Illustrative image. (Bureau 1440)

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned on October 8 that China was helping Russia develop an alternative to SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet system, as Moscow’s Rassvet network advances through testing and the presentation of subscriber terminals.

“They are making progress. They are passing this on to Russia,” Zelensky said.

The Ukrainian president’s remarks underscored Kyiv’s growing concern that Moscow could acquire advanced satellite communications capabilities.

Zelensky has already taken his concerns to U.S. President Donald Trump, asking him to impose sanctions on Russian and Chinese companies involved in Rassvet’s development, according to a recent Financial Times report. The request, raised during a meeting in New York in September, reflects Kyiv’s effort to prevent the Russian network from becoming a strategic asset for Moscow.

However, Washington has no straightforward way to stop the project outright. Sanctions would not automatically halt Russia’s domestic satellite program.

Zelensky’s appeals are unfolding as the project moves beyond development announcements and into public demonstrations of its capabilities.

Bureau 1440, the Russian company developing Rassvet, demonstrated a satellite video connection between Moscow and the southern Russian republic of Adygea on October 7. The call lasted about five minutes and used the company’s satellite network, showing that the system can support a live communications session.

At the same Moscow technology forum, Bureau 1440 presented three types of subscriber terminals for the network. One was identified as a serial-production device, while the company said its 1440.ULTRA terminal could support data transmission speeds of up to 700 megabits per second. The equipment is intended to connect users to the satellite constellation once the service becomes operational at scale.

Russia launched batches of Rassvet satellites in March and July, but the network has not yet reached full operational capability. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov noted in late September that the system was not yet operating effectively.

Zelensky’s repeated warnings and his appeal to Trump to block the Rassvet project point to growing alarm in Kyiv as Russia moves closer to establishing an independent satellite communications network.

With satellites already launched and the company testing connections and preparing user equipment, Zelensky faces the prospect that Russia could soon field a Starlink alternative that Kyiv may be unable to disrupt. His warnings about Chinese assistance suggest that Ukraine is increasingly concerned not only about Russia’s progress, but also about the possibility that outside support could accelerate it.

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Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed responsibility on October 9 for setting an oil tanker ablaze in the Strait of Hormuz and threatened to pursue vessels it considers in violation of its rules across the wider region.

The IRGC Navy said it targeted the engine room and propulsion system of the MV Sun Shine, a tanker belonging to the company Natwit, after the vessel attempted to use a route through the southern section of the strait that the IRGC described as unauthorized. The attack caused a fire on board.

In a statement, the IRGC warned that action against “violating” vessels would no longer be confined to the Strait of Hormuz.

The Corps said ships using routes it considers unauthorized would be pursued and “punished” anywhere in the region. Companies accused of cooperating with the United States would face sanctions, and all their vessels would be targeted, it added.

It blamed the United States military for the maritime incidents, accusing Washington of interfering in decisions by shipping and insurance companies and paying “large bribes” to secure their compliance.

“Direct responsibility for these incidents and the escalation of tensions in maritime transport in the region lies with the aggressive U.S. army,” the statement said.

An attack was reported later in the day on a commercial tanker about 13 nautical miles west of al-Jazira in the United Arab Emirates.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations center said the vessel was struck by an unidentified projectile, causing a major fire that was later extinguished.

Maritime trade publication Seatrade Maritime identified the ship as the Gem No. 2, a Panama-flagged very large crude carrier managed in Taiwan. Information about the crew’s condition and the extent of the damage had not been reported in the publication’s account.

The incidents followed two reported vessel emergencies on October 8. UKMTO said an oil tanker north of Qatari waters had been struck by several projectiles, causing casualties. Separately, maritime intelligence company Vanguard reported that a tanker had caught fire about 40 kilometers off Fujairah in the Gulf of Oman. Vanguard identified the vessel as probably the Dalkut, sailing under the Marshall Islands flag.

Tehran’s Friday prayer leader, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Javad Ali-Akbari, said in his weekly sermon that the Strait of Hormuz would remain closed until Iran’s conditions were fully met. He said Iran had established “seven conditions” and would decide its next steps once they were satisfied. He added that military readiness had improved, weaknesses had been addressed and Iran’s strategy had shifted from defense to offense.

Iran has said it controls the strait, will not permit military forces from hostile countries in the area and will respond “decisively” to any attempt to disrupt its management of the waterway.

Meanwhile, U.S. Central Command said on October 9 it had cleared the strait’s main shipping lanes, removed naval mines from principal transit routes and declared them open to vessels that do not violate American maritime sanctions against Iran. The command said thousands of commercial ships had passed through safely.

Actual traffic remained far below normal levels, however. The AIS-based tracking site Hormuz.now recorded eight commercial vessel crossings during the day, with 11 crossings in the preceding 24 hours. Its average for the previous seven days was 10.3 crossings daily, about 12% of the prewar average of 84.8.

The Strait of Hormuz normally carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil and gas shipments. At least 12 attacks, attempted attacks or harassment incidents targeting oil tankers and gas carriers were recorded in the strait from September 28 to October 5, the highest weekly total since the war began on February 28, according to media reports.

Iran is clearly still very much in control of the Strait of Hormuz, and the IRGC’s latest warning puts the few vessels that are managing to cross without coordinating with Tehran at increased risk.

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Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces on October 9 again claimed to have captured the strategic Bab al-Mandab Strait and nearby Mayyun Island.

A Yemeni military source told the German Press Agency (dpa) that the operation began before dawn with Saudi air support.

The source said the Southern Giants Brigades and Nation’s Shield forces seized the al-Ardi camp, Coast Guard observation posts and a range of high ground overlooking the strait.

Furthermore, the source claimed the forces had established full control over Mayyun Island, noting that clashes and clearing operations continued in the surrounding area.

The announcement marked the second time within days that Saudi-backed forces had claimed to capture the area. On October 5, the forces made a similar claim during Operation Yemen Dawn, but that announcement eventually proved to be false.

Responding to the latest claims, Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said in a statement that the group’s forces had repelled a second attempted advance by Saudi-backed forces toward Bab al-Mandab.

Saudi-backed forces had tried to move toward the waterway from Lahj province but had failed to advance, according to the spokesman.

Saree said Houthi forces struck the advancing troops with ballistic missiles, artillery and heavy weapons. He claimed the attacks destroyed more than 22 armored vehicles and killed or wounded dozens of fighters, including several commanders.

The spokesman added that more than 30 ambulances had arrived in Aden transporting dead and wounded personnel from the Saudi-backed forces.

Bab al-Mandab connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and is a key shipping route linking the Indian Ocean with the Suez Canal and the Mediterranean Sea. Mayyun Island lies within the strait, making control of the island and surrounding coastline strategically important to the opposing forces.

The latest attempted advance by Saudi-backed forces shows that the kingdom remains focused on recapturing Bab al-Mandab, despite the deteriorating situation of its allies in Taiz, where they are fully besieged by the Houthis. The fall of Taiz could, however, pose a serious problem for Saudi-backed forces, as it would allow the Houthis to launch an attack toward the port city of Aden, potentially trapping all troops amassed near Bab al-Mandab.

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Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

South Korea conducted the first test launch of its domestically developed hypersonic glide vehicle on October 8, with President Lee Jae Myung observing the event at the Agency for Defense Development’s Anheung Comprehensive Test Site in South Chungcheong Province.

The presidential office later released photographs of the launch and the missile striking its target, providing a visual record of the test.

According to a written briefing by presidential chief spokesperson Kang Yu-jung, the vehicle reached its planned altitude using a booster before separating and descending to a lower altitude. It then performed irregular maneuvers, changing direction vertically and horizontally before accurately striking its designated target.

The test was intended to evaluate heat-resistant materials designed for extreme temperatures, guidance and control systems, and the ability to maneuver at low altitudes under hypersonic flight conditions.

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

The government did not disclose the missile’s speed, flight range, altitude or flight duration. The weapon remains under development, with no public timetable announced for operational deployment.

Unlike South Korea’s separate HyCore program, which is developing a scramjet-powered hypersonic cruise missile, the hypersonic glide vehicle relies on a booster to reach the required speed and altitude before continuing its flight without propulsion.

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Click to see full-size image. (Office of the President of the Republic of Korea)

Lee called for the system’s development and deployment to be accelerated, pledging government support for advanced weapons programs.

After the test, Lee wrote on X that the missile embodied South Korea’s determination to defend itself using its own technology and capabilities.

“Self-reliant defense is not just a slogan — it must be proven through technology and capability,” the president wrote.

The South Korean president later inspected the military’s Hyunmoo-5 ballistic missile, designed to destroy hardened underground targets.

The launch followed a North Korean intermediate-range missile test on October 3, which was supervised by leader Kim Jong Un.

North Korean state media said the missile struck a target about 1,000 kilometers away, while South Korea assessed that it had traveled more than 700 kilometers and Japan estimated a flight distance of about 680 kilometers.

Pyongyang described its launch as part of its hypersonic weapons program, placing the two Koreas’ competing development efforts in sharper focus.

Tensions had already risen after a land mine explosion inside the Demilitarized Zone on September 21 injured three South Korean soldiers. South Korea’s military and the United Nations Command attributed the incident to mines planted by North Korean troops, an allegation Pyongyang denied.

Against that backdrop, Lee’s public appearance at the latest test underscored his administration’s emphasis on strengthening South Korea’s domestically developed weapons capabilities.

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Ethiopia accused Eritrea of an “all-out invasion” on October 9, reporting that Eritrean troops had advanced deep into its territory as fighting that began in the northern Tigray region spread into neighboring Amhara and Afar.

The allegations came after Ethiopian government forces recaptured the regional capital, Mekelle, in a counteroffensive that failed to end the fighting.

Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos made the accusation in a letter to the United Nations and France’s foreign minister, saying Eritrean forces had advanced as far as 60 kilometers into Ethiopian territory.

Reuters reported further explosions near Adigrat, in northern Tigray, and said suspected Ethiopian drone strikes had targeted Eritrean troops withdrawing from positions near the border.

Eritrea rejected the allegations, describing them as an attempt by Ethiopia to justify aggression. The reported incursion has not been independently confirmed, but it threatens to turn Ethiopia’s renewed internal conflict into a direct confrontation between the neighboring countries.

The latest escalation began on September 23, nearly four years after the November 2022 Pretoria agreement ended a two-year war between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). That conflict killed hundreds of thousands of people and left unresolved disputes over regional authority, security arrangements and the return of displaced residents.

The renewed fighting followed the formation on September 20 of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival, a coalition of seven armed opposition groups seeking to remove Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government. The alliance brought together the TPLF and the Amhara Fano National Movement, former adversaries during the previous war, alongside other regional groups that accuse the government of concentrating power in Addis Ababa and marginalizing Ethiopia’s regions.

Whether the groups can sustain coordinated operations remains uncertain because of their geographic separation and longstanding political and territorial differences.

Tensions in Tigray had already intensified over competing claims to regional authority. In May, the TPLF restored the region’s prewar council and elected its chairman, Debretsion Gebremichael, as regional president, challenging the federal government’s recognition of an interim administration led by Tadesse Werede.

Both sides accused each other of violating the Pretoria agreement, while Tigrayan authorities repeatedly alleged that federal forces had conducted drone attacks.

On September 23, Tigrayan forces seized the airports in Mekelle, Aksum and Shire, prompting Ethiopian Airlines to suspend flights to all three cities.

The Tigray regional government said federal forces had attacked the region with drones and heavy artillery the previous day, describing its actions as defensive.

Getachew Reda, a former Tigrayan leader serving as an adviser to Abiy, accused the TPLF of opening additional fronts in Amhara and Afar. The UN and African Union called for restraint and warned that the renewed fighting threatened the 2022 peace agreement.

The initial clashes spread across several areas. In western Tigray, federal and Tigrayan forces fought near the Tekeze River, including around May Gaba and Tselimoy. In Amhara, fighting erupted along the Kobo-Tumuga axis and in the Wag Hemra and North Wello zones, where Tigrayan fighters and Fano forces confronted federal troops and their allies.

Further east, Tigrayan fighters and the Afar-based Ugugomo group fought government-aligned forces in Afar’s Kelbati Rasu zone.

By September 25, flights to Lalibela in Amhara had been suspended as fighting approached the town. Internet disruptions and road closures further restricted communications and movement.

Government forces began recovering territory within days. They retook Sekota in Amhara on September 27 after several days of fighting involving Tigrayan and Fano forces. A drone strike hit the TPLF-affiliated Tigrai TV station in Mekelle that day, according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, which monitors political violence.

Click to see full-size image.

Suspected opposition-linked drone attacks subsequently targeted a fuel depot at Kombolcha Airport on September 28 and an Ethiopian Air Force base in Bahir Dar on September 29, extending the fighting to military and logistical facilities beyond the main front.

Federal forces captured Alamata in southern Tigray on September 29, opening a route toward Mekelle, and regained Raya Bala on September 30.

Tigrayan forces and Ugugomo fighters had meanwhile held Erebti in Afar and advanced toward Afdeera, raising concerns about disruption to the supply corridor connecting landlocked Ethiopia with the port of Djibouti. Government forces, supported by the Tigray Peace Force, retook Abala, Erebti and Megale in Afar on October 1.

The fighting inflicted a growing toll on civilians and humanitarian operations. Doctors Without Borders reported that hospitals in southern and northwestern Tigray had received more than 420 and 300 patients, respectively, for war-related injuries between September 22 and 25.

The International Committee of the Red Cross evacuated about 161 people from conflict areas to Semera in Afar, including airline employees, federal police assigned to guard regional airports and their families.

On September 30, 19 humanitarian personnel who had been trapped in Tigray reached neighboring Amhara by road after days of disrupted transport and unreliable communications. U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk separately expressed alarm over reports of civilian casualties and forced recruitment by the TPLF, including children.

The conflict also intensified Ethiopia’s dispute with Eritrea. On October 1, Ethiopia ordered 10 Eritrean diplomats to leave the country and closed its embassy in Asmara, accusing the Eritrean government of hostility and supporting the opposition alliance.

Addis Ababa has separately accused Sudan and Egypt of backing the coalition, allegations all three countries have denied. Eritrea announced that it was severing diplomatic ties with Ethiopia.

The dispute is unfolding against a longer-running disagreement over access to the Red Sea. Ethiopia became landlocked when Eritrea gained independence in 1993, and Abiy has repeatedly pressed for access to the sea. Eritrea has expressed concern over Ethiopian ambitions involving its ports.

As government forces advanced toward Mekelle, the TPLF’s position weakened. On October 2, ACLED reported that Tigrayan forces had taken Werede, head of the interim regional administration, and two other senior officials to undisclosed locations. Federal forces and their allies recaptured Mekelle’s airport the following day after encircling the city.

The TPLF announced its withdrawal from the regional capital, saying the regional administration would temporarily operate elsewhere. Government-aligned fighters entered Mekelle on October 4, giving the federal government control of the city.

Telecommunications and internet service resumed, but government offices remained closed and residents faced shortages of cash and essential goods.

The loss of Mekelle did not end the fighting. Airstrikes overnight into October 5 killed at least 17 people in Adwa and Sheraro, according to a humanitarian bulletin cited by Reuters. The bulletin did not identify who carried out the attacks.

Fighting continued near the Tekeze River, while federal drone strikes targeted areas in central Tigray where TPLF officials were believed to be sheltering.

Click to see full-size map. (Telegram\rnintel)

On October 7, government forces and their allies regained Wukro, Hagere Selam and Agula, while clashes were reported again near Tselimoy in northwestern Tigray.

The same day, ACLED reported that Eritrean troops had crossed into Tigray through Zalambessa and moved toward Adigrat and Idaga Hamus. The group said suspected Ethiopian military drones subsequently struck Eritrean forces and military vehicles near Idaga Hamus and Qerse Ber.

The Associated Press said it could not independently verify the reported troop movements. Witnesses and sources cited by ACLED identified the soldiers as Eritrean through their uniforms, vehicles and license plates.

Ethiopia’s accusation on October 9 marked the most serious reported extension of the conflict beyond its internal fronts. With federal forces holding Mekelle but fighting continuing across northern Tigray, the unresolved reports of Eritrean troop movements have added a new source of uncertainty to a war already challenging the country’s postwar settlement and regional stability.

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A photo that surfaced online on October 9 appears to show for the first time a Russian FAB-500T aerial bomb fitted with a turbojet engine mounted beneath a Su-34 fighter bomber, offering a clearer view of the propulsion configuration associated with the UMPB-5R long-range guidance kit.

The image shows a turbojet attached to the rear of the bomb, with its air intake visible. The munition does not appear to be fully equipped with the UMPB-5R kit, which is installed after the bomb and engine have been fitted.

The range of the UMPB-5R-equipped FAB-500T is reported to be 150 to 200 kilometers. The extended range is attributed to the combination of turbojet propulsion, an improved aerodynamic shape and an updated guidance system.

Reports about the UMPB-5R first emerged in October 2025, after Ukrainian authorities reported the use of a new jet-powered guided bomb. Photos of recovered wreckage appeared to show a copy of the Chinese-made Swiwin SW800Pro-Y engine, but the images depicted only fragments.

The turbojet configuration is intended to allow Russian warplanes to launch the weapons from greater distances, keeping them farther from Ukrainian air defenses.

The Russian Aerospace Forces has increasingly relied on guided aerial bombs launched by Su-34 fighter bombers to strike military positions and infrastructure across Ukraine.

Although the latest photo provides a clearer view of the engine-equipped configuration, it does not establish the weapon’s actual operational range or confirm how extensively the version has entered combat use. In any case, the UMPB-5R yet another threat to Ukraine, whose air defenses are already struggling to cope with ballistic missiles and one-way attack drones.

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In the Dobropolye direction, Russian assault groups have consolidated in the southern part of the town, infiltrating from the direction of the village of Dobropolye and Annivka, while Ukrainian units acknowledge fighting within the city limits. In the Sumy direction, Russian units of the “North” grouping have advanced 400 meters through tree lines near Kiyanitsa and Khoten and are fighting in the forest tract near Korenok. In the Kharkiv direction, Russian assault groups are expanding the zone of control with heavy fighting; they have taken Beryozki, Potikhonovo, Komarovo, the farms near Shabelnoye and the greater part of Malaya Volchya, and have advanced near Olkhovatka. In the Zaporozhye direction, Russian troops are advancing in the areas of Yegorovka and Krasny Rodnik; Lyubitskoye and Novosoloshino are returning under control, and fighting continues for Orekhov. U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner will meet Ukrainian officials on Friday to discuss a new proposal for ending the conflict.

Dobropolye direction  

Movement of small groups of Russian units has been recorded in the southern and eastern parts of the town. Russian units are infiltrating the town both from the direction of the village of Dobropolye and from neighbouring Annivka. Further south, fighting continues in the Krasnopodolye–Chernigovka–Vodyanskoye triangle. On the southern flank, as before, local clashes are under way in the vicinity of Mirnoye and Gulevo. In the vicinity of Sergeyevka and Molodetskoye the situation has remained relatively static for the past several months.

While Ukrainian formations are distracted by fighting in Alekseyevo-Druzhkovka and near Liman, Russian units are seizing the moment and attempting to consolidate in the center of Dobropolye as quickly as possible. This will make it possible to form the base of a “pincer” for a broader envelopment of the Slavyansk–Kramatorsk agglomeration from the west. Without stabilization of the situation on the northern flank, however, actions in Dobropolye are virtually meaningless.

Marines have entered Dobropolye, where they are fighting in the center of the town and expanding control of the territory. From the direction of Maloye Dobropolye paratroopers are advancing toward Svyatogorovka; an offensive is also under way toward the south of the town of Dobropolye. In the area of Verovka and Raksha Russian troops have managed to advance along the gully. Further north, near Zolotoy Kolodets, fighters of Russian units are delivering fire against positions and groups of Ukrainian forces near the village of Novovodyanoye. Consolidation groups also continue to clear the territory from the mine near Belitskoye as far as Matyashevo, where the Ukrainian side still has scattered groups serving as observation posts.  

Sumy direction  

Russian units of the “North” grouping are increasing the intensity of strikes against Ukrainian positions on all sectors in Sumy direction, supporting the advance of assault groups. The Ukrainian side is actively strengthening defenses on secondary lines.

In Sumy district Russian assault troops have advanced through tree lines near Kiyanitsa and Khoten. Overall progress reached up to 400 meters. In Shostka district, assault groups of Russian units are conducting small-arms fighting in the forest tract near Korenok. The Russian army is advancing near the border with the Kursk region. The offensive is under way near the Sumy village of Korenok. Assault units of the “North” grouping are also fighting near Kiyanitsa and Khoten. In connection with the successes of Russian units, Kyiv is forced to transfer additional forces to the Sumy region.  

Kharkiv direction  

In the Liptsy direction fierce fighting is under way near Tokarevka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions Russian units continue the destruction of the encircled Ukrainian forces in the “Volchansk cauldron,” employing all available means of fire. Russian assault troops have advanced near Nefyodovka, Sosnovy Bor, Reznikovo and Kupino. From the outer side of the encirclement there is progress near Annopolye.

Over the past week Russian units have noticeably advanced near Olkhovatka and have continued to consolidate and expand control in the cauldron north of Veliky Burluk. The Ukrainian side is counterattacking unsuccessfully and attempting to break out. Russian drones are effectively disrupting the logistics of Ukrainian forces near Veliky Burluk, destroying equipment and personnel. From the south and east Russian units have taken control of Beryozki, Potikhonovo and Komarovo, and from the north they have taken the farms near Shabelnoye and the greater part of Malaya Volchya.

In the area of Volchansk the situation remains dynamic. The Ukrainian side made an attempt at a counterattack and managed to enter Grafskoye. Ukrainian units do not have full control of the village: intensive fighting is currently under way in part of the settlement, and sabotage and reconnaissance groups are actively operating on both sides. Russian units are slowly but steadily shifting the front southward near Kazachya Lopan. Having taken Novaya Kazachya, Russian units are clearing the village. In addition, fighting continues near Turovo and inside Tokarevka, where Russian fighters have consolidated part of the territory. 

Zaporozhye direction  

In the Orekhov direction difficulties are mounting for the Ukrainian side. The 35th Army continues to advance near Yegorovka and Krasny Rodnik. The 5th Army is also restoring the situation. Without supply, Vozdvizhevka may soon be fully captured.

Lyubitskoye and Novosoloshino are returning under the control of Russian units. Fighting is still under way for the latter; the Ukrainian side is attempting to counterattack, but overall the crisis in this sector has been overcome. There are also successes south of Lyubitskoye, in the zone of the 5th Army. Fighting for Orekhov itself is proceeding methodically. Ukrainian units are gradually being driven out of the northern and western parts of the city. Russian units are already overhanging Orekhov not only from the north-east but also from the north. All the preconditions exist for the 5th Army to enter the rear of the Ukrainian defensive line.

A little further west, also in the “Dnepr” zone, an offensive is under way on a broad front. Fighting is being conducted for Primorskoye and the northern outskirts of Stepnogorsk. Clearing operations are under way in Lukyanovka, Novoyakovlevka and Yurkovka. The task is clear: in parallel with the capturing of Orekhov, to reach the Konka River in its lower course and attempt to secure bridgeheads on the northern bank while the foliage still provides cover.  

Conclusion  

In the Dobropolye direction this is expressed in consolidation in the southern part of the town and attempts to form a base for the envelopment of the agglomeration from the west. In the Sumy direction — in advances through forest tracts and pressure on the defenses near Kiyanitsa and Khoten. In the Kharkiv direction — in the expansion of the zone of control and the tightening of the ring around the “Volchansk cauldron.” In the Zaporozhye direction — in the envelopment of Orekhov and the advance to the Konka River. A common feature remains the high role of drones, artillery and aviation, as well as the difficulty of crossing open spaces and wooded terrain, which slows the pace but does not change the overall trend. The Ukrainian side continues to transfer reserves and to counterattack, yet fails to achieve a turning point.

U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff and the president’s son-in-law Jared Kushner will meet Ukrainian representatives on Friday to discuss a new proposal for ending the Ukrainian conflict. According to NewsNation journalist Kellie Meyer, the U.S. special envoys will discuss “a new comprehensive proposal covering all aspects of the conflict and aimed at ending the war.” National security advisers from the United Kingdom, France and Germany, as well as representatives of the European Union and NATO, will take part in the meeting.  

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The Houthis (Ansar Allah) released footage on October 8 showing their forces driving Saudi-backed forces from al-Shamayatayn district in the southwestern Yemeni province of Taiz.

The footage include scenes from the capture of al-Turbah, the district’s main city. The footage showed Houthi fighters moving through positions and areas they said had been abandoned by the Saudi-backed forces. It also shows several vehicles and loads of weapons captured by the group.

The release came as the Houthis reported further gains in Jabal Habashi, west of Taiz. Pro-Houthi Yemeni media said the group had expelled government troops from the highest peaks of the mountain, including Najd al-Oud and al-Anaqib, adding to their gains across the province.

Separately, Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said the group had shot down a Turkish-made Bayraktar Akıncı acombat drone over Taiz while it was carrying out what he described as hostile operations. He said the drone was brought down with an “appropriate weapon.”

The developments show growing Houthi pressure on the western and southern approaches to Taiz, even as Saudi-backed forces continue efforts to reverse earlier territorial losses.

Click to see full-size map. (Islamic World News)

Meanwhile, the Saudi-backed counterattack toward Bab al-Mandab meanwhile remains stalled. The strategic waterway remains under the control of the Houthis.

All in all, the Houthis maintain the upper hand on all fronts in Taiz. The two main objectives for the group now are likely to reach Taiz city, which is already under a tight siege, as well as to restore control over the few positions it lost near Bab al-Mandab, most notable of which is Dhubab’s airstrip. Fighting could go on for weeks, or even months.

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• On October 7, an oil pipeline near Tal Hamis in Hasakah province was reportedly damaged in a sabotage attack;
• On October 7, Israeli forces entered Jabata al-Khashab in Quneitra and shot a man and detained him;
• On October 7, Israeli forces shelled the outskirts of Samadaniyah al-Sharqiyah in Quneitra;
• On October 8, Israeli forces entered eastern Samadaniyah with two tanks and more than 15 military vehicles.

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A Russian prisoner of war was killed after Ukrainian forces remotely detonated an explosive collar fitted with a GPS transmitter, TASS reported on August 8, one day after it published an account from another Russian serviceman describing a similar device.

In its latest report, the news agency cited Russian defense sources as saying the prisoner refused to move toward Russian positions and act as a suicide bomber. The sources said the collar was then detonated remotely.

“Ukrainian militants detonated a collar with explosives on a Russian prisoner. The guy became another suicide bomber,” the sources told TASS. “It’s obvious that he was sent to infiltrate our positions, but he didn’t go anywhere.”

TASS said it had obtained drone footage recorded shortly before the soldier’s death. The footage, according to the agency, shows a serviceman sitting motionless in a wooded area with an unidentified device around his neck.

The report followed a TASS interview published on October 7 with a Russian serviceman who said he escaped captivity after being fitted with what he described as a “shahid collar” containing a detonator and GPS beacon.

The serviceman said he had been captured while fighting near the border of the Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia regions. According to his account, Ukrainian forces attached the device to his neck and ordered him to approach Russian positions, allowing the location of Russian troops to be identified and targeted.

“It was at the border of the Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia regions,” the serviceman told TASS. “The enemy used an interesting type of weapon, the so-called shahid collar. A device with a detonator is attached to the neck. If you disobey, it explodes; if you carry out the task, it explodes too.”

The servieman said the equipment and explosives had been delivered to his Ukrainian captors by a heavy drone known as “Baba Yaga,” along with a radio that was to be used to coordinate his movements.

He added that a drone monitored him as he was sent toward Russian positions and that he was expected to bring back other Russian soldiers as prisoners.

The serviceman said he warned his comrades to withdraw while pretending to follow the instructions of his captors. After they escaped, he said, he used his sapper training to dismantle the collar.

“I was able to take apart the construction and remove the collar,” he said. “Only the detonator exploded, and I suffered minor injuries.”

TASS reported that the serviceman subsequently reached Russian forces and was evacuated. No further details were provided.

This new practice by Ukrainian forces constitutes a serious war crime. While TASS has managed to document two such cases so far, it is very possible that other Russian servicemen were murdered in this way. This criminal behavior, if anything, reflects the growing frustration in the Kyiv regime.

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• The Yemeni army (AnsarAllah) shot down a Saudi-operated Turkish-made Bayraktar Akinci drone over Taiz;
• The Yemeni army (AnsarAllah) struck Saudi military concentrations at Ras al-Arara south of Bab al-Mandab, as well as King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh with ballistic missiles;
• The Yemeni army (AnsarAllah) captured the summit of Jabal Habashi in Taiz, further expanding their control in the province.

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• Houthis Set Riyadh Airport Ablaze, Issue Last Warning to Saudi Aviation (Videos)
• Pakistan Strikes Houthis as Turkey Rejects Direct Role in Yemen
   

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Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) claimed two separate ballistic missile attacks on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh on October 8, as explosions disrupted air traffic in the Saudi capital and reports emerged of fires and possible strikes on oil and defense-related infrastructure elsewhere in the kingdom.

In a statement issued early in the day, Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said the group had “targeted King Khalid Airport in Riyadh with a ballistic missile,” which he said “hit its target accurately” and disrupted airport operations.

Saree issued another statement hours later, saying a second ballistic missile had struck the airport successfully and caused damage and further disruption to air traffic.

Saudi authorities said their air defenses intercepted two ballistic missiles fired toward Riyadh. Still, impacts were reported.

The attacks produced visible disruption at King Khalid International Airport. The Associated Press reported that a large explosion was heard at the airport, where fire and ambulance crews were deployed and passengers were told to evacuate.

Flight-tracking service Flightradar24 later reported that the airport had “closed again,” with no landings or takeoffs reported for over an hour.

Reuters reported that smoke was rising from a stationary civilian aircraft at the airport. Three people briefed on the incident said the aircraft was believed to have been empty.

The latest disruption came one day after Saudi authorities reported that an attack on King Khalid International Airport had killed one person and wounded eight. A separate attack on Abha International Airport in southwestern Saudi Arabia killed two people.

The escalation extended beyond Saudi Arabia’s airports. Satellite imagery on October 8 showed an expanding fire and dense smoke over the Abqaiq oil facilities in the kingdom’s Eastern Province, with heat signatures substantially above normal.

The Houthis subsequently warned personnel working in Saudi oil facilities to stay away from sites they consider military targets.

“We warn all employees, including experts, engineers and workers in all Saudi oil facilities, against being present in places that represent targets for our forces,” Saree said.

He repeated an earlier warning to international airlines, saying it was the group’s “last” warning against continuing to operate flights through Saudi airspace, which he said had become a theater for its military operations. Saree noted that the warning did not apply to the airspace over Mecca and Medina.

The Saudi-led coalition responded to the broader escalation with strikes inside Yemen. Coalition spokesman Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki said Thursday that coalition forces had destroyed 82 Houthi military targets in Saada, Hodeidah, Al-Jawf and Marib, including ballistic missile storage sites, command centers and weapons depots.

Saree separately claimed that the Houhtis had struck Saudi-backed forces with ballistic missiles at Qa’wa camp in the Ras al-Arah area and at concentrations south of Bab al-Mandab, Al-Suqya and Ras al-Arah. He claimed the attacks caused casualties and fires at weapons stores.

The escalation in strikes on Saudi Arabia came as the kingdom’s allies in Yemen continue to lose ground in Taiz and have yet to make any meaningful gains close to Bab al-Mandab. Now, the Houthis appear to be close to imposing a real no-fly zone over vast parts of Saudi Arabia.

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Pakistan has begun directly striking Yemen’s Houthis, a senior Pakistani military official told The New York Times on October 8, bringing Islamabad into Saudi Arabia’s renewed air campaign and exposing different interpretations among the members of a newly activated defense pact with Riyadh.

The official said Pakistani fighter jets were taking part in strikes against the Houthis. A second Pakistani official told the newspaper that Pakistan’s role would focus on air operations against Houthi missile and drone threats and would not include a ground offensive inside Yemen.

The reports came three days after Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey activated their Makkah Joint Defense Agreement following a series of Houthi attacks on Saudi territory.

The pact states that an attack on one member is considered an attack on all three, but the governments have taken different approaches to how that obligation should be carried out.

Pakistan had already confirmed that its forces were in Saudi Arabia. Lt. Gen. Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, spokesman for Pakistan’s military, said on October 8 that Pakistani forces were operating in the kingdom in “multiple capabilities and domains.”

Turkey has taken a more limited approach. Reuters reported on October 7 that Ankara was providing Saudi Arabia with mainly defensive and technical assistance, including air defense systems, logistical support, drone operators, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

Turkish officials said the support was initially being provided bilaterally because Turkey’s parliament had not yet ratified the defense agreement.

Following Reuters’ report, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan made clear that Turkey would not follow Pakistan into direct attacks inside Yemen.

Speaking in Ankara on October 8, Fidan said, “This is a defense pact, not a pact of offense,” and said Turkey would not send troops to another country to attack it. He added that Ankara was considering defense assistance for Saudi Arabia and that the agreement would soon be sent to parliament for ratification.

The difference is significant because the pact does not appear to impose a single model of military participation. Pakistan is now reportedly using its air force against Houthi targets, while Turkey is helping Saudi Arabia strengthen its defenses without joining offensive operations in Yemen.

The Pakistani contribution is relatively limited in size. Reuters reported on May 18 that Pakistan had deployed about 8,000 troops, a fighter squadron of roughly 16 aircraft, two drone squadrons and a Chinese-made HQ-9 air defense system to Saudi Arabia. The fighter squadron consisted mostly of JF-17 aircraft.

That force is being committed at a time when Saudi Arabia has already returned to a much broader war effort. Saudi-backed Yemeni forces launched a major offensive on October 4 to recover territory from the Houthis around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, with more than 100 Saudi warplanes supporting the operation, according to The Associated Press. The Houthis have largely repelled the offensive. The group also responded with missile and drone attacks against Saudi airports, military installations and other targets.

Saudi Arabia has fought this war before, with no success. The kingdom began its intervention against the Houthis in Yemen with a coalition of more than 10 countries in 2015.

At the time, Saudi Arabia was reported to have mobilized around 100 warplanes and 150,000 troops, while aircraft from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar and Bahrain participated in the campaign.

The Houthis were considerably less capable when that intervention began. Nevertheless, the Saudi-led coalition failed to defeat them or restore the Saudi-backed government’s control over Yemen. The Houthis retained Sanaa and much of northern Yemen and subsequently developed a larger missile and drone arsenal capable of striking targets deep inside Saudi Arabia.

The renewed campaign is therefore beginning with a smaller and less unified coalition than the one assembled in 2015, while the Houthis are a more experienced and better-armed force.

Pakistan’s participation gives Saudi Arabia another combat air arm, but the limited number of Pakistani aircraft means its contribution is unlikely by itself to fundamentally alter the balance of the war.

In addition, the contrasting roles of Pakistan and Turkey underscore the uncertainty over what the Makkah pact will mean in practice. Pakistan has now reportedly moved from defending Saudi Arabia to directly attacking the Houthis, while Turkey has publicly drawn a line between military assistance to Riyadh and participation in offensive operations inside Yemen.

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The administration of President Donald Trump is preparing military options for renewed strikes on Iran that could be launched before the November 3 United States midterm elections, according to American media, as officials weigh whether a new offensive could produce a battlefield and political gain before voters go to the polls.

The White House has asked the Pentagon to develop strike options against Iranian targets that could be used ahead of the election, The Atlantic reported on October 7, citing two administration officials.

U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) is compiling the plans, but their scale, targets and timing remain under debate and no final decision has been made.

Axios reported the same day that the Pentagon had instructed CENTCOM to complete preparations for a possible resumption of major combat operations in Iran.

U.S. officials said the order did not include a launch date, while U.S. and Israeli sources said operations could begin before the American elections. The plans could include extensive strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, energy infrastructure and other strategic targets.

The possibility of renewed fighting comes as the U.S. has gone several weeks without striking Iran. Trump has repeatedly suggested that the war could resume after the election, but The Atlantic reported that he told aides and advisers that a strike before the vote remained an option.

In remarks last week, Trump said the U.S. would win the war “right after the election,” while adding, “Maybe before the election.”

The administration appears to see a limited operation as a way to demonstrate progress, strengthen Trump’s position and potentially improve the political outlook for Republicans, particularly if it could be followed by lower energy prices.

Officials supporting the idea acknowledge, however, that a limited strike alone would not force Iran back to negotiations, restore normal traffic through the Strait of Hormuz or quickly reduce gasoline prices.

The military buildup gives the planning greater significance. The Associated Press reported on October 8 that roughly 9,000 additional U.S. troops were being sent to the Middle East aboard a group of ships, including the USS Theodore Roosevelt carrier strike group and an amphibious readiness group.

The deployment could bring three American aircraft carriers into the region by the end of October, raising the number of U.S. sailors and Marines there to more than 20,000.

At the same time, Washington is continuing indirect negotiations with Tehran, with significant differences remaining over a ceasefire, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz and conditions for reopening the waterway.

The administration has increasingly argued that Iran has been weakened by military and economic pressure, while Iranian leaders have shown little willingness to accept a settlement on U.S. terms.

Iranian retaliation would be a central risk of any renewed campaign. Axios reported that Israeli officials expect Tehran to respond with large-scale missile attacks against Israel, while U.S. officials have warned that American troops and Gulf allies would face renewed danger.

A new offensive could also further disrupt oil supplies and push energy prices higher, potentially worsening one of the main economic problems already hurting Republicans ahead of the election.

The administration nevertheless appears to be working from the belief that enough additional military pressure could force Iran to concede and allow Trump to claim that the war had effectively been brought to an end before the elections.

That outcome remains highly unlikely. Iran has repeatedly responded to U.S. strikes with attacks of its own, and the conflict has already lasted far longer than the administration originally expected. Another U.S. offensive is therefore more likely to trigger renewed Iranian retaliation and prolong the fighting than to achieve Washington’s objectives in time for the November vote, potentially carrying the war into the elections and beyond.

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Syria on October 7 stopped short of ruling out military cooperation with Saudi Arabia in its war against the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in Yemen, while denying that it had already agreed to send forces to the conflict.

The statement from Syria’s Ministry of Information came after Asharq Bloomberg Washington bureau chief Hiba Nasr reported on X that “Syria may join the war in Yemen,” citing multiple sources and stressing that “No final decision has been made, but the idea is under discussion.”

Reuters subsequently reported that Damascus was considering military assistance to Saudi Arabia, citing a United States official and a Syrian military official. The options included defensive assistance to protect Saudi territory as well as the deployment of Syrian forces to fight alongside Saudi-backed Yemeni troops.

Later, Axios reported that Saudi Arabia and Syria were discussing the possible deployment of Syrian troops to Yemen, citing three U.S. officials. It said Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa was seriously considering the proposal but had not made a final decision.

Damascus responded by emphasizing its support for Riyadh while avoiding a categorical rejection of military cooperation. The official Syrian Response account on X, operated by the Ministry of Information’s Foreign Media Directorate, said, “Syria’s position is clear: we stand firmly with Saudi Arabia against threats to its security and stability.”

“At the same time, Syria’s policy in the region is focused on stability, peace and cooperation, not opening new fronts,” the statement said. “Our priority is Syria: rebuilding the country, strengthening its institutions, working with our partners on reconstruction and improving the lives of Syrians.”

It added that “any military cooperation with partner countries would take place only through official channels and existing bilateral frameworks.”

The wording left open the possibility of future assistance while making clear that Damascus was not announcing participation in the Yemen war yet.

The reports emerged after al-Sharaa met Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Riyadh on October 6. The Syrian presidency said the meeting addressed bilateral relations and regional developments but did not announce any military agreement concerning Yemen.

Reuters reported that a U.S. official said Saudi Arabia had requested Syrian forces to fight the Houthis, but that claim was rejected by Ahmad Zaidan, Sharaa’s personal media adviser. Zaidan claimed that the reports were false, according to the news agency.

The Syrian response therefore drew a distinction between an immediate Saudi request for troops, which Damascus denied, and future military cooperation.

The Reuters report noted that Syria’s main priority remained rebuilding after years of civil war, while military involvement in Yemen could expose the country to a wider regional conflict.

Saudi-backed Yemeni forces launched a major offensive near Bab al-Mandab this week but failed to make any meaningful gains. Meanwhile, the Houthis have expanded their control in the province of Taiz and continued strikes on Saudi territory.

The renewed fighting has turned the conflict into a wider regional confrontation, increasing pressure on Riyadh to secure military and technical support from its partners. The kingdom is already receiving support from Turkey and Pakistan, members of the Mecca defense pact.

Being in an extremely difficult economic situation, Syria could end up joining the war against the Houthis in one way or another if Saudi Arabia offers serious financial incitement. Still, this would carry great risk for Sharaa, as the Houthis and their allies will certainly strike back, possibly targeting Syria’s fragile infrastructure. This would be catastrophic for Damascus.

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In the Slavyansk direction the situation is deteriorating: Ukrainian units are increasing activity, taking advantage of successes in the Liman area, where fresh forces of drone operators have been concentrated in the vicinity of Dibrova. Russian units have been driven out of the remnants of Piskunovka and are defending the approaches to Krivaya Luka. In the Dnipropetrovsk direction Ukrainian units are attacking near Komar and Perebudova; the eastern flank remains an extensive grey zone. In the Dobropolye direction fierce fighting continues: Russian assault groups are advancing in the southern part of the town, while Ukrainian units are exerting pressure on the northern flank near Zolotoy Kolodets. In the Sumy direction Ukrainian forces are accumulating reserves in the forest tracts north of Sumy and in the pocket south of Yunakovka; fighting is under way near Ivolzhanskoye and Pisarevka. In the Kharkiv direction Russian units are tightening the encirclement ring in the northeast of the region, advancing near Tokarevka and in the areas of Varvarovka, Reznikovo, Lobanovka, Kotovka and Annopolye. In the concluding part, the parties Alternative for Germany and the Alliance for Social Justice and Reasonable Economics will submit a resolution to the Saxony-Anhalt state parliament demanding that the anti-Russian sanctions and assistance to Ukraine be recognised as failures.

Slavyansk direction  

The Slavyansk direction is for the time being being postponed, as the situation here is deteriorating. Ukrainian units are increasing activity, taking advantage of successes in the Liman area, where fresh forces of drone operators have been concentrated in the vicinity of Dibrova. Russian fighters have been driven out of the remnants of Piskunovka and are now defending the approaches to Krivaya Luka. Ukrainian units are attempting to penetrate there both from the west and across the river from the direction of Ozernoye.

West of Kalenikovo fierce fighting continues. Ukrainian units are attacking from the direction of Nikolayevka, using previously accumulated reserves. Fierce fighting is also under way for Rai-Aleksandrovka, although only recently the village was under the full control of Russian units. No less complicated is the situation on the western bank of the Seversky Donets–Donbass canal. Russian fighters are still holding positions and conducting fighting for Malinovka, Tikhonovka and the vicinity of Yurkovka.

The Ukrainian side is using successes on the Liman direction to develop attacks on the Slavyansk direction, where Russian troops are forced to defend previously captured positions and expend resources on restoring control instead of developing the offensive. It is becoming obvious that the possibility of an assault on the agglomeration is receding into a more distant perspective. Without control over the forests south of Liman — which will require not only stabilization of the situation but also a counter-counteroffensive — an advance from Seversk toward Slavyansk under flanking fire is doomed if not to failure then to high losses from flanking strikes.  

Dnipropetrovsk direction  

Ukrainian units are attacking in the Dnipropetrovsk direction; the situation remains extremely tense. There is growing evidence of attempts by Ukrainian forces to advance near Komar. According to footage from Russian sources, Ukrainian units are already operating with infantry in the vicinity of Perebudova, east of the Mokrye Yaly River. Judging by the direction of movement of a Ukrainian assault soldier hit by a drone, the Ukrainian side is attempting to outflank Komar. There are reports of activity by Ukrainian units near Fyodorovka, which lies further south.

The eastern flank of the Dnipropetrovsk direction, as before, remains an extensive grey zone in which Ukrainian forces are gradually consolidating. Taking advantage of superiority in drones and heights in the area of Ivanovka and Gavrilovka, they obtained the ability to control with drones the settlements lying in the lowland.

At the same time, on the western flank the initiative is still retained by Russian units operating in the Zaporizhzhia region. Trends on the Dnipropetrovsk direction remain largely negative: for several months already the Ukrainian side has retained the ability to bring new groups across the Volchya River. This calls into question the presence of Russian units on the extensive stretch of terrain south of the river, since footage from near Komar appears regularly.

Dobropolye direction  

Fierce fighting does not abate in the Dobropolye direction. Ukrainian units are increasing activity in the vicinity of Zolotoy Kolodets on the northern flank and are attacking near Rubezhnoye, Kucherov Yar and Novonikolayevka. Russian units are advancing inside Dobropolye itself.

In Krasnoyarskoye a Ukrainian presence is still retained, as is the possibility for Ukrainian forces to send infiltration groups toward Belitskoye. There are also reports of Russian fighters advancing from the village of Dobropolye northward toward Svyatogorovka. On the southern flank Russian fighters continue to advance in the vicinity of Sergeyevka.  

Sumy direction  

In the Sumy direction the Ukrainian side continues to accumulate reserves in the forest tracts north of Sumy and in the pocket south of Yunakovka. Fighting continues near Ivolzhanskoye and Pisarevka. Ukrainian units, being in a tactical advantage, are actively using routes through the forest while the vegetation has not yet fallen; this is, so to speak, the last push by Ukrainian forces before the winter period. South of Yunakovka the situation is also complicated: Ukrainian troops are attempting to enter and consolidate in the southern part of the village. In Malaya Korchakovka there is a huge number of Ukrainian drones, and small groups are being transferred from the direction of Ivolzhanskoye; however, further movement will be difficult for the Ukrainian side, as the terrain does not permit it even with drones present.

In Kiyanitsa and Khoten of Sumy district, assault groups are conducting small-arms fighting. Near Krovnoye Russian units discovered a camouflaged German Leopard, after which they struck it with unmanned aerial vehicles. In Shostka district Russian troops advanced through tree lines near Korenok.  

Kharkiv direction  

Fierce fighting continues on all sectors of the front in the Kharkiv region. Russian units are tightening the encirclement ring in the northeast of the region, destroying the remnants of Ukrainian forces. Ukrainian units are preparing new assault groups for a breakout.

Local residents of the Kharkiv region are increasingly refusing to provide housing to servicemen of Ukrainian units who have arrived from rear areas for reinforcement. The command of these units is urging subordinates to use weapons to persuade civilians to provide their homes for accommodation. In the Liptsy direction Russian assault troops continue to advance near Tokarevka. Over the course of a day progress reached up to 200 meters. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions Russian units have concentrated efforts on detecting and destroying Ukrainian assault groups preparing for offensive actions. Assault groups of Russian units have advanced near Varvarovka, Reznikovo, Lobanovka, Kotovka and Annopolye. 

Conclusion  

In the Slavyansk direction this is expressed in the defense of the approaches to Krivaya Luka and heavy fighting for Rai-Aleksandrovka, where the Ukrainian side is using accumulated reserves. In the Dnipropetrovsk direction — in the repulsion of attacks near Komar and Perebudova and attempts to stabilize the eastern flank. In the Dobropolye direction — in the advance in the southern part of the town and pressure on the northern flank. In the Sumy direction — in fighting near Ivolzhanskoye and Pisarevka and the accumulation of reserves by the Ukrainian side in the forest tracts. In the Kharkiv direction — in the tightening of the encirclement ring and advances near Tokarevka and in the areas of Varvarovka, Reznikovo, Lobanovka, Kotovka and Annopolye. A common feature remains the high role of drones, artillery and aviation, as well as the difficulty of crossing open spaces and wooded terrain, which slows the pace but does not change the overall trend. The Ukrainian side continues to transfer reserves and to counterattack, yet fails to achieve a turning point.

The parties Alternative for Germany and the Alliance for Social Justice and Reasonable Economics will submit to the regional parliament of the state of Saxony-Anhalt a resolution demanding that the anti-Russian sanctions and assistance to Ukraine be recognized as failures. According to the draft document, the parliament is to recognize as failures the sanctions policy against Russia as well as arms deliveries and financial assistance to Ukraine. The parties call on the state government to use all available means to prevent further escalation of the conflict in Ukraine and to take steps toward a peaceful settlement. Alternative for Germany won with 43.8 percent of the vote in the elections to the parliament of the state of Saxony-Anhalt held on 6 September. It advocates a tougher migration policy and the protection of traditional values.

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The Houthis (Ansar Allah) released footage on October 7 showing their fighters driving Saudi-backed forces out of two districts in the southwestern Yemeni province of Taiz. Many of the Houthi fighters in the video appear to be fighting barefoot.

The footage was said to show operations in the al-Ma’afer and al-Mawasit districts, including the capture of the palace of Rashad al-Alimi, chairman of the Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council.

Earlier in the day, Yemen’s Saba news agency reported, citing a Houthi military official, that Saudi-backed forces had been completely expelled from the al-Salw district in southern Taiz and had handed over all of their weapons and positions to the group.

Beyond Taiz, Houthi military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree said the group had repelled an attempt by Saudi-backed forces to advance toward its positions in the northern province of al-Jawf.

Saree said Houthi forces struck troop concentrations with ballistic missiles and drones, killing and wounding dozens of fighters and destroying several vehicles.

In a separate statement, Saree said Houthi forces had struck 11 Saudi-backed troop concentrations over the previous 24 hours in areas south of Bab al-Mandab and in al-Suqya, Ras al-Ara and al-Mudharibah. He said the attacks involved 11 ballistic missiles and caused dozens of deaths and injuries, including among commanders, while destroying a number of vehicles.

Saree said Houthi forces then tracked a company from the 13th Giants Brigade, accusing the unit of running over prisoners of war. The company was struck by a ballistic missile while its members were gathered, causing more than 30 casualties.

These latest developments show the Houthis still have the upper hand on all fronts in Yemen. In Taiz in particular, the situation is worsening for the besieged Saudi-backed forces. A collapse there can be expected within days, if not hours. The Houthis could take over the provincial capital before the end of the month.

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Russia’s Africa Corps on October 7 provided details on the successful weeklong offensive operation that concluded with the liberation of the key city of Kidal in northern Mali.

In a statement posted to Telegram, the Africa Corps said the operation ran from October 1 through October 7 and involved Malian army units and Russian forces working with the GATIA and MSA armed groups.

The GATIA and MSA, which are mainly Tuareg, have cooperated with the Malian government against separatists and jihadist groups.

The joint force advanced more than 450 kilometers from Gao toward Kidal through difficult terrain, including mined areas, while taking control of settlements along the route, according to the Corps.

Russian and Malian aircraft provided air support to the ground advance, striking what the Africa Corps described as militant positions around Kidal as well as rear facilities in nearby Abeïbara, Tin-Essako, Talahandak, Tinzaouaten and Tessalit.

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The Corps said the offensive caused heavy losses among the opposing forces and prevented them from maintaining their positions around Kidal. It added that allied assault units entered the city from several directions, leaving the groups defending it unable to organize an effective resistance.

A day earlier, the Azawad Liberation Front, better known as the FLA, announced its withdrawal from Kidal. The Tuareg-dominated separatist group said it had carried out a “controlled and temporary” withdrawal to preserve its forces and resources. The group attributed its decision in part to intensified air operations by Malian forces and Russia’s Africa Corps and said its departure had taken place without direct fighting inside the city.

Mali’s government said that its forces had entered Kidal and were reinforcing their presence there. The city had been seized in April by the FLA in cooperation with Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or JNIM, an al-Qaida affiliate, during a broader offensive that struck several locations across Mali and killed Defense Minister Sadio Camara.

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Click to see full-size image.

Kidal carries particular political importance for Bamako because it has long been a center of Tuareg separatism and a symbol of the Malian state’s contested authority across the country’s vast northern territory. Malian forces previously recaptured the city in November 2023 after it had been held by Tuareg rebels for years, making its loss in April and return this week especially significant.

The Africa Corps described the latest operation as a major military and political victory for Mali and its Russian partners. It said troops were now conducting clearance operations, removing mines and unexploded ordnance and providing humanitarian assistance to civilians in the city.

The recapture gives Mali’s military government control of Kidal again, but it does not by itself end the insurgency in the country.

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• The Yemeni Army (Ansar Allah) reportedly struck al-Dagharir camp and al-Mawsim camp in Jizan, Aakifah camp in Asir, King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, Abha International Airport, Khamis Mushait Air Base and Saudi military supplies at Badr camp near Aden International Airport;
• Saudi-backed forces had been driven out of al-Salu district in Taiz province, with the forces surrendering their weapons and positions to Ansar Allah;
• By October 7, the Saudi-backed counterattack near Bab al-Mandab had stalled, with Ansar Allah retaining control of the strategic waterway;
• Reports on October 7 said Syria could join Saudi Arabia in the war against Ansar Allah in Yemen.

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• Houthis Deepen Saudi Arabia’s Problems With Intensive Strikes (Videos)
• Syria Is Preparing to Join Saudi War on Yemen, and It Would Be a Big Mistake
   

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Iran’s armed forces are prepared to launch pre-emptive strikes if needed to prevent further attacks, an army spokesman said on October 7, as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed tighter control over the Strait of Hormuz amid continued attacks on commercial shipping.

“Should circumstances require it, we will conduct pre-emptive operations down the line in order to prevent the enemy from committing any act of aggression or intrusion,” Brig. Gen. Mohammad Akrami-Nia, spokesman for Iran’s regular army, told the state-run IRNA news agency.

The warning came as Tehran continued to restrict commercial traffic through Hormuz, with Iranian officials saying the waterway would remain closed under current conditions.

Brig. Gen. Mohammad Reza Naqdi, a senior adviser to the IRGC, said Iran had full control of the strait and would maintain the restrictions until its demands were met.

“The Strait of Hormuz is closed and the armed forces have full control over it, and this situation will continue until Iran’s legitimate demands are met,” Naqdi said in a media interview.

Naqdi revealed that some vessels were using small boats to move oil through the waterway before transferring it to larger tankers. He warned that Iran will soon shut what it considers unauthorized routes near Oman that he said had been created by damaging rocky passages.

“Soon, a small number of the routes that violators have created by blasting and destroying some of the existing rocky passages in the Strait of Hormuz will be blocked,” he said.

Another IRGC adviser, Brig. Gen. Amirahmadi, said only about 10 ships a day were now passing through the strait, compared with almost 125 before the war that began on February 28. He noted that most of those vessels were using routes approved by Iran.

“These ships are mainly those that pass through the waterway and designated route with the permission of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” he said.

The figures point to a heavily restricted waterway rather than a complete halt in shipping. Reuters reported that, between September 28 and October 5, attacks, attempted attacks and harassment involving tankers reached their highest weekly level since the war began.

The latest incidents have underscored the danger facing ships still attempting to transit the strait. On October 6, the Panama-flagged tanker On Peace was hit by an unidentified projectile off Oman, injuring 12 of its 19 crew members. Eleven of those injured were Indian nationals, and Oman evacuated the crew members to Khasab for treatment. Neither India nor Oman identified the attacker.

Two days earlier, on October 4, the Liberian-flagged tanker Lipsi was struck by an unknown projectile in the strait, damaging its engine room and leaving the vessel disabled and drifting. The crew was unharmed and no pollution was reported. Maritime authorities did not identify those responsible for the attack.

Recent remarks by Iranian commanders indicate that the Islamic Republic is planning to further tighten its grip over the Strait of Hormuz and is willing to go into another confrontation in order to keep the waterway under its control.

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