The tractors rolling into the town of Gela on the southern tip of Europe are flying the Sicilian flag, emblazoned with Medusa, three bent legs and ears of wheat, a reminder of the island’s role as a breadbasket since Roman times.

But the farmers are not bringing in a harvest. They are protesting.

As soaring fuel prices squeeze household budgets and businesses across Europe, cost-of-living pressures are driving unrest and giving fresh momentum to far-right parties ahead of elections next year in countries including France, Italy and Poland.

Parties once considered fringe had already been gaining ground, with voters from motorists in rural France to young men in Germany’s former Communist east looking for alternatives.

The US-Iran war, which erupted in February and sent energy prices sharply higher, has compounded the challenge for governments already struggling to contain inflation, support growth and rein in spending.

The discontent has spilled onto the streets.

In France, demonstrations that began over deteriorating school facilities in Paris’ northern suburbs have morphed into some of the country’s worst unrest in decades, with shops looted, buildings torched and a 19th-century town hall in Limoges set on fire.

“Why am I here? Well, quite simply, I find the current cost of living truly terrifying,” said Quentin Leviloux, a 21-year-old protester in Nantes.

“Just think of people who earn barely the minimum wage, when you look at the cost of food, fuel, and everything else. It’s terrifying how incredibly expensive things have become.”

The European Commission estimates the Iran conflict has cost Europe roughly €100 billion ($112 billion) through disrupted trade and energy markets. Gas prices have jumped about 140% and diesel prices have doubled.

In a weekend address, French President Emmanuel Macron acknowledged the “legitimate demands” of protesters angered by rising living and fuel costs, while condemning those responsible for violence and looting. “We must never confuse them with those who destroyed, vandalised and looted,” he said.

Cost-of-living protests spread across Europe

Violence has also erupted elsewhere. In the wealthy northern Italian city of Milan, police clashed on Sunday with protesters hurling stones and looting stores during demonstrations over poor public services and rising living costs.

In Gela, on Sicily’s southern coast, farmers say fuel costs have made operating machinery prohibitively expensive. “We cultivate the land, we harvest debts,” said one banner.

“We are completely at a standstill,” said Arcangelo Gambino, a farmers’ representative in Caltanissetta province. “The (fuel) cost has more than doubled.”

Roadblocks by truckers, farmers and steelworkers have disrupted transport across parts of southern Italy, contributing to local fuel shortages and concerns over supermarket supplies.

Tens of thousands marched through Lisbon on Saturday over low wages, housing costs and the rising cost of living, increasing pressure on Portugal’s centre-right government.

In Spain, the eviction of an 87-year-old woman from her home sparked nationwide demonstrations over housing shortages and soaring rents, helping trigger a snap election next month.

Belgium has also seen demonstrations, while large rallies in Albania have been driven by anger over perceived government corruption, a lack of jobs and poor education standards.

The protests reflect broader economic anxieties that are increasingly shaping politics across the continent.

Concerns about purchasing power have become “a major driver of populist politics” across Europe, said Gilles Ivaldi, a political scientist at Sciences Po.

Politicians on both the hard right and hard left have increasingly argued that restoring energy ties with Russia would help lower costs, challenging Europe’s mainstream consensus on support for Ukraine.

Le Pen makes fuel prices an election issue

The latest energy shock comes after years of economic strain following the pandemic and the fallout from Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

In France, rising energy costs have provided an explosive backdrop to next April’s presidential election. Macron’s government is struggling with a ballooning budget deficit and pressure from bond markets.

Frontrunner Marine Le Pen of the far-right National Rally and hard-left veteran Jean-Luc Melenchon have both made fuel prices central planks in their campaigns.

“Rising fuel prices are clearly an issue that boosts Marine Le Pen,” said Ivaldi. “I think this is an issue she has owned for quite some time.”

Since the Iran war began, Le Pen’s ratings have improved while Macron’s have slipped, according to polling by Elabe.

Le Pen’s proposal to sharply cut value-added tax on fuel has attracted broad public support. Analysts say the issue resonates strongly with her core voters in rural and semi-rural areas where car travel is often essential.

Far-right parties call for renewed Russian energy ties

In neighbouring Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is leading national opinion polls after strong gains in local elections. The cost of living topped Germans’ concerns for a fifth straight year in a survey published this month.

German inflation spiked to nearly a three-year high in September, with energy price inflation rising to 14.9%, handing ammunition to the AfD to attack Chancellor Friedrich Merz.

The AfD is pushing to restore energy ties with Russia, arguing that Berlin’s support for Ukraine is needlessly self-sabotaging at a time when Europe’s largest economy and many of its energy-hungry companies are struggling.

Past experience indicates a link between high energy prices and voter turnout for the AfD, said Jan Steckel, professor for the political economy of climate change at the Technical University of Munich.

“Populist parties often frame energy costs as avoidable and attribute them to government policy choices … rather than to the underlying geopolitical shocks that drive them,” he said.

“These geopolitical shocks are … much more difficult to explain. And I think this is why incumbent parties often struggle.”

The argument is gaining traction elsewhere.

In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni faces growing competition from National Future, a new far-right party led by former army general Roberto Vannacci that advocates restoring gas links with Russia.

In Poland, one of Ukraine’s staunchest supporters, concern over energy bills is helping boost support for the far-right Confederation of the Polish Crown. Its leader, Grzegorz Braun, has called for a return to buying Russian oil and gas, making the case alongside AfD politicians in Lubmin, where the damaged Nord Stream pipelines land in Germany.

“I love the smell of Russian gas in the morning,” he said.

The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) has continued its downward spiral after suffering significant losses in state elections in Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania on Sunday, September 20. In addition to coming second to the progressive Die Linke in the German capital, Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s party failed to achieve the 5% needed to enter Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania’s parliament, marking a new low – or, in Merz’s own words – a “disaster.”

The results of the two elections were radically different: in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) won the largest percentage of votes, echoing, in many ways, the recent outcome in Saxony-Anhalt. In Berlin, Die Linke emerged as the winner, claiming a quarter of the vote after a campaign focusing on housing, the cost of living crisis, and public transport.

Read more: Far-right victory in German state elections shocks the center

Part of the local reports note that while the AfD and Die Linke lie on opposite ends of the political spectrum, both gained ground thanks to the perception that they bring the best chance of breaking with the policies implemented by the government coalition between CDU and the Social Democrats (SPD).

These policies – pursuing extensive cuts to the social and welfare system and attacks on labor rights in order to fund a massive rearmament drive – have completely eroded the support for Merz’s conservatives. Despite this administration’s unprecedented unpopularity, the German Chancellor is showing no sign of changing course, stating after Sunday’s election that “reforms must come.”

Die Linke’s Berlin result: reforms must be implemented – but which reforms?

Reforms must be implemented, voters in several German states apparently agree with Merz – just not those envisioned by the CDU. Die Linke’s campaign, led by Elif Eralp, offered an alternative list of policy reforms addressing Berlin’s inhabitants’ most pressing concerns. This meant a focus on accessible housing – including a follow-up on the 2021 referendum where voters backed expropriating the property of private real-estate companies with 3,000 or more units in the city.

Five years ago, over one million people supported the referendum’s idea of socializing the housing pool, yet no action was taken by the local administration. Since then, the housing situation has grown worse, leading to widespread frustration. Die Linke’s campaign recognized the general discontent and promised it would not give up on socialization.

“Die Linke’s successful campaign in Berlin was driven by its strong focus on affordable housing and rent control, which resonated deeply with voters facing massively rising living costs,” Kirsten Schubert, a general practitioner active in the party’s local chapter, told BreakThrough News. “The party integrated large-scale door-to-door campaigning strategy, allowing volunteers to connect personally with hundreds of thousands of residents directly at their doorsteps. By those means, strong social media presence and a huge range of community activities, they successfully mobilized a diverse coalition of non-voters, progressive urban youth, and traditional working-class voters.”

Read more: Berliners win vote to expropriate housing from corporate landlords. What’s next?

Krunoslav Stojaković, a political advisor at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, says that the election result commits not only Die Linke, but also “the social left and all those who care about a more just society” to work towards achieving socialization of housing. “At this point, there can be no going back […] The people of Berlin have given us this mandate.”

“There will be resistance,” he emphasizes. “Potential coalition partners are only tentatively supportive of Die Linke, and some are already making demands against the socialization of those profiting from the housing crisis as a condition for political cooperation.”

Progressive measures to face opposition from center

The approach adopted in Berlin marked a welcome break from Die Linke’s campaigning in other states. Stojaković pointed out to the portal H-alter that the party’s earlier choices – such as joining coalitions that implemented austerity measures – contributed to a fall in popularity. The recent success offers an opportunity to reclaim lost ground and reshape the party’s approach to fieldwork. But it should not be taken for granted that this will happen.

For now, the party faces talks with potential coalition partners SPD and the Greens. Figures from both parties signaled there are significant misalignments between them and Die Linke. While the SPD does not share the commitment to socialization of housing, the Greens’ Franziska Brantner said the party would not cooperate with “anti-semites from Neukölln.” With this, Brantner indicated that the political mainstream in Germany will persist in pressuring those criticizing Israel – even if this criticism remains timid at best.

Read more: Thousands join Berlin’s Peace Days to support antimilitarism and solidarity

On the other hand, left and progressive parties across Europe recognized in Die Linke’s result an important rupture within the predominating context of the far right gaining electoral ground. From Jean-Luc Mélenchon in France to Slovenia’s Levica, reactions emphasized the significance of shaping grounded and unequivocally left programs. “Politics begins with the daily problems of millions of people,” wrote Peter Mertens, General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA). “It is not just about talking about tenants and workers, but about organizing them so they can impose change themselves.”

This article was updated on Wednesday, September 23, to incorporate comments from Kirsten Schubert.

“A far-right party with roots in Holocaust complicity is now Germany’s most pro-Israel political force, with AfD winning nearly half the vote in Saxony-Anhalt’s state election. Germany’s political establishment is calling it a shock; anti-fascist activist Phillipp Slanina says it isn’t one.

Support for Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) was roughly halved in what analysts are calling an AfD testing ground for more state elections this fall. Slanina argues the party isn’t the anti-establishment political outsider it styles itself as. It was built from inside the center, founded by both conservatives and liberals before neo-Nazi factions moved in and took over its core, and its rise has been fueled by CDU and SPD’s commitment to neoliberalism. 

Slanina says the same parties now claiming to present a “firewall” against the far right actually mainstreamed the platform that ushered in victory for AfD: on immigration, on militarization, on cuts to social services, on the crackdown on Palestine solidarity. He explains that by branding itself as the most aggressively pro-Israel parliamentary bloc and backing unconditional support for Tel Aviv, AfD can get away with claiming it can’t possibly be neo-Nazi – even while pushing some of the harshest crackdowns on pro-Palestinian speech in Europe.

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The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) secured a convincing victory in the Saxony-Anhalt state election on September 6, 2026. The election was marked by a high turnout of nearly 78% and took place amid a climate of widespread anger against federal policies implemented by the Merz administration – particularly attacks on social services and welfare, and ongoing militarization.

The AfD won approximately 44% of the vote, more than double its result in the 2021 election. Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) saw its support halve to barely over 17%, followed by the Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens, and the progressive party Die Linke – all recording less than 10% of the vote. The Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) crossed the 5% electoral threshold.

Despite the result, it remains unclear whether the far right will be able to form a government, as mainstream parties have historically maintained a “firewall” against cooperation with the AfD. For his part, AfD state leader Ulrich Siegmund indicated the party’s preference is forming a non-coalition administration, even if it means going to the polls again. He assured that, in that case, the AfD would win over 50% of the vote.

Read more: Germany’s ‘summer of reforms’ to accelerate militarization

While mainstream parties across Germany expressed shock over the election result, critics on the left argue this is the result of their own unwillingness to break with neoliberal policies and attacks on labor rights. Ever since the far right began to record stronger electoral results, the mainstream parties’ focus has remained almost exclusively on the AfD’s anti-immigrant discourse, even embracing growing chunks of this narrative in an attempt to preserve votes. 

These same parties fail to recognize the importance of the cost of living crisis and massive job losses for voters. The fear of not being able to make ends meet was one of the top concerns in Saxony-Anhalt. This indicated that many votes for the AfD were cast in the attempt to find an alternative to the mainstream. Merz’s administration, however, is apparently still oblivious to these concerns.

The AfD coming into power would also not translate into a change of economic policy, considering their program remains aligned with neoliberal principles. While this leaves room for the left to act and shape a socially just strategy, notable social mobilizations are yet to be fully recognized as pointers for progressive parties.

Read more: Insurgent left candidate may spoil far right’s plans in 2027 French presidential election

AfD’s success has been noted with concern by progressive politicians across the region. They pointed to the stubborn insistence of mainstream parties on austerity policies even as it becomes apparent that they are pushing people into the arms of the extreme right.

“The far right is back in Germany,” French presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon reacted. “This is a catastrophic demonstration of the blindness of Europe’s centrist politicians. The disaster is of their making.”

“Things didn’t turn out well under the far right last time, and they won’t this time either,” echoed Slovenian progressive party Levica. “The only answer to the consequences of capitalism is socialism.”