vucic has accused foreign organizations and intelligence services of financing the protests, alleging on Thursday that outside actors were seeking to remove him from power.
Serbia was the victim of perhaps Europe’s first ‘color revolution’ in 2000, when the opposition, having received extensive funding and training from the National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), and USAID, as well as support from George Soros’ Open Society Foundations (operating in 2000 as the Fund for an Open Society – Yugoslavia), brought down the government.
Has Vucic lost power, or is he trying to hold on to it?
Vucic resigned as president on September 27, saying he intended to campaign in the parliamentary election without holding the presidency.
He now heads the ruling coalition’s electoral list and is running for prime minister.
Who is running, and who could form a government?
The ruling camp is led by the ‘Aleksandar Vucic – United Serbia’ coalition, built around the SNS. Its longstanding partner, Ivica Dacic’s Socialist Party of Serbia, is running separately under the ‘Factor of Stability’ banner.
The main challenger is the ‘Student List – Students Are Winning,’ which emerged from the protests and includes lecturers, professionals and public figures.
Marinika Tepic and Zdravko Ponos’s ‘European Serbia’ and Milos Jovanovic’s ‘Authentic Right’ are also running independently. Some opposition groups have backed the students rather than fielding their own candidates.
The latest opinion polls offer conflicting assessments of support for the two main contenders.
An Ipsos survey published on October 22 put Vucic’s coalition at 47.4%, compared with 40% for the Student List and 3.2% for Dacic’s Socialists. The poll surveyed 3,624 respondents between October 20 and 22.
Latest Serbia Ipsos Poll modelled out
🔵SNS: 125 seats
🔴STU: 105 seats
❤️SPS: 8 seats
🟦NADA: 0 seats
🟢SVM: 6 seats
💚SDAS: 2 seats
💠SPP: 2 seats
🔹KSLP: 1 seat
🟤RUS: 1 seat
🔵SNS largest party, 1 short of a majority https://t.co/9pjH9MA8Ts
A survey published on October 20 by Nova srpska politicka misao (NSPM) instead gave the Student List 44.5% and Vucic’s coalition 42.7% among decided respondents. The telephone survey of 1,050 people was conducted between September 25 and October 5.
Serbia, NSPM poll:
Student list-*: 45% (+5)
SNS+-EPP: 43% (+5)
SPS/JS~S&D: 3% (-2)
ES-S&D: 3% (-1)
NADA~ECR: 3% (+1)
+/- vs. July 2026
Fieldwork: 25 September - 05 October 2026
Sample size: 1,050
➤ https://t.co/ekzxpjD9df https://t.co/9EKrcxnWOe
An online survey published by Nacija TV on October 21 showed a much narrower gap, with Vucic’s coalition at 42.9% and the Student List at 42%. The poll surveyed 1,204 respondents between October 16 and 18.
An earlier Faktor Plus survey, published on September 21, put Vucic’s coalition at 48.6% and the Student List at 37.1%, based on 986 respondents interviewed between September 16 and 20.
National minority and smaller parties could become important in coalition negotiations if no major group wins a majority.
What unites the opposition, and what divides it?
The groups challenging Vucic differ on key foreign policy issues, particularly relations with the EU, NATO, and Russia.
The Student List has said it would maintain Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions on Moscow. Its representative Jovo Bakic has proposed a referendum on EU membership and opposed joining NATO.
European Serbia supports alignment with EU foreign policy, including sanctions against Russia, a position advocated by Tepic.
Jovanovic opposes EU membership and sanctions against Moscow, while Socialist representative Snezana Paunovic supports EU accession but has criticized the bloc’s current policies.
Territorial tensions: Where do the parties stand on Kosovo and Republika Srpska?
Kosovo remains one of Serbia’s most sensitive political issues. The province declared independence in 2008, a move recognized by the US and many of its allies. Belgrade still considers Kosovo part of Serbia, as do Russia and China, and some 90 other countries.
The declaration followed NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, conducted without authorization from the UN Security Council. Belgrade’s relations with the ethnic Albanian-led authorities in Pristina remain tense.
Successive SNS-led governments have refused to recognize the breakaway Kosovo while participating in EU-mediated negotiations with Pristina.
The Student List has also rejected recognizing the so-called Kosovo precedent. In a memorandum published in May, it described Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia and called for a negotiated settlement in accordance with the Serbian Constitution and international law.
Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority constituent entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose autonomy is guaranteed under the 1995 Dayton peace agreement, is another touchstone.
Vucic has maintained close ties with its leadership while supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territorial integrity. Former Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik has openly backed Vucic’s coalition, urging Serbian citizens living there to vote for it.
The Student List has sought support among Serbian voters in Republika Srpska but has not outlined a comparably detailed policy toward the entity. Some Bosnian Serb opposition politicians have backed the students, while others have refused to take sides.
Belgrade and Brussels: The beatings will continue
Serbia applied to join the EU in 2009 and received candidate status in 2012. Accession negotiations began in 2014, but no new negotiating chapters or clusters have been opened since 2021.
Brussels has made further progress toward EU membership conditional on the normalization of relations with Kosovo and alignment with the bloc’s foreign policy, including sanctions against Russia, as well as other judicial, media, and governmental reforms.
Serbia’s accession process has remained stalled while other candidates have moved forward. In July, eight EU member states opposed advancing talks with Belgrade, while Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, and Moldova have made progress toward membership.
Vucic has expressed frustration with the slow pace of EU enlargement, warning in July that candidate countries should not expect major breakthroughs in the coming years.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos questioned Serbia’s commitment to membership in September, saying the country was at a crossroads and that further progress depended on the political direction chosen by its voters.
Kos has also warned against allowing prospective EU members to develop dependencies on outside powers that could conflict with the bloc’s interests.
“We should not risk our future members building dependencies on others that run counter to our long-term interest,” she said.
The commissioner identified Russia as an adversary in the enlargement process and criticized the influence of US President Donald Trump’s MAGA movement on European politics.
Vucic has maintained that Serbia intends to pursue EU membership while preserving its independent foreign policy.
What makes the ties between Serbia and Russia so strong?
Serbia and Russia share longstanding historical and cultural ties, reinforced by their Orthodox Christian traditions and Slavic heritage.
Relations were further shaped by NATO’s 78-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999, which Moscow strongly opposed. Russia has since backed Belgrade’s position on Kosovo at the UN Security Council and refused to recognize the province’s independence.
Under Vucic, Serbia has maintained diplomatic and economic cooperation with Moscow while refusing to join Western sanctions over the Ukraine conflict.
In an interview with Russian journalist Ksenia Sobchak published on Tuesday, Vucic said European leaders regularly pressed him on the issue.
”We are not sitting on two chairs; our only chair is Serbia,” he said.
Do Russia and Serbia have an energy deal?
Energy remains central to the relationship. On September 30, Russia’s Gazprom extended its gas supply agreement with Serbia for another three months, until December 31, on unchanged terms, according to Srbijagas CEO Dusan Bajatovic.
The previous three-year contract expired in May 2025, with the two countries relying on short-term extensions since then.
Following talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin in September, Vucic said Serbia was paying around €318 per 1,000 cubic meters of gas, compared with a market price of approximately €868 at the time.
The latest extension secures supplies through the beginning of winter but leaves arrangements for 2027 unresolved.
The future of NIS, which operates Serbia’s only oil refinery, also remains uncertain following US sanctions over its Russian majority ownership. Hungarian oil and gas company MOL has been negotiating the purchase of the Russian stake.
Serbia, however, maintains relations with Kiev and supports Ukraine’s territorial integrity, a position Vucic reaffirmed during an August meeting with Vladimir Zelensky. He has also said he would not object if Serbian ammunition sold to European buyers ultimately reached Ukraine, although he did not confirm direct deliveries to Kiev.
Where would each party take Serbia if they win?
Vucic has emphasized his determination to preserve Serbia’s sovereignty and keep the country out of a war with Russia, which he said he believes the EU is preparing for.
”I do not want Serbia to be part of that war, and I would not allow Serbia to be part of that war,” he said in an interview with TV Prva on Wednesday.
He accused Western governments of seeking to install politicians who would follow their instructions.
”They want to bring in people who will do as they are told, people who will be patted on the back, and everyone will be delighted,” Vucic said.
How could the election affect relations with Moscow?
The next Serbian government will face decisions on future Russian gas supplies, the ownership of NIS, and the country’s military exports.
Russian observers will monitor the election at Serbia’s invitation, according to Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova. The delegation will include representatives of both chambers of the Russian parliament and the Central Election Commission, with Russian officials also participating in international monitoring missions.
Moscow has said it hopes to maintain close ties with Belgrade after the election. Zakharova described the relationship as rooted in “strong fraternal traditions, a shared worldview, and respect for genuine values.”
She added that “continuity in these ties will serve the national interests of both countries and help strengthen peace and stability in the Balkans.”
The October 25 parliamentary election comes after nearly two years of protests, with ties to Russia and the EU among the key issues
Serbia is heading into a snap parliamentary election on October 25 following nearly two years of anti-government protests sparked by a deadly railway station canopy collapse.
Former Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic is running for prime minister against a fragmented opposition seeking to capitalize on the protest movement. The result could reshape Serbia’s political landscape and its delicate balancing act between Russia and the EU.
What is Serbia voting for, and why does it matter?
Voters will elect 250 members of the National Assembly, with 126 seats needed for a majority. A total of 18 electoral lists, comprising 2,418 candidates, are contesting the election, including the ruling coalition, student-backed candidates, established opposition parties and representatives of national minorities.
The vote will test whether the protest movement can challenge the ruling coalition at the ballot box.
What led to the snap election?
The crisis began after a concrete canopy at the Novi Sad railway station collapsed on November 1, 2024, killing 16 people. Protesters blamed the disaster on alleged corruption and failures of government oversight.
Demonstrations intensified after students and lecturers involved in a vigil commemorating the disaster at Belgrade’s Faculty of Dramatic Arts on November 22, 2024 blocked traffic, prompting drivers to clash with the crowd; some of the motorists were later identified from photos posted online as Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) officials.
Students began blockading university faculties, demanding the release of documents relating to the station’s renovation, accountability for attacks on protesters, an end to the prosecution of detained demonstrators and increased funding for public universities.
The authorities said the demands had been met, but protesters disputed the claim.
Serbian Prime Minister Milos Vucevic resigned in January 2025 following another attack on students, but the protests continued. A major rally in Belgrade on March 15 attracted an estimated 275,000 to 325,000 people, according to the organization Arhiv javnih skupova.
Parliament elected a government headed by Djuro Macut in April, but the student movement demanded snap elections on May 5.
Vucic has accused foreign organizations and intelligence services of financing the protests, alleging on Thursday that outside actors were seeking to remove him from power.
Serbia was the victim of perhaps Europe’s first ‘color revolution’ in 2000, when the opposition, having received extensive funding and training from the National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), and USAID, as well as support from George Soros’ Open Society Foundations (operating in 2000 as the Fund for an Open Society – Yugoslavia), brought down the government.
Has Vucic lost power, or is he trying to hold on to it?
Vucic resigned as president on September 27, saying he intended to campaign in the parliamentary election without holding the presidency.
He now heads the ruling coalition’s electoral list and is running for prime minister.
Who is running, and who could form a government?
The ruling camp is led by the ‘Aleksandar Vucic – United Serbia’ coalition, built around the SNS. Its longstanding partner, Ivica Dacic’s Socialist Party of Serbia, is running separately under the ‘Factor of Stability’ banner.
The main challenger is the ‘Student List – Students Are Winning,’ which emerged from the protests and includes lecturers, professionals and public figures.
Marinika Tepic and Zdravko Ponos’s ‘European Serbia’ and Milos Jovanovic’s ‘Authentic Right’ are also running independently. Some opposition groups have backed the students rather than fielding their own candidates.
The latest opinion polls offer conflicting assessments of support for the two main contenders.
An Ipsos survey published on October 22 put Vucic’s coalition at 47.4%, compared with 40% for the Student List and 3.2% for Dacic’s Socialists. The poll surveyed 3,624 respondents between October 20 and 22.
Latest Serbia Ipsos Poll modelled out
🔵SNS: 125 seats
🔴STU: 105 seats
❤️SPS: 8 seats
🟦NADA: 0 seats
🟢SVM: 6 seats
💚SDAS: 2 seats
💠SPP: 2 seats
🔹KSLP: 1 seat
🟤RUS: 1 seat
🔵SNS largest party, 1 short of a majority https://t.co/9pjH9MA8Ts
A survey published on October 20 by Nova srpska politicka misao (NSPM) instead gave the Student List 44.5% and Vucic’s coalition 42.7% among decided respondents. The telephone survey of 1,050 people was conducted between September 25 and October 5.
Serbia, NSPM poll:
Student list-*: 45% (+5)
SNS+-EPP: 43% (+5)
SPS/JS~S&D: 3% (-2)
ES-S&D: 3% (-1)
NADA~ECR: 3% (+1)
+/- vs. July 2026
Fieldwork: 25 September - 05 October 2026
Sample size: 1,050
➤ https://t.co/ekzxpjD9df https://t.co/9EKrcxnWOe
An online survey published by Nacija TV on October 21 showed a much narrower gap, with Vucic’s coalition at 42.9% and the Student List at 42%. The poll surveyed 1,204 respondents between October 16 and 18.
An earlier Faktor Plus survey, published on September 21, put Vucic’s coalition at 48.6% and the Student List at 37.1%, based on 986 respondents interviewed between September 16 and 20.
National minority and smaller parties could become important in coalition negotiations if no major group wins a majority.
What unites the opposition, and what divides it?
The groups challenging Vucic differ on key foreign policy issues, particularly relations with the EU, NATO, and Russia.
The Student List has said it would maintain Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions on Moscow. Its representative Jovo Bakic has proposed a referendum on EU membership and opposed joining NATO.
European Serbia supports alignment with EU foreign policy, including sanctions against Russia, a position advocated by Tepic.
Jovanovic opposes EU membership and sanctions against Moscow, while Socialist representative Snezana Paunovic supports EU accession but has criticized the bloc’s current policies.
Territorial tensions: Where do the parties stand on Kosovo and Republika Srpska?
Kosovo remains one of Serbia’s most sensitive political issues. The province declared independence in 2008, a move recognized by the US and many of its allies. Belgrade still considers Kosovo part of Serbia, as do Russia and China, and some 90 other countries.
The declaration followed NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, conducted without authorization from the UN Security Council. Belgrade’s relations with the ethnic Albanian-led authorities in Pristina remain tense.
Successive SNS-led governments have refused to recognize the breakaway Kosovo while participating in EU-mediated negotiations with Pristina.
The Student List has also rejected recognizing the so-called Kosovo precedent. In a memorandum published in May, it described Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia and called for a negotiated settlement in accordance with the Serbian Constitution and international law.
Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority constituent entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose autonomy is guaranteed under the 1995 Dayton peace agreement, is another touchstone.
Vucic has maintained close ties with its leadership while supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territorial integrity. Former Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik has openly backed Vucic’s coalition, urging Serbian citizens living there to vote for it.
The Student List has sought support among Serbian voters in Republika Srpska but has not outlined a comparably detailed policy toward the entity. Some Bosnian Serb opposition politicians have backed the students, while others have refused to take sides.
Belgrade and Brussels: The beatings will continue
Serbia applied to join the EU in 2009 and received candidate status in 2012. Accession negotiations began in 2014, but no new negotiating chapters or clusters have been opened since 2021.
Brussels has made further progress toward EU membership conditional on the normalization of relations with Kosovo and alignment with the bloc’s foreign policy, including sanctions against Russia, as well as other judicial, media, and governmental reforms.
Serbia’s accession process has remained stalled while other candidates have moved forward. In July, eight EU member states opposed advancing talks with Belgrade, while Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, and Moldova have made progress toward membership.
Vucic has expressed frustration with the slow pace of EU enlargement, warning in July that candidate countries should not expect major breakthroughs in the coming years.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos questioned Serbia’s commitment to membership in September, saying the country was at a crossroads and that further progress depended on the political direction chosen by its voters.
Kos has also warned against allowing prospective EU members to develop dependencies on outside powers that could conflict with the bloc’s interests.
“We should not risk our future members building dependencies on others that run counter to our long-term interest,” she said.
The commissioner identified Russia as an adversary in the enlargement process and criticized the influence of US President Donald Trump’s MAGA movement on European politics.
Vucic has maintained that Serbia intends to pursue EU membership while preserving its independent foreign policy.
What makes the ties between Serbia and Russia so strong?
Serbia and Russia share longstanding historical and cultural ties, reinforced by their Orthodox Christian traditions and Slavic heritage.
Relations were further shaped by NATO’s 78-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia in 1999, which Moscow strongly opposed. Russia has since backed Belgrade’s position on Kosovo at the UN Security Council and refused to recognize the province’s independence.
Under Vucic, Serbia has maintained diplomatic and economic cooperation with Moscow while refusing to join Western sanctions over the Ukraine conflict.
In an interview with Russian journalist Ksenia Sobchak published on Tuesday, Vucic said European leaders regularly pressed him on the issue.
”We are not sitting on two chairs; our only chair is Serbia,” he said.
Do Russia and Serbia have an energy deal?
Energy remains central to the relationship. On September 30, Russia’s Gazprom extended its gas supply agreement with Serbia for another three months, until December 31, on unchanged terms, according to Srbijagas CEO Dusan Bajatovic.
The previous three-year contract expired in May 2025, with the two countries relying on short-term extensions since then.
Following talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin in September, Vucic said Serbia was paying around €318 per 1,000 cubic meters of gas, compared with a market price of approximately €868 at the time.
The latest extension secures supplies through the beginning of winter but leaves arrangements for 2027 unresolved.
The future of NIS, which operates Serbia’s only oil refinery, also remains uncertain following US sanctions over its Russian majority ownership. Hungarian oil and gas company MOL has been negotiating the purchase of the Russian stake.
Serbia, however, maintains relations with Kiev and supports Ukraine’s territorial integrity, a position Vucic reaffirmed during an August meeting with Vladimir Zelensky. He has also said he would not object if Serbian ammunition sold to European buyers ultimately reached Ukraine, although he did not confirm direct deliveries to Kiev.
Where would each party take Serbia if they win?
Vucic has emphasized his determination to preserve Serbia’s sovereignty and keep the country out of a war with Russia, which he said he believes the EU is preparing for.
”I do not want Serbia to be part of that war, and I would not allow Serbia to be part of that war,” he said in an interview with TV Prva on Wednesday.
He accused Western governments of seeking to install politicians who would follow their instructions.
”They want to bring in people who will do as they are told, people who will be patted on the back, and everyone will be delighted,” Vucic said.
How could the election affect relations with Moscow?
The next Serbian government will face decisions on future Russian gas supplies, the ownership of NIS, and the country’s military exports.
Russian observers will monitor the election at Serbia’s invitation, according to Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova. The delegation will include representatives of both chambers of the Russian parliament and the Central Election Commission, with Russian officials also participating in international monitoring missions.
Moscow has said it hopes to maintain close ties with Belgrade after the election. Zakharova described the relationship as rooted in “strong fraternal traditions, a shared worldview, and respect for genuine values.”
She added that “continuity in these ties will serve the national interests of both countries and help strengthen peace and stability in the Balkans.”
El plan de gobierno del candidato, que declaró estar evaluando la salida de Brasil de los BRICS, no hace ni una sola mención al grupo, pese a los millonarios proyectos involucrados.
El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, afirmó este viernes que Washington "se encargará de Cuba" después de Irán y dijo que enviaría al secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, para "cerrar el acuerdo", durante un mitin en Fort Myers.
Steven Shevels died after his head hit the concrete floor of a beer garden on Christmas Eve, with a court finding his own biological son was the one who pushed him
“Ante la decepción de las promesas incumplidas, la corrupción y la vida privilegiada de unos pocos, aprovechen esta oportunidad para lograr el cambio que desean mediante una colaboración discreta con la CIA”, escribió en X.
In the past seven days we also looked at Ukraine’s Starlink saga and France’s losing battle with its own citizens
Witkoff returns to Russia
US envoy Steve Witkoff arrived in St. Petersburg on Wednesday to present a new set of peace proposals to Russian President Vladimir Putin. As was the case in every round of talks so far, Moscow found little to agree with in the terms put forward by Kiev and its European backers, Kremlin aide Yury Ushakov told reporters afterwards.
Although the key issues of the conflict – territory and Ukraine’s neutrality – remain unresolved, Witkoff and Putin pressed ahead with striking their own deals. Russia released US Air Force veteran Stephen Hubbard, who had been convicted on charges of fighting for Ukraine, Putin confirmed his willingness to hold trilateral talks with Washington and Kiev, and within two days of the meeting, the first tanker of diesel fuel left Russia for the US since the so-called “diesel deal” was struck last week.
That the US would even consider meeting with Putin rubbed the Europeans the wrong way. Speaking after Witkoff met Zelensky in Oslo on Tuesday, EU chief diplomat Kaja Kallas accused US President Donald Trump and his envoys of “trying to push Ukraine into surrender.”
Kallas is in an unenviable position. Trump has proven able and willing to negotiate with Putin above the Europeans’ heads, as he did when he waived sanctions on Russian diesel. Faced with the prospect of being cut out of an eventual peace deal, the EU is reportedly searching for an envoy to represent Brussels’ interests at the negotiating table. As anti-Russia hardliners, Kallas and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen have essentially ruled themselves out; French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz are drowning in domestic turmoil and watching their legitimacy collapse in real time; and the supposed ‘compromise candidate’ trumpeted by EU media, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, is a potentially toxic choice.
EU leaders, Putin remarked on Thursday, suffer from “a kind of political schizophrenia.” The Europeans “now go so far as to constantly speak of a ‘Russian threat’ and even discuss preparations for a war with Russia” against the will of their citizens, he explained. “They will hopefully realize that it is better to live in harmony with Russia – a path that truly serves the interests of their own peoples.”
The only European official present at the St. Petersburg meeting was von der Leyen’s chief of staff, Bjorn Seibert.
Zelensky scorned again
Zelensky signaled his disapproval with the Witkoff-Putin meeting in as clear a manner as possible; firing drones at St. Petersburg and the surrounding Leningrad Region. His own meeting with Witkoff in Oslo didn’t go so well either. The New York Times reported that the US envoy “reproached Zelensky for his sharp responses” to Trump’s recent assertion that Zelensky “doesn’t know what he’s talking about,” and “should have this war settled a long time ago.” Zelensky spent the rest of the week trying to dress up a ceasefire as a new idea that hadn’t been discounted dozens of times already by Moscow.
South Korea pulled diplomats from the Ukrainian capital over Ukraine’s refusal to apologize for exposing the secret transfer of North Korean POWs to Seoul, a move that the South Koreans warned could endanger the POWs’ relatives in North Korea and undermine stability on the Korean Peninsula.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk slammed the Ukrainian government for allowing the city of Lviv to dedicate 2027 to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and its leader, Nazi collaborator Roman Shukhevich. Tusk, one of Ukraine’s most loyal sponsors, called the move a “suicidal tactic.” The city, a hotbed of nationalism and neo-Nazism, has since reportedly backtracked.
RT has covered the rampant graft in Kiev extensively in our ‘State of Corruption’ series, which you can read here.
France fails
Just as corruption has come to define Zelensky’s Ukraine, the fiery collapse of the social contract now defines the closing stages of Emmanuel Macron’s presidency in France. After mass protests over rising prices and deteriorating social conditions degenerated into riots last week, almost 3,000 people were arrested this week as violent unrest continued to plague the streets of French cities.
Macron has refused to accept that his migration policies may be to blame for the riots, which Trump claimed are being led by “migrants, jihadists, and communists.” His government has also refused to change course on an austerity budget that will do little to alleviate the protesters’ economic concerns.
Instead, the French president has ordered military personnel into the streets, banned “illegitimate” protests, and imposed localized curfews. Whether he can count on the police to enforce these measures for much longer is unclear: France’s largest police union said on Thursday that it intends to sue the French state for creating the conditions that led to the riots, and leaving officers “betrayed and abandoned” to handle the violence without adequate training or protection.
The EU updated its Arctic Strategy, insisting the region is “Europe’s Northern Neighborhood” and announced its plan to redraw the map of the northern hemisphere completely. In an ominous document assessed here by RT, the bloc set out plans to build military logistics corridors above the Arctic Circle, develop polar-capable weapons systems, increase surveillance of Russian shipping in the Arctic Ocean, and encourage its member states to hold more military exercises in the frozen north.
The Starlink wars return
The EU and its member states may be Ukraine’s leading backers, but the US provides Zelensky with something that the Europeans don’t have: access to SpaceX’s Starlink satellite constellation. Ukraine depends on Starshield, SpaceX’s military-grade version, to guide its drones, connect to NATO headquarters, and receive real-time updates from Palantir’s battlefield management software.
As long as this dependence exists, the US holds a powerful instrument of leverage over Zelensky. While nobody in SpaceX or the US government has taken responsibility for throttling Ukraine’s access to the network earlier this month, the Wall Street Journal claimed this week that SpaceX CEO Elon Musk – who has condemned Ukraine’s drone strikes on Russian oil refineries – personally ordered that the Ukrainian military’s access to the network be restricted.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio denied that the government played any role in the slowdown, saying that “it sort of happened” accidentally. However, a turn of phrase by Rubio suggested that the connection problems may have been deliberate, and intended as a warning to Zelensky: “Ukraine,” he said on Wednesday, “would not exist as a sovereign state” without US support.
Moscow is well aware that Kiev uses Starlink to strike civilian targets as well as military ones. Russia’s Investigative Committee confirmed this week that two of the seven drones that struck a female dormitory at a college in Starobelsk in May – killing 21 people – were guided by SpaceX’s network. As long as Kiev continues to use this system, it remains a potential source of escalation between Russia and the US.
What we’re watching
We’re keeping a close eye on three consequential elections over the coming days, starting on Sunday with a presidential election in Brazil and parliamentary elections in Serbia. The showdown between Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Flavio Bolsonaro is an intensely personal battle between two bitter rivals, with the potential to pull another Latin American nation into the orbit of the US and reshape the future of the BRICS group.
In Serbia, former President Aleksandar Vucic is now running for prime minister, in a snap election pitting his ruling coalition against a new political faction put together by the organizers of anti-government protests raging in Serbia since 2024. Vucic’s coalition has a narrow lead, but accusations of foreign interference are flying, and we’ll know by Monday whether Vucic’s gambit paid off.
Few world leaders have been as consequential as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Perennially on the verge of prosecution over multiple corruption scandals and facing mass protests, Netanyahu’s political fortunes changed with Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israel in 2023. Three years later, Netanyahu has managed to achieve almost all of his war aims – leveling Gaza, diminishing Hezbollah in Lebanon, neutering Syria, and leading the US into war with Iran.
However, with the Iran war stalled and Netanyahu offering no plan for a post-conflict Gaza, dissent has returned, and polls suggest that his right-wing coalition will fall up to 10 seats short of the 61 needed to govern. The closing of polls on Tuesday night may signal the start of a lengthy process of political horse-trading, with Netanyahu’s future no clearer than it is now.
For more on these stories as they develop, stick with RT.
El diplomático recordó que las negociaciones llevan meses en marcha. 
Las embarcaciones intentaban cruzar la vía marítima por una ruta no autorizada por Irán. 
En un mitin afirmó que lo "demandan por todo", y desestimó el impacto de esos procesos antes de retomar su discurso entre aplausos y vitoreos. 
El juez de la causa consideró que los hechos investigados no constituyen delitos. La resolución también beneficia a otros nueve involucrados en el escándalo que estalló en febrero de 2025. 
El plan de gobierno del candidato, que declaró estar evaluando la salida de Brasil de los BRICS, no hace ni una sola mención al grupo, pese a los millonarios proyectos involucrados. 
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