Image source: Pexels

Roulette looks simple from the other side of a screen. A wheel turns, a ball settles, and the table records the result. Recreating that sequence in a browser, however, requires several systems to agree at exactly the right moment. Graphics, game logic, account data, and network communication all have to work together without making the machinery visible.

The result is a useful example of Europe’s wider shift from location-based services to software platforms. A familiar physical product has not merely been filmed or copied; it has been rebuilt as a responsive digital service.

The browser became a capable game platform

Older web games often depended on plug-ins and desktop software. Modern browsers can handle animated graphics, encrypted connections, and real-time updates directly. That removed a major barrier for table games: users no longer had to install a dedicated program for every platform.

Responsive design then allowed the same underlying game to adapt to laptops, tablets, and phones. Controls can move, table proportions can change, and information can be prioritized according to screen size. The wheel remains central, but the interface around it is fluid.

A physical rhythm becomes a data sequence

Our reporting on how newer online platforms challenge established operators highlighted the role of differentiated products and payment options. Technical reliability is the quieter part of that competition. A novel interface has little value if a session disconnects or an account update is delayed.

One interface has to serve several networks

Browser delivery means the product cannot assume one machine, connection, or input method. A fiber-connected desktop and a phone on a mobile network may request the same game but need different image sizes, control spacing, and recovery behavior. Responsive layout handles appearance; resilient session management handles what happens when the connection changes mid-action.

Regional delivery adds another layer. Language, permitted formats, account information, and payment options can vary by market. Those differences should be resolved before the interface presents an option; otherwise, a user may travel through several screens only to discover that the selected feature is unavailable.

A collection such as Royal Vegas online roulette demonstrates how one historic game can be represented through multiple digital formats. Underneath the visual differences, each round depends on a controlled sequence: accept selections, close the round, generate or receive the outcome, settle the result, and update the account record.

Timing is essential. If the animation gets ahead of the server state, the experience feels unreliable. If every action waits visibly for a distant response, it feels sluggish. Developers therefore use local animation to maintain flow while authoritative systems preserve the actual game state.

Streaming added another technical layer

Live-dealer versions introduce video production and low-latency transmission. Multiple camera angles, table data, and user controls must remain synchronized. A delay of a few seconds that barely matters to ordinary video can be disruptive when a betting window is closing.

Trust depends on synchronised records

The visual wheel is only one representation of an event recorded by back-end systems. Account balance, game state, and transaction history have to agree on what occurred. If a page refresh produces a different view, the service needs to recover from the authoritative record and explain the correction clearly.

Security is woven through that process. Encrypted connections protect data in transit, authentication limits access to the account, and monitoring helps identify abnormal traffic. These controls should operate without turning every ordinary action into a maze of prompts. The challenge is to add friction where risk is high and remove it where repetition adds no protection.

Live formats increase the coordination burden because video, table events, and user controls travel through different technical layers. A short delay is not always avoidable, but the interface can show whether a selection was received and when betting has closed. A clear state is more important than pretending latency does not exist.

Roulette's browser migration therefore reflects a broader European software question: how can a regulated service remain consistent across devices and borders? The answer lies less in spectacular animation than in dependable records, transparent availability, and interfaces designed for imperfect networks.

For a plain-language look at one part of this system, web.dev's introduction to WebSockets explains how a browser and server can keep a two-way connection open, allowing either side to send data when it is ready. That makes the technology relevant to interactive products where timely updates matter more than repeatedly loading a conventional page.

Technology changes the market around the game

Roulette’s move to the browser is therefore not a story about replacing a wooden wheel with an animation. It is about rebuilding an entire service around networks, responsive interfaces, and auditable data—while keeping the result familiar enough to understand at first glance.

A long-running institutional struggle over who controls European Union foreign policy has broken into the open, with EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas publicly acknowledging that the role of the High Representative has not worked as intended when decisions are effectively taken above her inside the European Commission, writes Catherine Feore.

Speaking after an informal meeting of EU foreign ministers, Kallas delivered an unusually candid assessment of the relationship between the European External Action Service (EEAS), the European Commission and the member states.

At the centre of the dispute is a fundamental question: whether the EU's foreign policy is ultimately directed through the High Representative, who is supposed to bridge the Commission and national governments, or through Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

Kallas argued that the problem does not lie primarily in the EU treaties or the institutional architecture they created. Instead, she said, it lies in how that architecture has been implemented in practice.

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"The problem is not the treaties, not the institutional setup. The problem is the implementation of that setup that it would work in practice, and there was a broad support by the member states to make it work. But of course, it doesn't entirely depend on the member states," Kallas said.

The final sentence was significant. Kallas' comments point towards criticism of von der Leyen.

Under the EU's institutional structure, Kallas holds two positions simultaneously: High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission. The dual role was designed precisely to connect foreign-policy decisions made by the member states with the powerful economic and regulatory instruments controlled by the Commission.

Those instruments include trade, development assistance, enlargement, migration and visa policy. Kallas argued that Europe cannot operate effectively as a geopolitical actor unless it brings those tools together with the foreign policy agreed by national governments.

"If we want to act as a geopolitical player, we should really put these things together," she said, arguing that this was precisely why the treaties created the vice-presidential component of the High Representative's job.

A role that works "on paper"

Asked about proposals to shift parts of the EEAS, its staff or competences towards the Commission, she described a system in which her coordinating authority exists more clearly in theory than in practice.

"The high representative/vice president is the link between the member states and the Commission, on paper, in theory,” she added pointedly that “we have had issues where there is somebody above me that is actually deciding; then you know it doesn't work that way. Let's be very frank.”

The reference to "somebody above me" was the sharpest indication of the institutional problem Kallas was describing. Within the Commission hierarchy, the person “above” Kallas is Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

Commission versus EEAS

The question arose because foreign affairs ministers were discussing the future of the EEAS and how Europe's external-policy machinery should be organised.

According to Kallas, governments broadly supported retaining the existing institutional structure rather than rewriting it. But they also want that structure to operate as originally intended.

She warned in particular against duplication between the EEAS and the Commission. If a function is already being performed effectively by the diplomatic service, she argued, there is little justification for recreating the same capacity inside the Commission.

The discussion also touched on proposals to concentrate more external-action functions inside the Commission. Kallas said such a transfer could not be separated from the High Representative's authority.

If external-action services are concentrated in the Commission, she argued, the other side of the bargain must be that the High Representative genuinely oversees those services. "One side of the equation cannot happen without the other," she said.

Kallas said a majority of governments supported maintaining the current institutional setup and opposed concentrating everything in the Commission without the High Representative's coordinating role being implemented in practice. 

PHOTO CREDIT: Roundtable Informal meeting of Foreign Affairs Ministers (Gymnich) - September 2026 - Irish Foreign Minister Helen McEntee and EU High Representative Kaja Kallas © European Union

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte Photographer: Dati Bendo © European Union
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Wednesday (2 September) that Europe and NATO would increase pressure on Russia after Germany attributed an attempted attack on cargo planes at Leipzig/Halle Airport to Moscow, calling the incident a “new escalation” on European Union soil, writes Catherine Feore.

“This was an attack using military-grade material, carried out by Russian operatives on European Union soil. We will not tolerate it,” von der Leyen said alongside NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in Brussels.

The German government said on Tuesday (1 September) that its investigation and intelligence findings established Russian responsibility for the attempted attack at Leipzig/Halle Airport last month. Russia has denied responsibility.

The meeting took place as foreign ministers and the EU's High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy were meeting to discuss Russia and Ukraine among other issues.

“Had this attack succeeded, this would have resulted in enormous damage and possibly even loss of life,” von der Leyen said. “We stand in full solidarity with Germany.”

“If the intention was to make us think twice about supporting Ukraine, I can tell you it has only strengthened my resolve. Intimidation will not work.”

Von der Leyen said the Leipzig incident was part of a wider pattern of Russian activity confronting Europe, including airspace incursions, drones disrupting airports and interference with critical infrastructure.

“Leipzig marks a new escalation on European Union soil, directly attributed to Russia,” she said. 

Von der Leyen outlined three areas for a stepped-up European response: stronger protection of European infrastructure backed by additional sanctions on Russia, increased air-defence support for Ukraine, and an acceleration of Europe’s own defence build-up in close cooperation with NATO.

Infrastructure and sanctions

First, von der Leyen said Europe must strengthen the protection of infrastructure that could be targeted by Russian hybrid operations and be prepared to respond more quickly when attacks occur.

“We must treat our everyday infrastructure as frontline targets, and protect them accordingly,” she said.

The EU already has rapid response teams that can assist member states faced with such attacks, she said, arguing that Europe’s ability to prepare and respond would itself act as a deterrent.

Von der Leyen also said the EU was ready to intensify economic pressure on Moscow through sanctions. “Our sanctions have weakened Russia’s economy. We can use more sanctions and have them ready to impose as soon as such dangerous, life-threatening acts are attributed,” she said. “Every loophole Russia exploits is one we must close.”

European foreign ministers were discussing new listings in Ireland on Wednesday, she said, while the Commission was examining further ways to “cut deeper into Russia’s war chest”.

More air defence for Ukraine

Von der Leyen said her second priority was strengthening support for Ukraine, announcing that the EU had received a new request worth several billion euros for air-defence capabilities.

“Today, I can confirm that we have received a new payment request,” she said. “It is worth several billion euro, and would cover Ukraine’s air defenses, including the highly advanced PAC-3 Patriot air defense systems.”

Member states were considering the request, she said.

“I can say that it’s going in the right direction.”

Von der Leyen also pointed to European work with Ukraine on the FRIO project to develop anti-ballistic missile defences, as well as the EU’s €90 billion support loan.

“Since June, we have issued €8.5 billion for drones and missiles for Ukraine from this loan,” she said, adding that the funding could also be used to buy fighter aircraft from European industry.

Faster European defence build-up

Von der Leyen’s third priority was to accelerate Europe’s defence build-up alongside NATO, with air defence at the centre of the effort.

“Air defenses are critical,” she said. “We need a faster, more integrated alert system across Europe, and then we must intercept the threats faster.”

She pointed to the EU’s €800 billion defence investment plan, including €150 billion through the SAFE instrument, as a way for European countries to increase defence investment jointly.

“We are in a new era of European security,” von der Leyen said. “European investment in defense strengthens NATO and re-energizes our industrial base.”

Rutte backed von der Leyen’s assessment of the threat, saying Russia had become “increasingly reckless” as its war against Ukraine continued.

“We have seen more drones and missiles crossing into our airspace along our eastern flank, creating increased risk,” Rutte said.

“And we have also seen an increase in malign activities targeting our territory directly, whether it is fires set in factories producing defense equipment for Ukraine, or indeed the Russian hybrid attack in Leipzig.”

“The examples are many. The dangers Russia poses are clear,” he added.

Rutte said NATO was working “around the clock” to ensure it could protect its population and said Moscow would fail if it hoped attacks such as Leipzig would undermine Western backing for Kyiv.

“If Russia thinks we will be divided by the threat, or if they think we will be deterred from supporting Ukraine, they are mistaken,” he said. “Our unity is unshaken. Our support to Ukraine is clear.”

Rutte said NATO allies had agreed to provide at least €70 billion to support Ukraine this year and the same amount next year, with the EU loan forming a “crucial element” of that support.

The NATO chief also backed the push for additional air defence and increased defence production, saying higher spending had to translate into additional military capabilities and greater industrial capacity.

Von der Leyen said the EU and NATO would not be intimidated into reducing their support for Ukraine. “Europe and NATO will not just maintain our pressure on Russia; we will increase it,” she said. “We will not stop — not until Russia stops bombing and killing innocent children, men and women in Ukraine. We will continue, we will prevail, and we will deter anyone who attacks our freedom and our security.”

Since June 2026, Brussels’ bustline Place Noord has made a space available to three local associations led by young people to develop their activities, projects, and events.

The associations are primarily from the Quartier Nord (spanning the City of Brussels and Schaerbeek).

The space is now gradually becoming a hub for meeting, creativity, and initiative for the neighbourhood's youth.

This Thursday, 3 September, the venue is opening its doors to the public for an evening to mark what is called 'Residents Day'.

The initiative stemmed directly from a request made by young people. 

In May, Laila, Marouane, and Rashad came to meet the Place Noord team one by one to ask if a space could be made available to them—both for their weekly activities and for organizing their own events.

Pauline Omnes, programmer at Place Noord, told this site on Wednesday: "I have been working in the Quartier Nord for several years, collaborating closely with local community groups.

“The idea was for Place Noord to also serve projects led by the neighbourhood's youth, with support from those who have been working here longer.

“The goal is not only to provide them with a venue but also to connect them with others so they can grow their projects.

“On one hand, Play Label organizes events that generate the funds needed to make the space available for free, thereby supporting these local initiatives."

Since their arrival, the three associations have been gradually settling into the premises. Young people work on their projects there, but also come to study, play board games, organize movie nights, or simply socialize.

The presence of the three associations also creates a collective dynamic that extends beyond their individual activities, said Omnes.

"Young people share ideas, skills, and projects, and are beginning to build a shared life within the space."

Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has used the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek and a wide-ranging interview with China’s Xinhua news agency to set out a closely connected vision of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy — combining deeper economic and technological cooperation with China with a broader commitment to multilateralism, Eurasian connectivity and reform of global institutions.

Speaking as leaders gathered in Bishkek for the 26th meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and its SCO Plus format, Tokayev presented Kazakhstan as both a committed regional partner and an increasingly active “middle power” seeking to bridge geopolitical divisions.

His summit remarks were reinforced by an exclusive written interview with Xinhua, published on 1 September, in which the Kazakh leader described relations with China as being at an “unprecedentedly high level” and said Astana intended to continue strengthening what the two countries describe as an “eternal comprehensive strategic partnership”.

Taken together, the two interventions offer a clear picture of Kazakhstan’s current diplomatic strategy: maintain close relations with its major neighbours, promote trade routes linking Asia with Europe, embrace technological cooperation and at the same time argue for international relations based on dialogue rather than confrontation.

China partnership moves beyond traditional trade

In his Xinhua interview, Tokayev stressed that Kazakhstan-China relations now extend well beyond traditional energy and commodity ties.

Cooperation encompasses trade, investment, transport, industrial production, agriculture, digitalisation, healthcare, science, education and culture, he said. China is now Kazakhstan’s largest foreign trading partner, while transport and logistics have assumed an increasingly strategic role.

That emphasis is particularly significant for Europe.

Kazakhstan occupies a central geographical position between China and European markets, and Tokayev argued that the country was working with China to transform that location into a modern Eurasian transport and logistics network.

He specifically highlighted the Belt and Road Initiative, new railway construction, dry ports, logistics terminals and modernisation of border infrastructure.

Central to this strategy is the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, commonly known as the Middle Corridor, which links China with Europe through Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, the South Caucasus and onward towards European markets.

Tokayev described making the route more competitive as a shared priority, pointing to “smart customs”, digital documentation, interconnected information systems and automated border procedures as necessary elements in reducing transit times.

That message closely reflected his position at the SCO summit, where Kazakhstan again offered to help develop transport initiatives throughout the organisation and called attention to the potential integration of the Belt and Road Initiative, Middle Corridor, North-South Corridor and routes connecting Central and South Asia.

For the European Union, which has increasingly sought alternative and resilient connections with Central Asia and China, the development of the Middle Corridor gives Kazakhstan an importance that extends considerably beyond the size of its domestic economy.

Artificial intelligence becomes a new pillar

Tokayev also placed technology and artificial intelligence near the centre of the emerging Kazakhstan-China relationship.

China's position in AI, robotics, digital technology, new energy and advanced manufacturing complements Kazakhstan's own ambition to accelerate its digital transformation, he argued.

Kazakhstan has declared 2026 its Year of Digitalisation and Artificial Intelligence, and Tokayev referred to meetings with leading Chinese technology companies during his recent participation in the World Artificial Intelligence Conference in Shanghai.

He said there was mutual interest in projects involving the digital economy, intelligent manufacturing, e-commerce, research and skills development.

The subject moved seamlessly from the bilateral interview into Tokayev's multilateral message in Bishkek.

Addressing the SCO Plus meeting, he warned that global stability increasingly depends upon the responsible development of artificial intelligence and called for universal rules capable of encouraging innovation while preventing uncontrolled use and narrowing the digital divide.

Kazakhstan is also establishing an Asia-Pacific digital solutions centre in Almaty under the auspices of the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, which Tokayev said should help developing countries gain access to technological expertise.

In his Xinhua interview he went further, arguing that AI should ultimately serve humanity as a whole and that countries should have equitable access to technology, knowledge and computing resources. Kazakhstan was among the founding participants this year in a new international AI cooperation initiative launched in Shanghai.

The ‘Shanghai spirit’ as an alternative to bloc politics

Underlying both the interview and Tokayev's summit speech was a wider political argument.

The Kazakh president portrayed the SCO not simply as an economic or security grouping but as a potential model for cooperation between states with different political systems and interests.

In Bishkek, he said the organisation's principles of equality and consensus had become a “gold standard” for multilateral cooperation. He proposed that core SCO principles should ultimately be reflected in a UN General Assembly resolution linked to the International Day of Multilateralism and Diplomacy for Peace.

The formulation is consistent with Kazakhstan's long-standing attempt to avoid being drawn exclusively into competing geopolitical camps.

Tokayev reiterated that Kazakhstan would maintain what he described as a balanced, constructive and peaceful foreign policy, while arguing that the international order should move away from the “cult of force and confrontation” towards collective responsibility and long-term cooperation.

In his interview with Xinhua, he similarly said Kazakhstan and China shared support for the central role of the United Nations, international law, mediation, multilateralism and the peaceful resolution of conflicts.

A stronger voice for middle powers

One of the more significant elements of Tokayev's Bishkek intervention was his argument that responsible middle powers should have greater influence within global governance.

With tensions between major powers putting pressure on existing international institutions, Tokayev suggested countries such as Kazakhstan could facilitate dialogue between competing centres of power and help develop collective solutions.

“Kazakhstan is ready to actively contribute to this process,” he told the summit.

At the same time, he resisted suggestions that shortcomings within the United Nations justified weakening the organisation.

Despite criticism of the UN, Tokayev said there was no viable alternative to it. Kazakhstan's position, he argued, was that the UN should remain at the centre of the international system and that its Charter should continue to provide the universal foundation of international law.

The President called for closer interaction between the UN and regional organisations such as the SCO, stronger preventive diplomacy and greater emphasis on peaceful settlement of disputes.

Water security joins the global agenda

Tokayev also used the summit to promote another issue of growing importance to Central Asia: water.

Climate pressures, population growth and competing demands on shared water resources make the issue increasingly important to Kazakhstan and neighbouring states.

Tokayev proposed creating an International Water Organisation under UN auspices, arguing that although numerous UN bodies deal with water, no universal intergovernmental organisation currently has a comprehensive mandate.

He also proposed an SCO Water Problems Analysis Centre as a regional complement to such a global organisation.

The proposal fits into Kazakhstan's broader effort to move environmental and resource-security questions higher up the international agenda.

A Eurasian crossroads

Perhaps the strongest thread connecting Tokayev's interview with his SCO appearance is Kazakhstan's determination to turn geography into diplomatic and economic influence.

Astana is simultaneously strengthening its relationship with Beijing, maintaining important relationships with Russia and other neighbours, developing transport corridors towards Europe, expanding cooperation with Western partners and presenting itself as an advocate of multilateral diplomacy.

Tokayev's description of relations with China therefore carries a wider meaning.

He quoted a Kazakh proverb in the Xinhua interview: “Those travelling the same road share a common destiny.”

Yet the message emerging from Bishkek suggests Kazakhstan sees that road not as one running exclusively eastwards towards China, but as part of a much larger network connecting East and West.

As competition between the world's major powers becomes more pronounced, Kazakhstan is attempting to position itself at the centre of those connections — geographically through trade and transport corridors, technologically through digital cooperation, and diplomatically through its advocacy of multilateralism.

For Europe, that makes developments in Kazakhstan-China relations increasingly relevant. The more successfully Kazakhstan develops the Middle Corridor and other east-west transport links, the more the country becomes not simply a Central Asian partner but a strategic gateway connecting European and Asian economies.

And that, ultimately, appears to be the common theme running through Tokayev's words both to Xinhua and to the leaders assembled at the SCO summit: Kazakhstan believes its future influence will come not from choosing between competing blocs, but from connecting them.

The European Commission has approved a €20 million state aid scheme for agricultural and fishing companies in the Italian region of Friuli Venezia Giulia that are facing increased fuel and fertiliser prices due to the Middle East crisis. The scheme was approved under the Middle East Crisis Temporary State Aid Framework (METSAF) adopted by the Commission on 29 April 2026.

The scheme, which will run until 31 December 2026, aims at mitigating the impact of the increase in agricultural fuel and fertiliser prices, as well as in fishery and aquaculture fuel prices. The aid will take the form of direct grants and subsidised loans. It will be determined on the basis of the size of land used for the primary production of agricultural products, and on the basis of estimates of fuel consumption in the primary production of fishery and aquaculture products, capped to €50,000 per beneficiary. The aid is paid by the autonomous region of Friuli Venezia Giulia.

The Commission assessed the scheme under EU state aid rules, in particular Article 107(3)(c) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, which enables Member States to support the development of certain economic activities subject to certain conditions, as well as Sections 1 and 2.1 of the METSAF. The Commission found that the scheme is in line with the conditions set out in the METSAF. In particular, aid will be granted based on a scheme with a clear estimated budget and will be provided to temporarily support the development of companies active in primary production of agricultural products. The Commission concluded that the scheme is necessary, appropriate and proportionate to facilitate the development of an economic activity and does not adversely affect trading conditions to an extent contrary to the common interest. On this basis, the Commission approved the Italian regional scheme under EU State aid rules.

For more information

Discover the new available training paths for taxation and for customs officers on the EU Learning Potal.

Two curricula modules for taxation and for customs officers from candidate and potential candidate countries have been released on the DG TAXUD Customs, Tax & CBAM EU Learning Portal. These modules are gateways that guide and provide direct access to targeted training resources designed for taxation officers or customs officers in candidate and potential candidate countries.  

The modules feature links to selected courses of the training catalogue of the portal, displayed in a pre-determined order, to provide an extensive knowledge on the EU customs and taxation acquis and its implementation. Taxation and customs officers can also select a specific course according to their competence and/or need. 

Access to the Courses 

• Training curriculum for taxation officers from candidate and potential candidate countries 
• Training curriculum for customs officers from candidate and potential candidate countries

AI is playing a bigger role in hiring, but laws protect you. Here is what you need to know.

Europe needs top talent, and employers want high-quality hires – the best person for the job – quickly and in a cost-efficient way. So, given this urgency, it’s no surprise that more and more companies are using AI in their hiring processes. From CV screening to interviews, AI can streamline each stage, reduce hiring times and make the whole process more cost-effective. 

But there’s a downside to AI-driven recruitment, as a recent Instagram post highlighted. It describes how a jobseeker from Vienna felt ‘dehumanized’ by an AI interview. 

The EU takes AI action

This concern isn’t limited to Austria, which is why the EU AI Act classifies using AI in employment decisions as ‘high-risk’. Given the growing AI adoption in HR by businesses across the globe (39 % by the end of 2025), the AI Act addresses risks by introducing rules that help make its use more transparent and accountable. 

Under the AI Act:

• No AI tool can make final hiring decisions without a qualified human in the loop. 
• Using AI to infer emotions, stress levels or personality traits and assign people numerical scores is banned.
• Starting 2 August 2026, companies using AI tools for hiring, evaluating performance or other employment decisions must check regularly for safety risks and bias, keep detailed technical records, ensure human oversight and transparency, and continuously monitor their systems.
• Obligations apply not only to the providers of these AI systems, but also the businesses that use them.
• These rules even apply to non-EU companies, if their AI system is used or affects people in the EU.

As for the Viennese candidate, here’s what went wrong during the AI interview process:

• It repeatedly interrupted the interviewee, jumped to the next question and moved on even when asked to go back.
• If the jobseeker paused even briefly during a response, it sometimes took it for a complete reply.
• There were errors in the interview transcript.
• Instead of answering the applicant’s questions, the AI just recited the company’s ‘About Us’ page.

Only about one in four companies had begun to prepare for the EU AI Act’s strict requirements for high-risk AI systems. As AI becomes increasingly common in recruitment, it is therefore important to remember that you have the right to:

• be informed beforehand on its use and the role it plays in the company’s hiring decision;
• ask that a human reviews the hiring decision; 
• not to have your facial expressions, voice tone or body language analysed by AI during an interview; and
• know what data is being collected and, in many cases, to have it deleted once the hiring process is over. 

In an increasingly AI-driven labour market, EURES continues to offer human support through its network of trained advisers, who can provide information and guidance on practical, legal and administrative matters related to living and working across Europe. 

In the meantime, online interviews are here to stay, so gear up for that final step by reading up on some tips for tackling remote interviews.
 

Related links

‘Daily Austrian News’ Instagram post

EU AI Act

The State of AI in HR 2026

AI Hiring Tools at Risk: 6 Critical EU AI Act Compliance Steps Every HR Leader Must Take (2026)

Chat with EURES Advisers

The new ‘rules’ of the remote interview

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An August 2026 report on remote work destinations in Europe found that Palencia, Spain, is the best small town for digital nomads. A new study by the digital entertainment platform BC Game reveals the top 10 hidden gems where remote workers can spend this summer. 

• Palencia, Spain, is the best small town for working remotely in Europe, offering fast 267 Mbps Wi-Fi and safe neighborhoods. 
• With rent at just $525 a month, Le Havre is the cheapest way to spend summer on the French coast as a digital nomad.
• Akureyri is the best reason to finally make the Iceland trip happen, with close to 30 places to open a laptop and Arctic scenery all around.

The research examined 20 European towns with smaller populations to find which ones work best for remote workers. The report looked at factors like average Internet speeds, monthly rent for a one-bedroom city center apartment, and personal safety ratings. It also considered the number of cafes and coworking spaces, coffee prices, and the cost of a meal at an inexpensive restaurant. Each town received a final score out of 100, with higher scores meaning that the city is more suited for digital nomads. 

Here's a look at the top 10 European small towns for remote workers:

City	Country	Safety Index	Average Broadband Download Speed (Mbps)	Monthly Rent (1 Bedroom/City Centre)	Coffee
Palencia	Spain	94	267	$698	$1.8
Soria	Spain	87	277	$582	$2.2
Vaduz	Liechtenstein	92	286	$1,427	$6.7
Le Havre	France	43	312	$524	$2.7
Angers	France	61	257	$664	$2.8
Akureyri	Iceland	80	279	$1,783	$4.9
Reims	France	45	288	$705	$3.7
Dijon	France	47	271	$646	$3.9
Tartu	Estonia	77	136	$659	$4.2
Matera	Italy	80	87	$737	$2.1

You can access the complete research findings here.

1. Palencia, Spain

• Safety Index: 94.12/100
• Broadband speed: 267 Mbps
• Monthly rent (1BR, city center): $698
• Coffee price: $1.75
• Meal at an inexpensive restaurant: $11.64
• Score: 100/100

Palencia is the best small town in Europe to work remotely this summer. The destination has a 94/100 safety rating, which matters a lot for anyone arriving in an unfamiliar city for the first time. The Internet is also fast at 267 Mbps, so video calls and file transfers are never going to be an issue. One-bedroom rentals in the city center go for around 700 USD a month, and staying fed and caffeinated while working from a local spot costs very little, with meals under 12 USD and coffee at 1.75 USD.

2. Soria, Spain

Soria is the most affordable hidden gem for remote workers looking to set up a base for a couple of months. Rents here average just 580 USD a month, and Internet speeds reach 277 Mbps, so there's no trade-off on connectivity. The safety score of 87/100 also means it's a comfortable place to be, whether walking home late or leaving a laptop at a cafe table. It's also a small city of around 41K people, quiet and easy to get around, which is exactly what a lot of remote workers are actually looking for.

3. Vaduz, Liechtenstein

Vaduz is for digital nomads who put safety and connectivity above everything else. The city’s safety rating of 91/100 is second only to Palencia, and Internet speeds exceed 285 Mbps, making it one of the best-connected small towns in Europe. The trade-off is cost: rent runs at around 1,440 USD a month, and a coffee is nearly 7 USD, so the daily expenses add up fast. But for anyone earning well and looking for a calm base with fast Internet in the middle of Europe, Vaduz is hard to look past.

4. Le Havre, France

Le Havre has the best Internet of any small town in Europe at 312 Mbps, faster than even the capital, Paris. That alone is a good reason to be here for anyone doing heavy digital work. Rent is also among the cheapest at around 525 USD a month, and a meal at a local restaurant costs under 14 USD. Beyond that, the city has up to 20 cafes and co-working spaces where remote workers can get the job done. 

5. Angers, France

Angers rounds out the top five small towns for digital nomads. Typical studios here get listed for under 670 USD a month, while the Internet is fast enough for stand-ups, deadlines, and everything in between, at 257 Mbps. Angers is also quite safe for a city this size, and there are plenty of cafes and coworking spaces (up to 20) to rotate between when working from home gets boring. With around 161K residents, the city also has an active social scene to make longer stays feel less isolating. 

The CEO of BC Game commented on the study: "Most remote workers pick their next destination based on photos on Instagram or a Reddit thread someone wrote two years ago. The problem is that those places are usually packed by the time you get there, and the rent has gone up. The smarter move is to look one step outside the obvious choices. If everyone is going to Lisbon, look at a smaller Portuguese city like Faro. If Madrid is getting expensive, look at a town two hours away. The infrastructure is usually the same, the costs are lower, and you actually get to feel like you live somewhere rather than just being another nomad in a queue for a coworking desk."

"Any citizen can get shot. This is not going to calm down," warned Julien Moinil, (pictured) the King's Prosecutor of Brussels, during a press conference on Friday, dedicated to the recent wave of violence linked to drug trafficking. Approximately 150 shootings have been recorded since the firearm attack on 5 February 2025 at Metro station Clémenceau. Accompanied by the head of the Brussels-Midi police zone, Jurgen De Landsheer, and the director of the Federal Judicial Police of Brussels, Eric Jacobs, the prosecutor outlined recent events, the judicial response, and several points of concern.

The current wave began on 20 August. It is believed to be related to a conflict between two groups involved in drug sales. Three individuals have been arrested in connection with the shootings over the past few weeks. Around a hundred shooters have also been detained since the violence started. No link has currently been established between this conflict and the shootings targeting the police station last weekend in Anderlecht. "They have touched a sensitive point: a police station," emphasized Julien Moinil. No one has been injured, but the prosecutor reminded everyone of the daily risks police officers face and assured them of the prosecution's support. He praised the work of both local and federal police but called for structural investment.

The current prosecutor's office staff includes 49 magistrates out of the 63 planned. He reiterated his requests for more investigators in the federal judicial police and the installation of jamming devices at Haren prison, noting that at least one mastermind operating from a cell has been definitively identified. "The solution must not only come from the Justice Department," insisted Julien Moinil, calling for mobilization of the social and health sectors as well. He advocates activating a task force led by the prime minister.

European Affairs Minister Thomas Byrne TD (pictured), has highlighted key policy objectives for the work of the Irish EU Presidency over the coming months as the EU institutions prepare to resume their normal programme of activities following the summer break. 
 
In his role as chair of the General Affairs Council, Minister Byrne will lead discussions at EU level on several areas of priority for the Irish Presidency, including the approach to the EU’s next long-term budget and the simplification of EU rules, an important aspect of the Union’s competitiveness agenda.

The Irish EU Presidency, which began its term on 1 July, is focusing its work on three core thematic priorities of competitiveness, values and security. Substantial progress has already been made in the opening weeks of the Presidency on policy and legislative initiatives across these three priority areas.

Minister Byrne said: “We have been very pleased with the results we have already been able to deliver early in our Presidency term. For example, in July I chaired four Inter-Governmental Conferences to advance the EU accession processes of Albania, Moldova, Montenegro and Ukraine - the largest number of accession conferences held in a single day in over two decades. Across many areas of policy, there is scope for us to achieve really significant progress between now and the conclusion of our term at the end of the year, and we are determined to ensure the Irish Presidency delivers meaningful outcomes for citizens across Europe.”

As part of Ireland’s Presidency meetings programme, nine informal Ministerial meetings will take place in Ireland during the month of September. Minister Byrne will host an informal meeting of Ministers for European Affairs (General Affairs Council) in Dublin Castle on 3 and 4 September. This meeting will provide an opportunity for wide-ranging discussions on three of the major strategic priorities for the EU during the Irish Presidency term: progressing enlargement, advancing negotiations on the next long term EU budget, and taking steps to strengthen democracy across Europe. 

Minister Byrne said: "I look forward to welcoming my counterparts from across Europe – including from nine candidate countries and potential candidates – to Ireland in early September to discuss our approach to a number of major issues on the European agenda. These discussions will help build a consensus on a shared approach to the key challenges facing the EU”.

A central aspect of the work of the Presidency is engagement on behalf of the Council with the other EU institutions as part of the Union’s legislative process. As Minister for European Affairs, Minister Byrne will participate in the regular plenary sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels throughout the autumn, representing the Council in debates on policy and legislative initiatives. 

Minister Byrne said: “The European Parliament is an important partner for us in delivering the EU’s legislative agenda. We have built very strong relations with the Parliament, and the priorities and policy objectives for the Irish Presidency were very well received by MEPs when the Taoiseach addressed the Parliament’s plenary session in Strasbourg in early July. Since then, I have been among 12 Irish Ministers to meet with European Parliament committees to discuss our Presidency priorities, and more of these meetings are scheduled for September. I look forward to working closely with MEPs from across all Member States and political groups as we take forward the ambitious legislative agenda for the remainder of this year.”

Details of the Presidency policy programme, the calendar of Presidency meetings and events, and other updates are available on the Irish Presidency website at www.eire2026.eu and www.ireland2026.eu. 

In Judaism, circumcision, known as Brit Milah, is a religious ritual where a male infant's foreskin is removed on the eighth day after birth. ''Circumcision has been shown throughout decades of medical research to not be harmful to baby boys. In fact it has medical benefits - which is why so many people choose to circumcise their children outside of religion. ''Attacking circumcision in this manner - only when it relates to Jewish babies, is an attack on Jewish life in Europe,'' the Jewish leaders said in their open letter, writes European Jewish Press.

First program of its kind outside Israel will provide qualified Mohalim with advanced medical and safety training, practical assessment and certification under the supervision of an international network of urologists, paediatricians, physicians and medical scientists.

Against the backdrop of growing legal and political challenges to Jewish religious circumcision in Belgium and other European countries, the European Jewish Association (EJA) and the Rabbinical Centre of Europe (RCE) announced Tuesday the establishment of the Centre of Excellence for Religious Male Circumcision (CERM) and the launch of what is believed to be the first comprehensive medical and professional certification program of its kind for qualified Mohalim outside Israel.

Health and Animal Welfare Commissioner Oliver Várhelyi commended EJA for their efforts and stated: “Jewish life and Jewish religious practice belong in Europe. Our responsibility is to ensure that longstanding traditions can continue in a framework that meets the highest standards of child welfare, medical safety and professional responsibility, in line with European standards. The Centre of Excellence for Religious Male Circumcision offers a constructive and credible model for doing exactly that.”

Based in Brussels, CERM will provide already-qualified Mohalim – trained Jewish religious practitioners who perform Brit Milah – with structured supplementary medical and safety training, practical assessment and certification. The program will operate under the supervision of an international network of urologists, paediatricians, physicians and medical scientists, with a Medical and Scientific Council responsible for reviewing and approving its clinical protocols, certification assessments and professional standards. The program aims to work with health authorities across Europe to build confidence in qualified Mohalim as the practitioners best placed to perform religious circumcision, ensuring their competence is recognized through rigorous medical standards and independent supervision – rather than becoming a matter of political debate.

The curriculum covers the medical and safety framework surrounding the procedure, including newborn assessment, hygiene and infection prevention, infant welfare, bleeding and wound care, recognition of complications, emergency response and infant basic life support, medical referral and aftercare. Certification will include practical assessment, realistic clinical scenarios and emergency simulations, with particular emphasis on recognising warning signs, understanding the limits of competence and knowing when to postpone a procedure or seek medical assistance.

Brit Milah, traditionally performed on the eighth day after birth, is one of Judaism’s oldest and most fundamental religious practices.

Rabbi Menachem Margolin, Chairman of the European Jewish Association and the Rabbinical Centre of Europe, said: “Brit Milah has been at the heart of Jewish life for thousands of years. Faced with growing challenges to the practice and, in particular, to the ability of trained Mohalim to perform it in parts of Europe, we decided that our response must go beyond defending our religious freedom.”

”We are creating the highest possible professional framework to support it. For the first time outside Israel on this scale, our trained Mohalim will have access to a comprehensive program combining medical and safety training with practical assessment, certification and clear professional standards.” We deliberately called this a Centre of Excellence. When it comes to the welfare and safety of a child, our ambition should never simply be to meet a minimum standard. We want excellence – and we want that excellence to be transparent, documented and capable of being independently demonstrated,” he added. 

CERM’s launch follows a period of repeated legal and political challenges to religious circumcision in Europe. Belgium has become a particular focal point, with the status of non-physician Mohalim subject to significant legal and political uncertainty, while debates and attempts to impose restrictions have also arisen in other European countries.

The Centre has been established as a practical response: to strengthen medical safeguards, professional standards and oversight surrounding Brit Milah, while helping safeguard the ability of Jewish communities to continue practising an essential element of Jewish life in Europe.

“Our members were asking us for a serious and sustainable answer,” Rabbi Margolin added. “We listened. For the first time outside Israel on this scale, qualified Mohalim will have access to a comprehensive program combining medical and safety training with practical assessment, certification and clear professional standards.”

CERM builds on the existing training and experience of qualified Mohalim by adding a documented, standardised and independently assessed medical and professional layer. Its “Recognise, Prevent, Stop, Refer” safety model is designed to ensure practitioners can identify warning signs, prevent avoidable risks, act within clearly defined limits and promptly refer an infant to medical professionals when required.

The program draws on established medical and scientific guidance and will be subject to continuing medical review. Its Medical Officers and Advisory Board bring together expertise from Belgium, the United Kingdom, Israel, Italy and Germany, including specialists with direct experience of Israel’s formal system for the certification and supervision of Mohalim. Among them are Brussels-based urologist Dr. Sas Bar-Moshe; British physician and veteran Mohel Dr. Joseph Spitzer, Medical Officer of the UK’s Initiation Society since 2003; and Dr. Michael Ben Akon, Director of the Children’s Division at Laniado Hospital in Israel, a certified Mohel and a Ministry of Health representative on Israel’s inter-ministerial committee responsible for the certification and supervision of Mohalim.

The medical and scientific framework is intended not only to establish standards at the point of certification, but to provide ongoing professional oversight, with protocols and assessment standards reviewed as medical guidance and professional practice evolve. CERM ultimately aims to become a European reference centre for religious male circumcision, promoting evidence-based medical and professional standards and facilitating ongoing cooperation between Mohalim, medical professionals, Jewish communities, policymakers and public authorities.

Rabbi Margolin said: “The debate in Europe is too often presented as a choice between religious freedom and the welfare of the child. We reject that premise. The two are not in conflict. The stronger and more transparent the professional standards surrounding Brit Milah, the stronger the case for protecting the freedom of Jewish families to practise it. Europe cannot claim to protect Jewish life while repeatedly placing one of its most fundamental practices in doubt. CERM offers a constructive European answer: preserve religious freedom, demand excellence and make that excellence transparent.”

CERM official Website: www.britmilah.eu

In response to the massive flash flood that has caused over 300 deaths in Nepal, the European Union has allocated €2 million in humanitarian aid to support affected communities. This emergency funding will help address immediate needs including as food, healthcare, clean water and sanitation. EU-funded partners are already providing help on the ground.

This assistance comes in addition to the almost €3 million in humanitarian aid allocated at the start of the year for Nepal for disaster preparedness. EU-funded partners in the country started to provide help immediately after the disaster, with prepositioned shelter and distribution of relief items. The EU is also deploying its Rapid Response Coordinator for Asia to help coordinate the EU's response.

To support the local response, the EU activated the Copernicus satellite service to provide maps of the affected area.

Preparedness and Crisis Management Commissioner Hadja Lahbib said:

"Roads washed away. Villages cut off. Families searching for missing loved ones. The flash floods in Nepal have shattered communities already rebuilding from past disasters. The EU stands with them, allocating €2 million to bring urgent healthcare, food, water & shelter."

The EU agri-food sector expanded its positive trade balance in the first six months of 2026, with a trade surplus of €23.9 billion, €1.4 billion higher than in the same time period in 2025. Cumulative exports for January–June totalled €117.2 billion, down by 2% compared with 2025, mainly due to declines in values of exports of cocoa products, pigmeat and olive oil.

Cumulative exports to Egypt increased by €278 million (+28%) year-on-year, driven mainly by wheat, while exports to Ukraine rose by €247 million (+12%) and those to India by €174 million (+26%). Trade with Gulf countries was impacted by the disruption to maritime routes through the Strait of Hormuz, with exports to the United Arab Emirates falling by €395 million (-25%). Among product categories, exports of spirits and liqueurs increased by €405 million (+10%) while exports of coffee, tea, cocoa and spices fell by €1.1 billion (-16%).

Cumulative imports reached €93.4 billion, down €3.6 billion (-4%) year-on-year. Despite this, imports from Brazil increased by €425 million (+5%), mainly due to higher soya bean imports, while imports from Argentina and Guatemala also rose. Among product categories, imports of coffee, tea, cocoa and spices fell by €3.6 billion (-17%), while cereal imports declined by €715 million (-15%). By contrast, imports of fruit and nuts increased by €503 million (+3%), while sunflower seed imports doubled following two poor EU crop years.

The widening EU agri-food trade surplus underlines the sector's continued competitiveness and ability to adapt to changing market conditions.

More insights as well as detailed tables are available below in the latest edition of the monthly EU agri-food trade report.

MEPs return to business from their summer vacation to a packed programme this week. An assortment of committee meetings awaits the deputies when they get back to their offices in Brussels. First up will be the issue of the devastating wildfires this summer and EU preparedness to handle such evens. Today (1 September), MEPs from the Climate, Environment and Food Safety Committee will quiz Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management Commissioner Hadja Lahbib on the EU’s response to the summer wildfires across the continent, and discuss lessons learnt. Mental health at work is another issue that will confront MEPs during the coming week.

In a vote on Wednesday (2 September), the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs is set to demand the Commission propose legislation to protect the mental and physical health of workers. The aim is also to prevent, eliminate or reduce work-related psychosocial risks and ensure safe and dignified working conditions. Childhood cancer is another item on the agenda. Together with a 10-year-old survivor and sectoral experts, on Wednesday MEPs in the Public Health Committee will discuss aspects of paediatric cancer. This includes innovation, public investment, and policy recommendations.

Parliament’s President Roberta Metsola will open the debate. Greenland, which has come under the spotlight during President Trump’s 2nd term, is also up for debate. The Development and Foreign Affairs committees will host Greenland’s minister for foreign affairs, business and minerals, Múte Bourup Egede, on Wednesday. The meeting takes place in the context of ongoing discussions on updating the rules governing the EU’s relationship with Greenland, and other overseas countries and territories (OCTs), and future financial support for Greenland under the EU’s next long-term budget. Another issue in Brussels will be that of Afghanistan/refugees and asylum seekers.

On Thursday (3 September), MEPs in the Subcommittee on Human Rights will discuss the return of refugees and asylum seekers from the EU to Afghanistan following Commission meetings with Taliban-appointed representatives and in the light of the human rights situation in the country. Ireland has taken over the rotating presidency and Irish presidency priorities also come under the spotlight next week. Ireland’s ministers will continue to present their priorities in meetings with the relevant parliamentary committees. Ireland holds the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU until the end of 2026. On Tuesday morning,meanwhile, Roberta Metsola will host an informal breakfast with the permanent representatives of the governments of the member states to the EU.

The Meteosat Third Generation Imager 2 satellite (MTG-I2) has successfully passed its first critical post-launch milestones, completing the first full Meteosat Third Generation constellation in orbit.

MTG-I2 lifts off on board an Ariane 6 rocket from Europe’s Spaceport in French Guiana on 27 August 2026. Credit: Arianespace livestream.

The imager satellite MTG-I2 is safely in orbit and operating as expected following its successful launch today at 22:11 CEST on board an Ariane 6 rocket from Europe’s Spaceport in French Guiana.

Our teams have established communication with the spacecraft, which has also deployed its solar panels to ensure its autonomous production of energy. MTG-I2 is in perfect shape to start its Launch and Early Operations Phase that will bring it to a higher orbit, 36 000km above Earth over the following two weeks, where a longer period of calibration and validation of its instruments will begin.

This summer’s extreme weather and wildfires have underlined the importance of timely observations for weather monitoring and emergency response. MTG-I2 will provide more rapidly updated observations over Europe through EUMETSAT’s rapid scan service, refreshing imagery every 2.5 minutes. This will give forecasters a much timelier view of fast-developing weather systems, helping national meteorological services identify hazardous developments sooner and support timely warnings for severe storms, hail, damaging winds and flash floods.

Its dedicated fire-detection channels will also help identify and characterise active fires, while the frequent imagery will support closer monitoring of how fires and associated smoke develop.

MTG-I2 joins Meteosat-12, the first imager launched in December 2022, and MTG-S1, which was launched in July 2025 and is expected to become operational before the end of 2026. Together, the two imagers and the sounder satellite will form the first full operational MTG constellation.

Phil Evans, Director-General of EUMETSAT, said: “With MTG-I2, we are unlocking the complete capabilities of this extraordinary European system.

“In particular, MTG-I2 will enable much more frequent observations over Europe, giving forecasters a more continuous view of rapidly developing weather and helping national meteorological services provide timely and reliable warnings.

“The Meteosat Third Generation system is the most sophisticated and innovative geostationary meteorological system in the world, and a major European achievement. It is already delivering huge benefits to forecasters and users. At its heart is EUMETSAT, working with ESA and European industry to deliver this new generation of weather satellites and the services built around them. EUMETSAT will operate and maintain the full system throughout its lifetime, delivering reliable data and services to its Member States and users worldwide.”

More frequent, higher-resolution observations

As the second imaging satellite in the constellation, MTG-I2 will use its Flexible Combined Imager (FCI) to deliver EUMETSAT’s rapid scan service over Europe and Northern Africa, alongside the 10-minute full disc scan service provided by Meteosat-12.

The instrument will provide state-of-the-art observations twice as frequently as the rapid-scan service of the previous satellite generation. Combined with four high-resolution channels providing detail down to 500 meters, this will allow forecasters to track fast-developing weather in greater detail and at much shorter intervals.

With power and communications established, EUMETSAT teams will now guide the satellite towards its operational position, activate its systems and begin preparations for commissioning and operational service.

For further updates on MTG-I2, visit EUMETSAT’s launch hub, which features news, interviews, and insights into the satellite’s journey.

Find all relevant information, biographies of speakers, videos and testimonials on our press kit.

About EUMETSAT – Trusted in Space. Essential on Earth.

Since 1986, EUMETSAT, Europe’s meteorological satellite agency, has monitored weather and climate from space. From its headquarters in Darmstadt, Germany, it operates a fleet of satellites observing the Earth system and delivers real-time data and imagery to its 30 member states to help protect communities and support critical sectors. Four Meteosat satellites in geostationary orbit provide continuous observations of fast developing weather events, while two polar-orbiting Metop satellites deliver data critical for forecasts up to 10 days ahead. EUMETSAT also supports European sovereignty policies, operating services under the Copernicus programme and leading development and management of the data lake for the Destination Earth initiative. For more information, visit the EUMETSAT website.

The Durban Conference in South Africa in September 2001 was not just an event; it was a turning point. It was the modern-day Wannsee that planned the contemporary destruction of the Jewish people. I was there for the Italian newspaper, La Stampa. The stench of something rotten was already emanating from the preparations for the great gathering “against racism” convened by the United Nations, with the participation of an enormous number of NGOs—some 3,000—all of them with knives between their teeth, determined to demonstrate that, under the banner of human rights, the real enemy was Israel, writes Fiamma Nirenstein.

It was there, even more than with the U.N.'s “Zionism is racism” resolution of 1975, that Stalin’s path was resumed. In 1952-53, he had initiated and theorized a new great hunt against the Jews, inventing the blood libel of the “Jewish doctors’ plot” and staging the Slánský trial. The systematic murder and deportation of Jews were interrupted by the dictator’s death in 1953. But with theorists such as Maxime Rodinson and Francis Crémieux, the premises were laid for declaring Israel the new enemy of humanity.

The positions that ultimately led to Durban maintained that “the Israeli government has long been simply an agent of American imperialism.” The supposed proof lay in the malign role of Jews in the world. The doctors accused in the so-called conspiracy—all innocent, their confessions extracted under torture—became “identical to the Nazi doctors of Dachau,” in the pay of the Americans. The inversion begins This was the beginning of the inversion that, on Oct. 7, 2023, led to Israel and the Jews being accused of genocide instead of the evident intentions of Hamas and its barbaric determination being condemned. At Durban, the death sentence against Israel went hand in hand, for the first time, with the preemptive legitimization of terrorism, now carried out by “freedom fighters” rather than the terrorists of Munich or Fiumicino.

At a demonstration along the battered streets on the outskirts of Durban, just days before Sept. 11, the crowd marched behind portraits of its mastermind, Osama bin Laden. Along the dusty road, young NGO activists called—as their documents did—on “all of civil society,” from the Maya to the Tibetans, everyone oppressed by racism, to embrace the struggle against Israel and transform it into the fundamental human-rights struggle. When I told the editors at my newspaper, La Stampa, they replied that I had an obsession with that poor Saudi shepherd. The conference was organized by a United Nations that had by then been captured by the great Third World and Islamic blocs that had reliably provided the Soviet Union with a majority. “Zionism is racism,” the 1975 resolution, was an addendum to the death sentence against Judaism following Hitler’s attempt to eliminate it from the planet.

Israel was the new target of antisemitism, invariably linked to anti-Americanism and viewed as the spearhead of the colonial and imperialist West. Every truth was erased. Israel’s almost desperate attempts to share the territory and make territorial concessions to the Arab world were rejected time and again. In 2000, after Arafat had been brought back despite his appalling embrace of terrorism, the Second Intifada erupted. By the time Durban took place, we were in the midst of the Intifada—a preliminary 7 October.

Its preparatory documents had been written and discussed in Strasbourg, Santiago and, astonishingly, Tehran, where since 1979 an Islamist regime had ruled whose foundational principle was the destruction of the State of Israel. Israel as absolute evil In Durban, Fidel Castro, Yasser Arafat and Robert Mugabe converged, and the Jewish question was inserted into the heart of demands for billions in reparations for slavery. Israel obviously had nothing to do with this history, but it was portrayed as absolute evil. The Palestinianism of Durban held that Israel was racist, imperialist, colonialist and genocidal—and therefore even a slave-owning power. All these adjectives are meaningless when applied to a country that represents the miraculous return home, disarmed and hungry, of the people indigenous to that land, armed only with hoes and books.

They armed themselves only when, awakening from the dream, they realized that their lives were once again at risk. And even then, Israel continued to surrender large pieces of territory in the search for peace. I was there In Durban, I rented a room inside a compound surrounded by high walls. I shared it with a journalist from the Italian left-leaning daily, La Repubblica, who was thrilled by the opportunity to encounter Castro and the other idols of the era in the corridors—and, with a little luck, perhaps Nelson Mandela as well. There was the official conference, the domain of Mary Robinson, who purported to moderate the international proceedings and restrain them from excessively harsh resolutions that had in fact been planned from the beginning.

Then there were the stadium and other NGO gathering places, where antisemitic hatred was expressed in every possible way: leaflets, speeches, songs and actual physical hunts for Jews. Several times I had to run away and seek refuge in a building belonging to the local Jewish community, where one could also find something to eat. Thousands of NGO members wore T-shirts bearing the image of Mohammed al-Dura alongside the conference logo. The production of leaflets about Palestinian suffering was endless. Jews were depicted with missiles and knives, blood dripping from their mouths and murdered children. The word “genocide” was already commonplace. From the podium, in a crowded, darkened hall, Fidel Castro, while demanding financial reparations for entire continents for slavery and colonialism, spoke of “the terrible genocide being perpetrated today against our Palestinian brothers” by Israel’s then-prime minister, Ariel Sharon, whom he described as a far-right leader acting in alliance with the “hegemonic superpowers.” Arafat celebrated the universal acceptance of his worldview, describing the situation as the “expression of the racist colonial conspiracy” to uproot the Palestinians and conquer their land. In short, the troops of that global war had finally assembled—a war that only days later would find its expression in the attack on the Twin Towers. That was the true meaning of Durban.

And the Palestinian cause, together with the destruction of Israel, was baptized as the indispensable prerequisite for every revolutionary struggle. The astonishment and disbelief in Israel and the United States were enormous. After everything the Jews had endured, and while they were suffering through the Intifada, finding themselves once again facing such a broad and senseless assault on their right to self-determination and self-defense, their right to return home and the very liberal-democratic nature of their country seemed like a nightmare. The two delegations under attack took days to decide to leave. Israel continued to insist, as Diaspora Affairs Minister Michael Melchior said, that racism—the supposed subject of the conference—was so important to Jews that the country wanted to participate in the discussion and the decisions. In the end, the United States and Israel had to walk out. Canada and Europe remained, but the European position sought an impossible compromise. It proposed restoring the Holocaust to the final documents as the worst expression of racism.

The interventions by Italy’s Renato Ruggiero, Germany’s Joschka Fischer and, in the corridors, the excellent Margherita Boniver—the only one who understood fully, to the point of tears—were hesitant and moderate. Fischer had the strength to say that the right of the Jews to their own state was indisputable. But he returned to the Palestinians’ right to a state and once again forgot that Israel had never called that right into question since 1948, despite its countless offers. ‘Did not happen in a vacuum’ By contrast, the denial of the Jews’ right to have their own state like every other people reached its paroxysm on Oct. 7. And once again the United Nations lined up against Israel, as it had at Durban. So it was with the words of U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres, who, instead of expressing horror and condemnation, responded with his infamous statement that the 7 October attacks “did not happen in a vacuum”. It is true: They did not happen in a vacuum. Durban is a milestone in the antisemitic catastrophe that once again torments the world today, and the United Nations is its prophet.

Measures adopted by the North-East Atlantic Fisheries Commission (NEAFC) to address unsustainable Russian mackerel fishing in the North-East Atlantic officially enter into force. Initiated by a proposal from the European Union, these measures aim to protect mackerel stock currently under severe conservation pressure due to years of overfishing. 

In 2026, Russia unilaterally increased its quota to 67,548 tonnes, or 22.5% of the Total Allowable Catch (TAC), nearly five times its 2004 quota.

Key sustainability measures now in effect

The NEAFC measure sets a limit for Russian mackerel catches in international waters of 1,495 tonnes. Despite Russia’s objection, the measure prohibits other NEAFC members from facilitating Russia’s unsustainable fishing of mackerel in international waters in excess of that limit. Vessels from other NEAFC members may not tranship from, nor provide refuelling services to fishing vessels with Russian mackerel catches on board that exceed that 1,495 tonnes limit.

In addition, the European Union, the United Kingdom and Iceland are applying these restrictions within their respective national jurisdictions. Fishing vessels carrying Russian mackerel quantities above the agreed limits are barred from entering their ports.

Early application of the measures by the European Union

The European Union decided to apply these NEAFC measures since 3 July 2026. As a result, this summer, the Union has already denied entry into its ports to fishing vessels with Russian mackerel on board caught in excess of the 1,495 tonnes limit.

Next steps

While today's measures mark crucial progress, the European Commission emphasises that further steps are required to ensure the recovery of the mackerel stock. The Commission calls on all like-minded NEAFC partners to:

• Extend jurisdictional enforcement: Ensure full implementation of these restrictions across all national waters in the region.
• Ban transshipments at sea: Address high-risk, unmonitored transshipment activities in the NEAFC Regulatory Area as an urgent control priority.
• Establish comprehensive stock-sharing: Agree on a long-term, coordinated management framework among coastal States to secure sustainable harvest levels.

Background

The North-East Atlantic Fisheries Commission (NEAFC) is the regional fisheries management organisation (RFMO) responsible for ensuring the long-term conservation and optimum utilisation of fishery resources in the North-East Atlantic. Its contracting parties are the European Union, Denmark (in respect of the Faroe Islands and Greenland), Iceland, Norway, the Russian Federation, and the United Kingdom.

More information

The European Commission welcomes NEAFC measures on mackerel and deplores Russia’s further quota increase in 2026

An anti-corruption investigation reaching from Ukraine's Presidential Office into the management of state-owned Sense Bank has raised questions far beyond the alleged laundering of UAH 150 million. At stake are the governance of nationalised assets, the independence of Ukraine's anti-corruption institutions, a planned bank privatisation, an international arbitration worth more than $1 billion and Kyiv's credibility as it moves deeper into EU accession negotiations.

A week after Ukrainian anti-corruption investigators unveiled an operation carrying the improbable codename “Forrest Gump”, the affair has developed into one of the most consequential governance scandals to hit wartime Ukraine.

At its center is a deceptively simple question: Where did UAH 150 million — approximately $3.4 million — used to secure the release on bail of former Justice and Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko, a centerpiece of the biggest corruption scandal of Zelensky government, actually come from?

The answer alleged by Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau, NABU, and Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office, SAPO, is extraordinary.

Investigators say criminal proceeds under the supervision and manual management of deputy head of the Office of the president of Ukraine Iryna Mudra were converted into apparently legitimate funds through a series of companies and bank accounts. The source of the money is linked with the main suspect of another corruption scandal Timur Mindich, a close ally of president Zelensky, and the goal was to post bail for a suspect in the Operation Midas investigation into alleged corruption surrounding the state nuclear company Energoatom.

NABU's official account says members of a criminal organisation, acting with representatives and officials of a state-owned bank, arranged the laundering of UAH 150 million during June 2026. The cash was allegedly introduced into the legitimate financial system through accounts belonging to shell companies before being used for bail.

The most revealing evidence released by NABU is not just a bank transfer but Mudra’s own confessions, which give wider picture. In one recorded exchange, a female voice attributed to her says: “Corruption should be systematised and controlled… There is no need to fight it.” A male interlocutor adds: “And lead it.” This is said by one of the highest Ukrainian official in charge of judicial reform. Yet her own words are arguably more disturbing, presenting corruption not as an abuse to be eliminated but as a system to be organised and kept under political management.

Other recordings portray Mudra discussing state owned Sense Bank, where this money-loundering operation took place, as an asset to be under direct political control and used for enrichment. She recounts a proposed arrangement under which political figures politicians from Zelensky party Servant of the People would refrain from attacking the bank while “Sense Bank has to pay them”, and quotes an instruction she received from above to “take over the bank” because it contains “serious flows”. She then describes its managers as compliant figures who would carry money wherever a senior Presidential Office official instructed them, adding that they had “crawled” to her “like kittens” asking to be taken under protection.

NABU’s published recording also appear to show Mudra discussing protection from the institutions supposed to investigate such conduct. She asks how to mobilize votes for “our” candidates to NABU’s Public Oversight Council and describes SAP chief Oleksandr Klymenko as “not one of ours,” warning that if he secured a second term, “we’ll all be fucked.” Taken together, these phrases suggest something broader than participation in a single suspicious transaction: an alleged attempt to control a state-owned bank while influencing the bodies capable of investigating that control. If authenticated and confirmed in context, they would provide unusually direct evidence of political capture and consciousness of wrongdoing. Mudra denies criminal conduct and says the excerpts were released selectively and without their full context.

Taking over the bank  

Revelations are shocking in many dimension and will have influence for years to come. One of the most striking revelation is usage of the state-owned Sense Bank as systemic money-laundering machine.

Sense Bank carries unusual political and legal baggage. Until 2022 it was known as Alfa-Bank Ukraine and was owned through corporate structures associated with ABH Holdings. Among the beneficial shareholders were Russian businessmen including Mikhail Fridman and Petr Aven.

Ukraine subsequently imposed sanctions and, in July 2023, the government took Sense Bank into state ownership. Ukraine's Ministry of Finance says the measure was intended to maintain financial stability and protect depositors after sanctions were imposed on significant shareholders. The state today owns 100% of the bank.

It was therefore no ordinary commercial bank allegedly being exploited. It was an asset that Ukraine had taken into public ownership during wartime, in considerable part because of national-security concerns surrounding its previous ownership.

The source material examined by EU Reporter describes this as a crucial feature of the scandal: after nationalisation, the allegation is not simply that corrupt actors conducted transactions through Sense Bank, but that political influence was progressively established over the institution's governance.

That allegation remains contested and has not been established by a court. But documents released by NABU and widely reported by the Kyiv Independent and other leading Ukrainian media raise questions that are difficult for the Ukrainian authorities to ignore. The Kyiv Independent reported on 22 August that internal Nomination Committee records showed attempts to shape Sense Bank's supervisory board following nationalisation. The paper reported that Iryna Mudra, then deputy head of the Office of the President and chair of the committee involved in selecting supervisory-board members, strongly promoted Mykola Hladyshchenko for a place on the board despite objections concerning competence, potential conflicts of interest and previous employment. Hladyshchenko subsequently became chairman of the supervisory board.

The investigation also cited earlier leaked conversations in which prospective board candidates were allegedly described as “our guys”. Six people reportedly discussed in that context were subsequently appointed. EU Reporter has not independently authenticated those recordings or the leaked committee minutes, so their contents must remain attributed to the publications that obtained them.

However, now the anticorruption agencies established with support and guidance of the EU provide their findings suggesting that the bank was deliberately captured for criminal purposes. NABU says that by early June 2026 the alleged organisers had obtained de facto control of Sense Bank, enabling them to use accounts of controlled businesses in the laundering scheme. That allegation has now triggered action at the highest levels of financial regulation.

Bags of cash, shell companies and a banking bottleneck

The alleged mechanics of the operation read more like a crime thriller than a banking-compliance investigation. According to the investigative material compiled in the source document and subsequent Ukrainian reporting, cash was allegedly concentrated through businesses associated with former MP and developer Maksym Mykytas before being exchanged or routed through companies capable of putting apparently legitimate non-cash funds into the banking system.

The source describes alleged deliveries of cash in bags and boxes, routing through companies including Metrobud and other entities, and discussions about how transactions could pass financial-monitoring controls.

Ukraine's anti-money-laundering regime establishes a UAH 400,000 statutory threshold for certain financial-monitoring obligations, alongside wider risk-based requirements. It would be inaccurate to suggest that every payment above UAH 400,000 is automatically prohibited; rather, banks are expected to identify, scrutinise and where necessary report transactions according to statutory and risk criteria.

The significance of the NABU allegation is therefore not simply the size of the payment. Investigators allege that people involved in the transaction were actively discussing how to overcome or circumvent compliance barriers. Published recordings attributed to members of the alleged group include discussion of a Sense Bank compliance official who could prevent the transaction. Mudra in one recording says that she received demand “from above” to fire a bank official who refuse to clear transaction. The scheme released by NABU paint a shocking picture: to make the transfer the bank's automated monitoring arrangements were temporarily taken out of operation during the transaction.

Those are NABU allegations presented to the court. But the Ukrainian government has already treated them seriously enough to take immediate action. This confirms that NABU accusations are well grounded. 

Saving face

On 19 August, the Cabinet suspended supervisory-board chairman Mykola Hladyshchenko for six months and initiated the suspension of management-board chairman Oleksii Stupak. The Finance Ministry explicitly said that its intervention was designed to address risks including the possible use of Sense Bank for money laundering and inadequate oversight of AML procedures.

The following day, National Bank of Ukraine Governor Andriy Pyshnyi went further. The NBU concluded that Hladyshchenko no longer satisfied the statutory independence requirements for membership of the supervisory board and opened proceedings to examine the collective suitability of the entire board. On 21 August, the government terminated Hladyshchenko's powers altogether.  This regulatory reaction matters because it turns the episode from an allegation concerning individual criminal behaviour into a potential failure of corporate governance and banking supervision.

Sense Bank itself has said it is cooperating with the authorities. Following the NABU searches, the bank said it wanted the circumstances established “fully and objectively” and was providing investigators with the information required under legal procedures.

But the key question is different. There have been already multiple accusations of usage of nationalised Sense bank for allegedly corrupt or shadow schemes. NABU revelation did not come from nowhere and were not a separate incidental case. In previous NABU and journalistic investigations shocking facts of how bank has been used were presented. How was it possible that in time of war after nationalisation of one of the biggest banks  it could turn into money-laundering machine?

The Presidential Office role

The highest-profile suspect is Iryna Mudra. Mudra served as deputy head of the Office of the President and held responsibility for major legal and judicial-policy issues, including international mechanisms concerning Russian aggression and frozen Russian assets. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy dismissed her on 19 August. Presidential Decree No. 734/2026 confirms the dismissal but does not give a reason.  NABU and SAPO served Mudra with a notice of suspicion. On 25 August, Ukraine's High Anti-Corruption Court ordered her held in custody for 60 days while allowing release if UAH 20 million bail is posted. Prosecutors had requested considerably higher bail.

Mudra denies criminal wrongdoing. She has argued that the published recordings have been presented selectively and out of context. Through her lawyers, she has said that she is cooperating with investigators and is prepared to answer their questions through the proper legal process. The underlying source document expressly records those objections and cautions concerning the provenance and quality of some recordings.

On 24 August President Zelenskyy said the anti-corruption bodies had “no questions” for him regarding the investigation.

The billion-dollar shadow over Sense Bank

There is another legal dimension. Former shareholder ABH Holdings commenced ICSID arbitration against Ukraine after the 2023 nationalisation, seeking more than $1 billion and alleging unlawful expropriation. UNCTAD records the dispute as ABH v Ukraine, ICSID Case No. ARB/24/1, concerning the former ownership of Alfa-Bank/Sense Bank. A separate proceeding, EMIS v Ukraine, also concerns alleged unlawful expropriation of Sense Bank.

The government's 2023 decision was taken in the context of sanctions and financial-stability considerations. Whether it complied with the relevant investment treaties is a matter for international tribunals, not for a criminal investigation conducted three years later. Nevertheless, evidence about how the asset was governed after nationalisation could become relevant contextual material in those proceedings.

ABH's case alleges that the taking of Sense Bank was unlawful. Ukraine will defend the nationalisation on its own legal and national-security grounds. A subsequent allegation that politically connected actors exploited the nationalised institution does not answer that legal dispute, but it could make the factual history of the asset considerably more uncomfortable for Kyiv. The source analysis supplied to EU Reporter correctly identifies this potential intersection. Forrest Gump can raise a question about bad faith in the original nationalisation and the consequences might go much further than a bail for one allegedly corrupt official.

And the cherry on the top: Mudra was also one of the officials responsible for formulating and publicly defending Ukraine’s position against ABH Holdings, the former owner of Sense Bank, in its more than $1 billion ICSID claim over the bank’s nationalisation; she later chaired Ukraine’s delegation in other major international proceedings. This creates a particularly damaging contradiction: an official who defended the takeover as a lawful national-security and financial-stability measure is now accused of helping place the same bank under political control and use it to launder criminal proceeds. The allegations do not by themselves prove that the 2023 nationalisation was unlawful, but they seriously undermine the factual and moral credibility of Ukraine’s case and offer ABH a powerful argument that the bank was not transferred into genuinely independent state management, but into a system vulnerable to political capture.

Why Brussels should be watching

Forrest Gump is not an isolated investigation. Its roots reach into Operation Midas, NABU's investigation into alleged large-scale corruption at state nuclear operator Energoatom. NABU says Midas uncovered a criminal structure involved in substantial corruption and subsequent money laundering. Later investigative developments have continued into 2026.

The Forest Gump allegations concern money ultimately used as bail for an individual implicated in that wider investigation. This changes the character of the alleged conduct. If prosecutors prove their case, it would mean that money generated through criminal activity was not merely hidden or spent. It was allegedly recycled back into the criminal-justice system itself to secure the liberty of another suspect.

And here we come to the point vitally important for Brussels.

Ukraine formally opened negotiations on the EU's Fundamentals cluster on 15 June 2026. That cluster includes the judiciary, fundamental rights, justice and security, public procurement and financial control. Crucially, it is the first cluster opened and the last to close, and the European Commission has made clear that progress under it determines the overall pace of accession negotiations.

Ukraine is simultaneously receiving extraordinary financial support from the European Union. The Ukraine Facility provides up to €50 billion between 2024 and 2027, and support is tied to democratic mechanisms, the rule of law, sound financial management, anti-corruption safeguards and reform commitments.

The issue for Brussels is therefore not whether corruption exists in Ukraine. No serious accession process operates on the assumption that candidate countries are free of corruption.

The more important test is whether institutions can discover it, investigate it, prosecute it and correct the governance failures that allowed it without political obstruction. Viewed from that perspective, Forrest Gump presents two competing narratives. The negative interpretation is obvious: people occupying some of the highest positions in the Ukrainian state are alleged to have manipulated a nationalised bank and circumvented controls to launder criminal proceeds.

The more positive institutional interpretation is that Ukraine's own anti-corruption agencies investigated them, published evidence, served suspicion notices, triggered removals at a state bank and brought one of the country's most senior former presidential officials before an independent anti-corruption court.

Which narrative ultimately prevails will depend heavily on what happens next.

Brussels is tightening its grip on some of the internet’s fastest-growing services, designating ChatGPT, Reddit and Roblox for heightened scrutiny under the European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA), writes Catherine Feore.

The European Commission said all three services meet the 45 million average monthly users threshold in the EU, triggering the DSA rules reserved for digital players considered large enough to pose systemic risks to European society.

“These new designations mean that ChatGPT, Reddit and Roblox will now be held to a higher standard of scrutiny and accountability in the European Union,” said Henna Virkkunen (pictured), the Commission’s executive vice-president for tech sovereignty, security and democracy.

The move puts the companies firmly in Brussels’ regulatory crosshairs. They must assess and mitigate risks ranging from illegal content and harm to minors to threats to fundamental rights, elections, public security, and users’ physical and mental well-being. Importantly, the designation also gives the Commission investigative powers to scrutinise relevant features and systems underpinning the services.

ChatGPT has been designated a Very Large Online Search Engine (VLOSE), while Reddit and Roblox are now Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs). They have until the end of January 2027 to comply with the DSA’s tougher obligations.

ChatGPT’s inclusion is particularly significant. The Commission considers the AI service a hybrid product that qualifies as an online search engine because it can search the web when answering users’ queries, bringing a major generative AI service into the DSA’s toughest tier of oversight for the first time.

The Commission will supervise compliance with the DSA, in cooperation with Coimisiún na Meán (Ireland’s media regulator) for ChatGPT and Reddit, and the Dutch Authority for Consumers and Markets (ACM) for Roblox.

With the latest additions, 28 platforms and search engines have now received the EU’s “very large” designation.

Photo credit: Commissioner Virkkunnen Photographer: Lukasz Kobus © European Union