The Department of Justice (DOJ) announced Monday that it will investigate living conditions inside the Washington, D.C. Jail following years of reports of filth, medical neglect, and brutality.
The D.C. Jail, which holds all pretrial detainees and misdemeanor offenders in the District of Columbia, was the subject of an unflattering 2016 Reason cover story, "How Not to Build a Jail," describing how wretched conditions had persisted there for more than a century. Lawsuits, audits, and media investigations have all documented persistent civil rights problems. The jail gained additional infamy for holding pretrial detainees and convicted defendants who were prosecuted for their role in the January 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol Building.
The Justice Department received numerous allegations of excessive force, inadequate medical care, unsanitary living conditions, and malnutrition inside the jail, according to a department press release. The investigation will determine if D.C.'s Department of Corrections has a pattern or practice of violating prisoners' constitutional rights.
"The Constitution protects the rights of every incarcerated American, including those held in custody in our nation's capital," Assistant Attorney General Harmeet K. Dhillon said in a DOJ press release. "We are committed to upholding our federal civil rights laws so that no inmate is confined in unconstitutional conditions or subject to unconstitutional mistreatment at the District of Columbia Department of Corrections."
Last week, six current and former D.C. Jail inmates filed a class-action lawsuit alleging they found dead mice and cockroaches in their food.
Five different D.C. Jail inmates filed another lawsuitin September alleging guards failed to stop or adequately respond to a man in the jail's mental health unit from starting an electrical fire.
In 2021, the U.S. Marshals Service transferred roughly 400 inmates out of the D.C. Jail after a surprise inspection reported unacceptable living conditions, including guards withholding water and food from inmates as punishment.
A week before that inspection, a federal judge held the D.C. Department of Corrections in contempt for repeatedly failing to turn over the medical records of a January 6 defendant who had been waiting for months for a scheduled wrist surgery.
The antiquated jail, opened in the 1970s, has numerous structural problems, but plans to replace it have stalled. In the meantime, the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division will write a report to add to the top of the pile.
Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)
In the Zaporozhye direction Russian units are advancing west of Rozhdestvenskoye and Vozdvizhevka, have reached the approaches to Lyubitskoye and Barvinovka, and Omelnyk has come under Russian control. In the Krasny Liman direction heavy reciprocal fighting is under way on the Zherebets River: Russian fighters are holding back attacks by Ukrainian units, have pushed them closer to Katerinovka and Novomikhaylovka, and are holding positions near Ivanovka. In the Sumy direction assault units of the “North” grouping have advanced on several sectors, and artillery has engaged identified targets. In the Kharkiv direction Russian units continue offensive operations on almost all sectors; the “West” grouping has improved its position along the forward edge and taken control of Palamarevka and Kovalyovka. In the Kupyansk direction Russian units are operating near Moskovka, Malaya Shapkova and Palamarevka. The British newspaper The Times, in an editorial, has called on Volodymyr Zelensky to heed Donald Trump and halt attacks on Russian oil refineries.
Zaporozhye direction
An extensive “grey zone” remains in the vicinity of Rozhdestvenskoye and Vozdvizhevka. Further west Russian fighters are advancing on the approaches to Lyubitskoye and Barvinovka. Ukrainian units continue attempts to reach the Haichur River: shelters and strongpoints, under conditions of low troop density, allow groups of both sides to conduct deep raids.
Fierce fighting continues for Orekhov, into which the Ukrainian side has transferred fresh forces and is attempting to dislodge Russian units. Strikes on the central part of the town continue, including with the use of FAB-1500 bombs, which clearly indicates the presence of Ukrainian assault groups there.
In the area of Omelnyk Russian fighters have advanced significantly. The village has come under the control of Russian units, although footage with flags has so far appeared only from the eastern outskirts.
Evidence has emerged of the Ukrainian side cutting one of the routes into the town from the direction of Malaya Tokmachka, while through Novodanilovka assault groups continue to enter, sometimes even on vehicles which the Ukrainian side then attempts to burn.
Fierce fighting continues for Novoandreyevka; neither side has managed to establish full control over the village. Russian drones are operating along the northern outskirts. North of Shcherbakov the presence of Ukrainian units in the tree lines persists, which affects the possibilities for an offensive against the Orekhov fortified area from the west and a potential entry into Novopavlovka.
Heavy reciprocal fighting is under way on the direction. Russian fighters are holding back attacks by Ukrainian units on the Zherebets River, preventing them from crossing to the opposite bank. It has proved possible to push Ukrainian forces closer to Katerinovka and Novomikhaylovka. Russian troops continue to hold positions near Ivanovka, daily thwarting attempts by the Ukrainian side to enter this settlement.
Contrary to statements by Ukrainian units, Novolyubovka remains under Russian control. The Ukrainian side continues regularly to send infantry groups from Drobyshevo toward Stavki, from Novosyolovka toward Shandrigolovo and further toward Kolodezi. Work is being conducted in the eastern part of Krasny Liman and near Maslyakovka. Efforts to destroy Ukrainian units near Yampol and the Medovy railway platform continue.
Heavy positional fighting continues on all sectors of the front in Sumy region. Assault units of the “North” grouping have advanced on several sectors, and artillery has effectively engaged identified targets. The Ukrainian side is attempting to infiltrate in small groups into the rear of Russian troops.
Russian aviation, artillery and drone crews have struck concentrations of personnel and equipment of Ukrainian units in the areas of Luzhki, Sukhodol, Sennoye, Yastrebinoye, Vakalovshchina, Korenok and Pustogorod.
In Sumy district Russian assault troops continue to advance near Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa. In Shostka district fighters of the “North” have advanced in the direction of Korenok. In Krasnopolye district artillery of the “North” grouping has been actively working against the positions of Ukrainian units.
Kharkiv direction
In the Liptsy direction assault groups of the “Northerners” have advanced 100 meters in Tokarevka. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions assault units of the “North” grouping are conducting fierce fighting near Prikolotnoye. There are also advances near Ukrainskoye and Sosnovy Bor.
The “West” grouping has improved its position along the forward edge. Palamarevka and Kovalyovka have been taken under control. Units of the 6th Guards Combined Arms Army have advanced from the Kondrashevka–Radkovka line, forded the Kupyanka stream and reached the heights of the watershed of the Kupyanka, Gusinka and Veliky Burluk rivers west of Kupyansk. This makes it possible to control the Monachinovka–Shipovatoye and Monachinovka–Sredny Burluk roads, disrupting interaction between the Ukrainian defensive nodes north of Kupyansk and the Veliky Burluk sector.
In the Bolsheburluksky district the battle is intensifying. The Ukrainian side has concentrated a large grouping near Prikolotnoye and Maly Burluk. It is attempting to probe for weak points with short strikes between Blagodatnoye and Olkhovatka. Fighting on the approaches to Olkhovatka is very serious. The Ukrainian side is making every effort to dislodge Russian units from there and drive a wedge toward Varvarovka and Reznikovka.
North-west of Kupyansk Russian units continue offensive operations. Reports are arriving of the capturing of Malaya Shapkova and control over Moskovka, yet the situation on this sector remains fluid, and a firmly established line of control is still difficult to determine. Fighting for positions continues near Palamarevka.
Near Kupyansk-Uzlovoy positional combat operations persist. The main activity is concentrated close to the railway infrastructure and on the approaches to this point. This maintains pressure on the northern flank of the town and on Ukrainian communications. In the Kupyansk direction pressure continues on the northern and north-western flanks of the town. Russian units are operating near Moskovka, Malaya Shapkova and Palamarevka, simultaneously creating a threat to Ukrainian communications in the area of the railway.
Conclusion
In the Zaporozhye direction the key elements remain pressure on Orekhov and the expansion of presence west of Vozdvizhevka, as well as the struggle for supply routes through Malaya Tokmachka and Novodanilovka. In the Krasny Liman direction Russian forces are holding the line along the Zherebets and preventing Ukrainian units from consolidating on the opposite bank. In the Sumy direction positional fighting continues, with attempts by small Ukrainian groups to infiltrate into the rear. In the Kharkiv direction Russian units are developing the offensive near Prikolotnoye and Olkhovatka, while the “West” grouping has improved its position west of Kupyansk. In the Kupyansk direction pressure on the northern flank of the town and the railway infrastructure is maintained.
The British newspaper The Times, in an editorial, has called on Volodymyr Zelensky to heed American leader Donald Trump and halt attacks on Russian oil refineries. “Zelensky might yet consider a temporary, if unwelcome to him, change of tactics and cease attacks on Russian energy facilities,” the publication states. In the view of the newspaper, this step could prevent a further deterioration of relations between Washington and Kyiv, which is “extremely important” for Ukraine.
Citing police transcripts, Channel 12 reports Urich said he was paid hundreds of thousands of shekels by Doha; Bennett, citing 'traitors' in the PMO, demands that Netanyahu 'tell public the truth about your Qatar ties'
Yemen’s Houthis (Ansar Allah) announced on October 19 that they had carried out six operations against Saudi oil facilities, airports and military installations over 48 hours, claiming fires at energy sites, disrupted air traffic and casualties among Saudi forces.
Brig. Gen. Yahya Saree, the Houthis’ military spokesman, said in a statement that the operations involved “a large number of ballistic and cruise missiles and drones.” The targets included Saudi Aramco facilities in Yanbu, the Shaybah oil field, King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, Abha International Airport and several military installations.
Saree noted that the operation against Aramco facilities in the Red Sea port city of Yanbu was carried out in two phases and caused “large fires” at the targeted sites. A separate strike on the Shaybah oil field also scored a direct hit and sparked fires, he added.
The third operation targeted King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh in three phases. Saree described the strikes as accurate and direct but did not specify any resulting damage.
The fourth operation targeted Abha International Airport, Saudi radar installations in the al-Hisn and al-Rahma mountains, and Khamis Mushait air base. Saree claimed the strikes disrupted air traffic at Abha airport and damaged the air base.
The fifth operation struck a camp belonging to the Saudi naval task force, killing and wounding Saudi personnel, according to Saree. The sixth targeted a Saudi radar installation at Bir Askar, which he said was destroyed.
On the Saudi side, the Saudi-led coalition said a day earlier that its air defenses intercepted and destroyed two ballistic missiles fired toward Khamis Mushait and a drone in the Riyadh region. Saudi Civil Defense separately reported that a projectile fired by the Houthis landed in a residential area of Najran province, wounding six people.
Saree also accused Saudi Arabia of carrying out more than 200 airstrikes and missile attacks against civilian sites in Sanaa and other Houthi-held areas during the same 48-hour period, causing dozens of deaths and injuries, most of them among women and children.
The spokesman said the total number of Saudi airstrikes and missile attacks since the escalation began had exceeded 2,700.
Vowing to continue the campaign, Saree said Yemen would not submit to Saudi Arabia and threatened “wider operations, harsher strikes and more severe targeting.”
“We will continue our military operations deep inside Saudi territory and enforce the equation of blockade for blockade, escalation for escalation,” he said, adding that the attacks would continue until Saudi military operations and the blockade against Yemen ended.
The Houthis’ latest operations show that the conflict is escalating, and despite taking some serious losses, Saudi Arabia and its allies in Yemen do not seem to be planning to take a step back.
Two weeks before the midterm elections, Trump’s approval rating has hit a two-term low. The war with Iran has driven up the cost of a tank of gas and a cart of groceries, millennials have turned away from him faster than the rest of the country, and part of his base plans to stay home.
Donald Trump’s name is not on any ballot on Nov. 3, yet much of the U.S. electorate will head to the polls with him in mind.
A national poll released Sunday, Oct. 18, and conducted Oct. 9-13, puts his approval rating at 33%, the lowest the series has recorded in either of his terms. Two in three adults disapprove of his performance, 52% strongly, and the same survey had him at 37% in both April and July.
The poll also asked whether the next Congress should act as a check on the president or support his agenda. Fifty-eight percent preferred a Democratic-controlled Congress as a check on him, compared with 39% who want a Republican Congress aligned with the White House, a gap nearly twice as wide as a year ago. Neither party is calling this election a referendum, but the answer brings it close to one.
Almost six out of ten U.S. citizens want the next Congress to counterbalance Trump, a gap that has nearly doubled in one year. Graph: teleSUR
In the race for the House of Representatives, Democrats lead Republicans 52% to 44% among likely voters. Among registered voters the gap holds at eight points; in July it was three.
Between the first bombings on Iran and the election, gasoline soared above 4 dollars and Trump’s approval rating plummeted. Graph: teleSUR
From Hormuz to the Gas Tank
The United States and Israel began bombing Iran in February, when a gallon of regular gasoline cost an average of $2.98, according to AAA. By late March it had topped $4 for the first time since 2022, and each new round of strikes pushed it back up. On Oct. 1, the national average hit $4.41.
At those prices, filling a 15-gallon tank costs about $21 more than before the war.
With Ormuz declared closed by Iran and no oil pipelines capable of replacing it, the gallon rose 48% in the US even with record crude production. Graph: teleSUR
In February, 7 in 10 U.S. citizens considered gasoline affordable. Eight months later, the same share says the opposite.
About a fifth of the oil the world consumes passes through the Strait of Hormuz. According to the official price index for September, consumer prices rose 3.7% over the year, energy 20.4% and gasoline 34.2%, while inflation excluding food and energy stood at 2.6%. Today, 65% of U.S. citizens believe attacking Iran was a mistake.
Tehran declared the strait closed in March and has reaffirmed that stance several times since. In October, Rear Adm. Habibollah Sayyari, chief of staff of Iran’s army, told the official IRNA news agency that the waterway remains closed and that all transit must be coordinated with the armed forces, and he blamed the closure for the rise in U.S. gasoline prices.
Washington says otherwise. On Oct. 7, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that “the Straits of Hormuz are open,” that as much oil is flowing out now “as there was before this conflict began” and that Iran has “lost complete control of the straits.” Overland routes cannot replace the strait either. Before the war, the EIA estimated that the Saudi and Emirati pipelines that bypass Hormuz had only about 2.6 million barrels a day of spare capacity to divert crude, compared with the 20 million barrels a day that moved through the strait.
Ten days later, Vice President JD Vance revealed another side of the same administration. “I recognize that gas prices are too high right now,” he said Saturday night at a televised town hall. Asked why the war had not ended in a clear victory, he said that “in some ways we have won decisively,” though “the enemy gets a vote.” And he repeated that Iran, “the largest state sponsor of terrorism in the world,” cannot have a nuclear weapon.
On the campaign trail, the fix being sold in Washington points elsewhere. In a poll of 1,000 likely voters taken in early October, four in five agreed that increasing U.S. energy production “can help make everyday life more affordable,” and 67% backed a proposal whose wording already promised the result, “updating federal permitting laws to reduce delays and lower costs.” It is the same reform the oil industry pitches as the key to affordability.
The government’s own energy agency supplies the missing piece. The United States has been the world’s largest crude oil producer since 2018 and is on track for a record of about 13.7 million barrels a day this year, while 84% of the crude that crossed Hormuz was bound for Asia. With output at record highs, gasoline has risen 48% since the bombing began. Crude is priced on a global market, and this year’s price spikes followed the calendar of the war, not the permitting calendar.
The price shock reached much of the world, and Latin American economies that import refined fuels absorbed it without having had any say in the decision to go to war. For those countries, the permitting fight in Washington is a distant concern; the price of their diesel depends on what happens in Hormuz. How much room Washington has to keep waging the war without congressional oversight will also be decided on Nov. 3.
For Latin American families living in the United States, the most visible face of the second term is immigration policy. At the start, half the country approved of it; now about 60% disapprove, and 56% say deportations have gone too far, eight points more than in April 2025. At the same town hall, Vance acknowledged that his rhetoric about immigrants had been “imperfect” and took the blame. “That’s on me,” he said. His goal, he insisted, is not “to dehumanize any immigrant.” “In fact, I love a number of immigrants,” he added.
An Economy Judged by Team Colors
The president’s approval on the economy has fallen to 28%, its lowest mark across his two presidencies. Forty-eight percent feel worse off than when Trump returned to the White House in 2025, the highest share in a series dating back to 1986, and for the first time in more than a decade, registered voters trust Democrats more to handle the economy, 40% to 33%. Before the 2022 midterms, the same series gave Republicans a double-digit edge on the issue.
That year, with Joe Biden in the White House, each party’s verdict on the economy was the mirror image of today’s, almost point for point, and independents stood at 16% in both surveys.
Democrats and Republicans reversed their judgment of the economy by changing government, meanwhile only independents stayed where they were. Graph: teleSUR
Voters who wear no team colors are moved by their wallets. In the October survey of likely voters, 37% said a candidate’s stance on affordability will decide their vote for Congress, more than double the 15% who put immigration first, an issue central to Trump’s 2024 campaign. That priority is shared by 43% of Democrats, 36% of independents and 32% of Republicans.
Among those who say they are worse off than in 2025, 78% lean toward Democrats, as do 71% of independents in that group.
The Generation that Turned Away Fastest
Millennials, born between 1981 and 1996, are now 30 to 45 years old and make up the largest adult generation in the country. In 2024 they split almost evenly on Trump; exit polls showed voters ages 30 to 44 backing Kamala Harris over him 51% to 47%.
A YouGov poll conducted Aug. 28-31 found 27% approval and 70% disapproval in that age group, the group’s worst showing in the series. Its net rating went from minus 1 in January 2025 to minus 43 in August, a 42-point drop, compared with 30 points nationally.
The Economist makes the opposite case. It argues that millennials have turned their fortunes around and now earn more than any recent generation did at the same age, while narrowing the gap in homeownership. The magazine credits the recovery to markets rather than to a state-funded rescue. October’s polls show what that narrative leaves out.
In the House race, the Pew Research Center found voters ages 30 to 49 favoring the Democratic candidate 43% to 31%, with one in five still undecided.
October’s affordability survey, broken down by age, points in the same direction. Affordability will decide the vote of 45% of voters in their 30s and 44% of those in their 40s, above the 37% average. This is the cohort that entered the job market in the 2008 crisis, pays rent or a mortgage, raises children and fills the tank every day to get to work, and the tank is precisely where prices have climbed the most this year.
The cost of living defines the vote of almost half of voters aged 30-49, above the national average of 37%. Graph: teleSUR
The figures come from surveys with different age brackets and do not prove a single cause. Read together, though, they show the country’s largest generation turning away from Trump faster than everyone else, with the cost of living at the top of its priorities.
Among those who voted for Trump in 2024, 23% now disapprove of his performance and 38% reject his handling of inflation. Most of them still prefer Republicans for Congress, so the erosion does not take the form of a switch to the other party. What they have lost is the certainty that they will vote.
Seventy-five percent of registered Democrats say they are certain to vote, compared with 67% of Republicans. Within the Republican Party, certainty reaches 75% among supporters of the MAGA movement and falls to 57% among those who do not identify with it, and more than a quarter of the latter want Democrats to control the next Congress.
Only 39% of Republicans strongly approve of the president, down from 63% in February 2025.
How many of the 77 million people who voted for Trump in 2024 will return to the polls without his name on the ballot is a question no one can answer yet. Turnout models based on 2022 and 2024 favor Republicans; votes already cast or locked in, by contrast, favor Democrats.
The risk for Republicans is at home. Their MAGA-unaffiliated voters are the least confident of going to the polls. Graph: teleSUR
What is at Stake in the Senate
With the slim House majority Republicans are defending, losing a handful of seats would be enough to hand over control, and presidential approval is among the best predictors of midterm results. Even so, 58% of likely voters who “somewhat” disapprove of Trump still prefer the Republican in their district.
The Senate is split 53-47 in Republicans’ favor, and Democrats need a net gain of four seats to win back the majority. Of the 35 seats on the ballot, seven are rated toss-ups, and six of them — in Alaska, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Ohio and Texas — are held by Republicans. North Carolina, a Republican seat, is already rated as likely to go Democratic.
The seven states that decided the last presidential election — Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — offer an early clue about 2028. Trump carried all seven in 2024, and today his net approval is negative in every one of them, between 15 and 25 points underwater among registered voters, according to the Civiqs tracker. He cannot run in 2028, and those numbers measure a president, not his successor, but they map the terrain his party will inherit.
Six of the seven open Senate races are played in Republican seats, while their approval is now negative in the seven states that gave the White House to Trump in 2024. Graph: teleSUR
On Nov. 3, Trump’s name will still be missing from the ballot. The outcome will depend less on votes that switch parties than on the votes that are never cast, among them those of a generation that split almost evenly on him two years ago and in August disapproved of him by more than two to one.
The Arch and the Gas Pump
On Wednesday, Oct. 14, 20 days before the election, the new Air Force One flew low over the airport in Bullhead City, in the Arizona desert. It is the Boeing 747 that Qatar’s royal family gave Trump, now painted red, white, blue and gold. “When they give you a 747, you say two words, thank you,” he told supporters.
Arizona is one of the swing states that change hands from one presidential election to the next. Joe Biden won it in 2020 by about 10,500 votes, Trump took it back in 2024, and today his approval there is 18 points underwater. The state has no Senate race this year, but it does elect a governor and all nine of its House members. The president chose Mohave County, where he won more than 77% of the vote two years ago, with early voting already a week underway. He went looking for his base, the voters he needs at the polls, not at home.
From the plane he moved on to people who leak military information. “In my opinion, leakers should be shot,” he said, and he called the journalists covering him “almost as bad as a leaker.” He touted the ballroom he is building at the White House and the triumphal arch he plans for the capital. On Iran, whose leaders, he said, “are gone,” he let slip a confession. “I might have gone too far. I don’t know who the hell to deal with.” And he promised that once the war ends,“your gasoline is going to go down to even lower than it was before it started.”
He was addressing a country that fills its tank at wartime prices and pays rents 2.8% higher than a year ago, according to the official price index. Three days later, his vice president admitted on television what the gas pump was already saying. Trump, in Arizona, had preferred to talk about monuments.
The planned arch would stand 76 meters (250 feet) tall, about 26 meters (85 feet) taller than the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, and would rise at the foot of the bridge leading to Arlington National Cemetery, as part of the celebrations for the 250th anniversary of U.S. independence.
Napoleon commissioned the Paris arch in 1806, after his victory at Austerlitz, to honor his armies. Construction dragged on for three decades. When it was inaugurated in 1836, the emperor had been dead in exile for 15 years, and he passed beneath the arch only once, in 1840, inside the coffin that brought his remains back to France.
A tanker caught fire and exploded after striking a naval mine in the Strait of Hormuz, according to the IRGC Navy;
The US drones reportedly attacked Konarak area wounding two Iranian army’s air defense personnel;
Commercial traffic through the Strait of Hormuz remained severely depressed on October 19, at roughly four transits per day compared with about 74 before the war.
A Russian ZAK-30 Citadel air defense gun system destroyed a Ukrainian Flamingo cruise missile using just two 30 mm shells with programmable detonation, the Russian news outlet Izvestia reported October 16.
The missile was flying at an altitude of up to 100 meters over a forest at a speed of more than 500 kilometers per hour when the system’s radar detected the low-flying target. The crew chief ordered the system to open fire, and two shots were enough to destroy the missile, the report said.
The shells detonated approximately 1 to 1.5 meters from the missile, releasing a concentrated stream of fragments toward the target without requiring a direct hit. The missile’s warhead exploded in midair, and its debris fell into the forest. No damage or casualties were reported.
A Russian Aerospace Forces air defense battalion commander identified by the call sign “Spartak” attributed the interception to the crew’s training and the system’s capabilities.
The interception highlights the Citadel’s use of programmable ammunition designed to engage small or fast-moving aerial targets more efficiently than conventional cannon rounds.
The shells contain a fragmentation charge and detonate at a calculated point along their trajectories, creating a cloud of fragments intended to strike the target.
Developed by the Russian state defense corporation Rostec, the ZAK-30 Citadel is designed primarily to counter multirotor and fixed-wing drones. Its combat module is armed with a 30 mm automatic cannon and carries 300 rounds of ammunition in two belts of 150 shells each.
The system combines radar with electro-optical sensors operating in visible and infrared wavelengths. Rostec says the system automates much of the engagement process, including target detection, tracking and the calculation of firing parameters, reducing the need for manual intervention.
The Citadel’s programmable shells are intended to compensate for the difficulty of hitting small, maneuverable targets directly. Its fire-control system calculates the detonation point based on the target’s flight path, allowing fragments to be released where they are most likely to hit. Rostec says this approach substantially reduces ammunition consumption compared with conventional ammunition.
Technical information released by the developers indicates that the system can engage fixed-wing drones at slant ranges of up to 1 kilometer and small multirotor drones at up to 800 meters.
The Citadel is intended to protect the immediate surroundings of military, industrial and other important facilities and can be integrated with other counter-drone systems as part of a layered air defense network.
Spain’s Left has now missed its last chance to unite ahead of the country’s snap election on 29 November — a historic failure, not so much because the numbers don’t add up, but because it fails to offer an alternative.
The elections are seen as pivotal, with a real chance that the far-right Vox will enter the government for the first time since Spain’s return to democracy in 1978, in a coalition with the centre-right People’s Party (PP), which itself is expected to fall short of an absolute majority.
With that possibility on the horizon, the Spanish parties to the left of the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), led by PM Pedro Sánchez, tried to agree on a nationwide joint list for the 29 November snap election.
But they failed because of a “war of egos”, as one political leader described it, and old grudges dating back to 2023. This has left many disillusioned and the left even more divided.
“These past few days have been very difficult … some people will be disappointed today, and for that I am sorry,” Ada Colau, former Barcelona mayor and leader of the Broad Front, said last week, as her alliance failed to reach an agreement on a joint electoral platform ahead of the election.
Spain’s electoral system disadvantages smaller parties, especially in less populated provinces. That means their votes are less likely to translate into seats.
In Spain, a country where a two-party system was the norm until 2015, it is puzzling that the “new” left, born precisely to break that duopoly, has ended up too divided to even compete with the mainstream.
So what’s the picture? On one side, the right is more aligned than ever: the PP and Vox are running separately, but the conservative party openly says it is willing to strike a deal with the far-right if needed. Liberalism is almost non-existent, even though Democracia 21 will run for the first time, but only in Madrid and Barcelona. And the left is divided.
War of egos
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On the night of October 19, 2026, the Russian Armed Forces carried out a massive combined strike on military-industrial, energy, and transport infrastructure in Ukraine. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, the attack involved Iskander-M/S-400 ballistic missiles, Iskander-K cruise missiles, and 269 strike unmanned aerial vehicles, including jet-powered drones. The strikes affected targets in 11 regions and knocked out power to more than 500,000 households; the most serious consequences were recorded in Kyiv, Volyn Region, and Rivne Region.
Strikes by Region
Kyiv and Kyiv Region
Data Group data center (Kyiv) — a data-processing center that, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, was used for military infrastructure needs.
Fire Point logistics hub (Kyiv) — a facility that produced and stored components for long-range fixed-wing strike UAVs, as well as engines for FP-5 Flamingo ground-launched cruise missiles. The facility was part of Fire Point’s production chain.
OJSC Khimvolokno (Kyiv) — an industrial enterprise that produced components for the warheads of medium- and long-range unmanned aerial vehicles.
Kyiv locomotive depot — a transport facility where, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, FP-5 Flamingo cruise missiles and components for FP-9 ballistic missiles were stored.
Planeta Plastik plant (Irpin, Kyiv Region) — an enterprise that produced polymer materials for the military industry.
Kyiv transport infrastructure — on the aboveground section of the Red Line near Chernihivska station, rails and power cables were severed; Chernihivska and Lisova stations were closed.
Ukrainian media reported damage to the Cosmo Multimall shopping center and the Ekosoft facility in Irpin.
Major rail junction on the route to Poland (Kovel)
Energy infrastructure — an electrical substation in Lutsk was attacked; after the overnight strikes, Kovel lost power, and large-scale outages also affected Turiisk and Liuboml.
Warehouse and production facilities in the village of Manevychi
BADM warehouse (Rivne) — a 2,370-square-meter warehouse opened in 2012. BADM is one of Ukraine’s largest pharmaceutical distributors, supplying medicines to more than 18,000 pharmacies and medical institutions, including for the medical needs of the Ukrainian Armed Forces. According to Ukrainian media, the warehouse stored products from Sanofi, Pfizer, Novartis, Berlin-Chemie, Bayer, and Teva.
Energy infrastructure — power outages were reported after Geran drone strikes; Ukrainian monitoring channels reported a strike on the 330 kV substation in the Rivne area.
Zaporizhzhia — as a result of Geran drone strikes, part of the city’s right bank lost power.
Odesa Region — according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, a cargo vessel carrying military and dual-use goods was struck while underway at sea, 130 km southwest of the port of Odesa.
Lviv, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Vinnytsia, Kirovohrad, Zhytomyr, Ternopil, Mykolaiv, Sumy, and Kherson Regions — explosions and power outages were reported; details on specific targets were not disclosed.
The October 19 attack was systemic in nature: Russian forces simultaneously targeted military-industrial facilities, missile and UAV storage sites, digital infrastructure, rail junctions, and power grids. According to available information, the main emphasis was on Kyiv and Kyiv Region, where, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense, elements of the FP-5 Flamingo production chain and associated Fire Point infrastructure were hit, as well as on western regions through which electricity imports and logistics toward Poland pass.
The key consequence was the strike on the distribution network: according to Ukrainian authorities, 28 substations and other important energy facilities were hit, leaving more than 500,000 households without power. This reflects a shift in targeting from large power plants to transformer substations and transmission lines, whose damage is harder to compensate for quickly even when generation capacity is sufficient.
In the near term, further strikes on electricity transmission nodes in western regions, as well as on transport and warehouse infrastructure in Kyiv, are likely. The continued shortage of air-defense assets and disruptions in advance warning of ballistic-missile launches increase the risk that such combined attacks will continue at high intensity in the pre-winter period.
European Union ministers have adopted a new recommendation calling for stronger measures to prevent homelessness and housing exclusion, as governments face increasing pressure over housing shortages and the cost of accommodation.
The recommendation was approved at a meeting of employment and social affairs ministers in Luxembourg on Monday, 19 October, and forms part of the European Commission’s wider efforts to address Europe’s housing crisis.
It proposes measures ranging from early intervention for households facing eviction to increased investment in affordable housing, improved access to social services and more coordinated support for people without permanent accommodation.
However, the recommendation is not legally binding. Member States will retain responsibility for deciding which measures to introduce, how they should be financed and the extent to which existing national housing policies should be changed.
More than one million people affected
According to the Council’s announcement, more than one million people are estimated to experience homelessness across the European Union.
The problem extends beyond people sleeping on streets or using emergency shelters.
The term housing exclusion also encompasses households living in inadequate accommodation, people facing imminent eviction and those unable to secure stable housing because of financial or personal circumstances.
The Council identifies poverty, unemployment, domestic violence, disability, poor health and insufficient affordable housing among the factors contributing to the problem.
Housing costs have also risen considerably faster than incomes in several European countries.
Between 2013 and 2024, nominal house prices increased by more than 60 per cent across the EU. In some Member States, average increases exceeded 220 per cent during the same period.
These developments have placed additional pressure on households with lower incomes, particularly in cities where rental accommodation is increasingly expensive and social housing is limited.
The shortage affects not only unemployed people but also individuals in paid employment whose earnings are insufficient to cover market rents.
Prevention before eviction
A central element of the new recommendation is the introduction or strengthening of national strategies intended to prevent homelessness before people lose their accommodation.
The Council encourages Member States to establish early-warning mechanisms capable of identifying households experiencing serious financial or housing difficulties.
Proposed interventions include debt counselling, emergency rental assistance, mediation between landlords and tenants, and appropriate safeguards against forced eviction.
The emphasis on prevention reflects the potentially substantial social and financial consequences of losing stable accommodation.
Once a person becomes homeless, obtaining employment, maintaining healthcare arrangements and securing permanent accommodation can become considerably more difficult.
The Council also calls for particular attention to children, young people leaving care and people facing domestic abuse.
Member States are encouraged to ensure that children have access to adequate housing and that young people leaving institutional or foster care are not placed at risk of homelessness because appropriate support arrangements are unavailable.
Greater emphasis on permanent housing
The recommendation promotes a housing-led approach, under which securing suitable and stable accommodation becomes a central element of the response to homelessness.
This differs from policies relying primarily on emergency shelters or temporary accommodation, although such facilities remain necessary for people facing immediate housing difficulties.
Housing-led programmes can include permanent accommodation accompanied by individual support services, depending on the person’s circumstances.
The Council also proposes simplifying access to social and healthcare services through integrated arrangements that allow people to obtain assistance without repeatedly approaching different public authorities.
One suggested model involves providing access to relevant services through a single contact point, with support from social workers, healthcare professionals and other organisations.
However, access to permanent housing ultimately depends on the availability of suitable properties.
The recommendation therefore calls for increased public and private investment in affordable and social housing, renovation of existing accommodation and support for non-profit housing models.
Questions over implementation and funding
The non-binding character of the recommendation remains one of its principal limitations.
European institutions can coordinate policies, provide guidance and support investment, but national governments and local authorities retain substantial responsibility for housing provision and social welfare arrangements.
The recommendation does not automatically establish a new EU housing entitlement or provide dedicated funding to every Member State.
Its effectiveness will depend on whether governments introduce measures capable of increasing housing supply and reducing the number of people entering homelessness.
The European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless, known as FEANTSA, previously welcomed the Commission’s proposal while identifying shortcomings.
In its assessment of the original proposal, the organisation argued that EU policy should place greater emphasis on permanently ending homelessness rather than primarily managing housing exclusion.
It also questioned the adequacy of funding arrangements and the proposed five-year interval for national progress reporting.
Five-year assessment planned
Under the adopted recommendation, Member States are encouraged to provide the European Commission with information on the effectiveness of their national strategies every five years.
The Commission is expected to evaluate national progress and report to the Council five years after the recommendation’s adoption.
The policy follows the European Affordable Housing Plan, presented in December 2025, and the EU’s Anti-Poverty Strategy, introduced in May 2026.
Together, these initiatives seek to expand the Union’s role in coordinating housing policy without transferring national housing responsibilities to Brussels.
The first indication of whether the recommendation will produce measurable results will come from national decisions on social housing investment, eviction prevention and access to permanent accommodation. Without changes to those practical arrangements, the Council’s commitments will remain principally a framework for voluntary cooperation.
The police’s treatment of the student last month sheds light on how a wave of school unrest evolved into national protests that spilled into widespread riots on Saturday.
The EU has demanded a reform of Ukraine's notoriously corrupt and politicized prosecution service and called for making the procedure for picking the prosecutor general less political and more merit-based. Meanwhile, anti-corruption activists and pro-reform lawmakers have accused the Ukrainian authorities of sabotaging rule of law reforms and resisting the demand for depoliticizing the Prosecutor General's Office.
The Yemeni army (Ansar Allah) captured Al-Ariel hill and Madarat in western Taiz city;
Heavy fighting was reported south of Jabal Arous in the areas of al-Sarari, al-Awat, al-Naidani, Dhi Rahba, Watir and Anbian;
The Yemeni army (Ansar Allah) launched three ballistic missiles at the al-Alam military camp north of Ataq, killing or wounding dozens of Saudi-backed forces.
The Council of the European Union has formally adopted revised workplace safety legislation introducing stricter limits on workers’ exposure to potentially dangerous chemicals, including substances used in battery manufacturing, metal production and the chemical industry.
The decision, announced on Monday, 19th October, completes the Council’s approval of the sixth revision of the EU’s Carcinogens, Mutagens and Reprotoxic Substances Directive. The legislation introduces or updates exposure limits for cobalt compounds, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, 1,4-dioxane and isoprene, while extending specific protections to work involving hazardous welding fumes.
According to the Council’s announcement, the measures could prevent approximately 1,700 cases of lung cancer and 19,000 other work-related illnesses across the European Union over 40 years.
New exposure limits for industrial substances
The legislation addresses chemicals encountered in industries that remain important to European manufacturing and industrial employment.
Cobalt and its inorganic compounds are used in several industrial applications, including certain battery technologies, metal processing and specialist manufacturing.
Exposure to cobalt-containing dust and fumes can occur during production processes, particularly where workers handle powders or undertake activities that generate airborne particles.
Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, commonly known as PAHs, can arise during industrial processes involving combustion or the processing of carbon-containing materials. Workers in parts of the steel, aluminium and carbon industries may encounter these compounds.
The new legislation also covers 1,4-dioxane, a chemical used in industrial production processes, including applications connected with chemical and textile manufacturing.
Isoprene was added to the revised framework during negotiations between the Council and European Parliament. The substance is used in the manufacture of synthetic rubber and other industrial products.
Exposure limits establish the maximum permissible concentration of specified hazardous substances in workplace air, subject to the measurement methods and averaging periods laid down in the legislation.
Employers must also apply wider preventive measures, which can include replacing hazardous substances where technically possible, improving ventilation, containing industrial processes and monitoring workplace exposure.
Welding fumes brought within revised framework
One of the significant changes concerns welding fumes, which can contain hazardous substances depending on the materials and processes involved.
Welding is used extensively in construction, automotive production, shipbuilding, infrastructure maintenance and the manufacture of industrial equipment.
Workers may be exposed to mixtures of particles and gases produced when metals are heated, melted or joined.
The revised directive adds relevant welding fumes to the list of substances, mixtures and industrial processes subject to specific requirements under EU occupational safety legislation.
This is particularly relevant where the fumes contain substances classified as carcinogenic, mutagenic or harmful to reproduction.
The legislation does not prohibit welding. Instead, it establishes a clearer legal framework for assessing and reducing occupational exposure.
European institutions have also recognised the need for additional practical guidance to assist employers in applying the new provisions across industries using different welding technologies and materials.
The legislation was negotiated against concerns that some manufacturers would require substantial investment to comply with the revised exposure limits.
Industrial employers may need to install extraction systems, improve ventilation, adapt production equipment or introduce additional monitoring arrangements.
For certain substances, the final compromise therefore includes transitional periods intended to give affected sectors time to make the necessary changes.
The agreed period for the application of new limits on polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons extends to seven years, with provisions covering carbon and graphite manufacturers.
This was one of the modifications introduced during negotiations to balance occupational health requirements with the technical constraints facing individual industries.
The agreement also provides for regular breaks for workers required to wear personal protective equipment and clarifies how those measures interact with existing EU legislation.
Protective equipment remains part of the safety framework, although the directive also recognises the importance of preventing exposure through engineering controls and improved working practices.
Health and economic implications
The European Commission estimates that more than 2.5 million workers could be exposed to the substances or processes covered by the revision.
Occupational illnesses can produce substantial costs for workers, employers and public health systems, including treatment expenses, sickness absence, reduced productivity and long-term disability.
The Commission previously estimated that the updated legislation could generate up to €1.16 billion in healthcare savings over the coming decades.
These figures are projections derived from assessments of expected exposure reductions rather than outcomes already achieved.
Their accuracy will depend on how effectively Member States implement the legislation and how consistently employers comply with the new requirements.
The measures also form part of the EU’s broader programme to reduce workplace exposure to substances associated with cancer and other serious illnesses.
Two years for national implementation
The directive will enter into force following publication in the Official Journal of the European Union. Member States will then have two years to transpose its provisions into national law.
National authorities will remain responsible for inspections and enforcement, while employers will need to assess which new requirements apply to their operations.
For businesses operating across several EU countries, the revised framework is intended to provide more consistent standards, although national enforcement arrangements may differ.
The practical effects will be most apparent in industrial workplaces where airborne chemical exposure remains a routine occupational risk. Compliance will require manufacturers to examine their production processes before the new requirements become enforceable.
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has convened an emergency government meeting following two days of violent unrest in Milan and other northern cities, where demonstrators clashed with police, looted shops and damaged public property during protests over living costs and deteriorating public services.
Police brought 271 people to police headquarters following Sunday’s disturbances in Milan, including 220 minors. Of those detained, 32 were formally arrested and another 28 were reported to the judicial authorities, according to figures released on Monday, 19th October.
The violence has prompted the Italian government to consider further restrictions on those involved in violent demonstrations, potentially introducing additional powers directed at organised disorder and juvenile offenders.
Milan city centre hit by looting
The disturbances began during demonstrations on Saturday, 17th October, organised amid growing dissatisfaction over household expenses, public services and wider political grievances.
Although the protests initially included peaceful participants, groups of masked individuals subsequently confronted riot police in central Milan. Officers used tear gas and water cannon as demonstrators erected burning barricades and threw objects at security personnel.
The unrest continued on Sunday, when shops were attacked close to Piazza del Duomo, one of Milan’s principal commercial and tourist areas.
Among the premises targeted were branches of Decathlon, Arc’teryx and Vodafone. Television footage showed damaged shopfronts, overturned street furniture and burning rubbish containers.
According to police figures reported on Monday, 174 of those taken to police headquarters were subjected to preventive detention measures introduced under recent Italian security legislation.
Fourteen members of the security services were reported injured during Sunday’s disturbances, including ten police officers and four members of the municipal police.
The judicial authorities are examining the conduct of individuals suspected of taking part in attacks on businesses and confrontations with officers. Prosecutors have sought custodial measures against several adults accused of offences including devastation, looting and aggravated resistance.
The large proportion of minors among those detained has become a central issue in the political response.
Violence spreads across northern Italy
Milan was not the only city affected by disorder. Saturday’s demonstrations also produced confrontations in Turin, Bologna, Brescia and Bergamo.
Italian police reported arrests across the affected cities, while the scale and organisation of the disturbances have raised questions about whether different groups were acting independently or using demonstrations as opportunities for coordinated violence.
There is not yet sufficient publicly established evidence to attribute the disorder to a single organisation or political movement.
The clashes coincided with major protests in neighbouring France, where similar concerns over living costs and public administration have contributed to increasingly confrontational demonstrations.
Although the grievances overlap, the Italian and French movements have different political backgrounds and organisational structures.
Government considers emergency legislation
Following a meeting at Palazzo Chigi on Monday, Meloni’s government indicated that it was considering a legislative response, potentially through an emergency decree.
According to details of the government discussions, proposals under examination include additional measures against violent offences, changes to preventive policing and possible restrictions addressing road blockages.
Some measures could be drawn from security legislation already under consideration in the Italian Senate. Ministers have also discussed the need for more effective intervention against juvenile offenders.
The meeting included Deputy Prime Ministers Matteo Salvini and Antonio Tajani, Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, Defence Minister Guido Crosetto and senior officials from the police, Carabinieri and intelligence services.
The government has stressed that peaceful demonstrations must remain protected while arguing that violence and organised destruction require a stronger response.
No final legislative text had been adopted at the conclusion of Monday’s meeting. A decree could be considered by the Council of Ministers as early as Tuesday, although the precise content remains subject to further examination.
Dispute over responsibility for policing
The unrest has also produced a dispute between Milan’s municipal authorities and the national government.
Mayor Giuseppe Sala questioned the adequacy of the policing arrangements, arguing that the number of officers initially deployed was insufficient to control the disturbances.
Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi rejected that criticism, while senior government figures accused local political leaders of failing to condemn the violence unequivocally.
The disagreement reflects a wider question over how responsibility for anticipating and containing serious public disorder should be divided between local administrations and national security authorities.
Italy’s opposition has also challenged the government’s handling of the disturbances. Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi criticised Meloni and Piantedosi over their failure to prevent the violence, calling for a change in leadership at the Interior Ministry.
The political argument is likely to intensify if the government proceeds with emergency legislation. Supporters of stronger police powers argue that the existing framework is insufficient to deal with rapidly organised disturbances, while opponents will scrutinise the proportionality of new restrictions and their effect on peaceful protest.
The immediate test for the government will be whether additional legal powers can improve public-order operations without replacing effective policing, intelligence gathering and judicial enforcement.
A former OpenAI engineer accused of planting a hidden recording device in an executive conference room maintained frequent contact with a Saudi royal who sought to recruit him for an artificial intelligence role in the kingdom, United States prosecutors said on October 19, raising new questions about possible official Saudi role in the spying scandal.
Abdulrahman Alfozan, 35, exchanged messages with an unnamed member of the Saudi royal family as recently as October 5, four days before his arrest, according to a detention memorandum filed by federal prosecutors.
In one exchange, the royal wrote, “Saudi needs you more then the US!” and Alfozan replied, “100,” according to the prosecutors.
The royal’s identity has not been disclosed. Prosecutors allege the communications reflected an effort to recruit Alfozan to work on artificial intelligence in Saudi Arabia, where he had been pursuing professional opportunities while employed at OpenAI.
Prosecutors also cited assistance from Saudi officials in arguing that Alfozan could flee the U.S. if released. A Saudi military official paid for a business-class flight for Alfozan’s wife and infant son, who left San Francisco for Doha, Qatar, on October 10, according to the filing.
His wife told investigators that she intended to move permanently to Saudi Arabia with their son and that Alfozan eventually planned to join them.
Before his arrest, Alfozan had booked a one-way flight to Riyadh for October 12, coinciding with a planned two-month parental leave. Prosecutors argued that his financial resources and apparent support from a foreign government without an extradition treaty with the United States made him a serious flight risk.
The case began after OpenAI employees discovered a concealed audio recording device on September 30, inserted into a USB port behind a television in an executive conference room at the company’s San Francisco offices. The device, which investigators said had been installed around September 28 and contained encrypted recordings, was wrapped in toilet paper.
According to the criminal complaint, the room was regularly used for discussions involving confidential research, product plans, commercial strategy and government engagements.
Prosecutors said government officials attended meetings there around the time the device was installed, heightening concerns about the potential exposure of sensitive discussions.
Investigators cited office surveillance footage showing Alfozan close to the conference room despite lacking authorization to access it. Footage from October 5 allegedly showed him looking behind the television where the device had been placed.
OpenAI security personnel also found a second, similar recording device in a bag containing his identification and other belongings, according to the complaint.
The investigation uncovered additional digital evidence. A chatbot account associated with Alfozan’s wife, which prosecutors said shared multiple identifiers with his own account, had submitted prompts about constructing and concealing an audio recorder, improving live listening and encrypting stored files.
Investigators also cited his inquiries into office locations, meeting-room calendars and scheduled gatherings involving company executives and external partners.
Alfozan was arrested on October 9 and subsequently dismissed by OpenAI, where he had worked as an engineer since July 2025. The company referred the matter to the FBI after discovering the device.
OpenAI has said it found no evidence that the incident resulted in the theft or extraction of model weights, source code or customer data. The case has nevertheless drawn attention to the risks surrounding the protection of advanced artificial intelligence research as governments and technology companies compete for strategic advantages.
Alfozan’s lawyer, William Pernik, has challenged the prosecution’s argument that his client would flee if released. He said the planned travel was for family and immigration reasons, noting that the tickets had been booked in advance and that Alfozan did not leave after learning that OpenAI had discovered the device.
Pernik asked the court to release him under home detention, GPS monitoring and a bond supported by the Saudi consulate.
Alfozan has been charged with using or attempting to use an electronic device to intercept oral communications, an offense punishable by up to five years in prison and a $250,000 fine. He has not been charged with espionage or theft of trade secrets, and prosecutors have not alleged that the Saudi royal directed the placement of the recorder.
The spying attempt may have been to gain a financial edge rather than steal AI technology. Inside knowledge of OpenAI’s investment plans, commercial partnerships, negotiations and business strategy could potentially help Saudi royal-linked interests anticipate market movements, secure more favorable terms in major deals or gain an advantage over competitors. Such intelligence could carry substantial economic value without revealing a single line of OpenAI’s code.
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