On Monday, Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch ruled that the police shooting of 1-year-old boy Kohen Wiley was a "justified" use of force. ​Kohen was fatally shot in June, outside of a Walmart, as cops investigated his mother and her friend for stealing diapers. Fitch didn't explain the reasoning behind the decision or what evidence was considered in a case that has sparked national backlash.

According to a June 14 statement from the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation (MBI), officers from the Senatobia Police Department (SPD) and Tate County Sheriff's Office were responding to a shoplifting call when "officers encountered two subjects and a juvenile child fleeing from the store into a vehicle." They "attempted to stop the vehicle, but the driver drove in the direction of the officers, almost striking one," and the officer then "discharged their weapon and the vehicle fled the scene." The family went to a local hospital, where 1-year-old Kohen Wiley was pronounced dead.​

Kohen's mother, Vellesiya Wiley, has a different version of events, which she outlined in a video on X following the tragedy. She said that after police tried to stop her friend (the driver) outside the Walmart, Wiley continued to go to her car, saying the interaction had "nothing to do" with her. Once she got into the car, her friend arrived and began to back out of the parking spot. Then officers came over to the car, drawing their guns. She says that after she raised Kohen to show him to the officers and try to defuse the situation, they opened fire. "[The police] tried to say that [my friend] forcefully was trying to drive and hit them, but they was all on the right side, and she was driving towards the left….They personally just shot at the car," she said. In the months since the incident, the family held several rallies, demanding justice for Kohen's death.​ 

The tragedy of the shooting has been compounded by a lack of transparency from the SPD, as well as alleged expert analysis that counteracts the MBI's statement. According to reporting from Mississippi Today, Ben Crump, a civil rights attorney who is representing the Wiley family, claims that an independent autopsy conducted by forensic pathologist Robert Mitchell indicates that the bullets entered through the front passenger door, rather than the windshield, suggesting that the officer wasn't in the vehicle's path when he discharged his gun.​

In response to Fitch's announcement on Monday, Crump released a statement asking, "How can anyone accept that conclusion when Kohen's family and the public still have not been allowed to see the body-camera footage?" 

"If the footage supports the state's decision, release it. We will not stop fighting until this family gets the truth," he added. To this point, the SPD has declined to release the footage, saying it's standard procedure during an ongoing investigation.

Crump was also keen to point out complaints of racism in the SPD: "This is a department whose chief was fired after reports of racial slurs in his text messages, and whose officer faced a complaint alleging a racially offensive remark two days before he shot Kohen."​

The SPD's chief at the time, Harold Vanderford, was unceremoniously fired after journalists from Mississippi Today, The New York Times, and Verite News revealed a slew of racist text messages he sent. According to reporting from Verite News, in one of the messages he said he "almost beat a nigger and white woman's ass a few minutes ago." Senatobia's Board of Aldermen rejected his attempted resignation and voted to fire him instead on September 1.

Crump also cited a complaint filed by Officer Dexter Smith, who claimed that Sergeant Hunter Foster, the officer who shot Kohen referred to him as "a black motherfucker" on June 12, just two days before the incident. According to reporting from Mississippi Today, Smith's complaint states that he was filling out paperwork in the booking room when he heard Foster say, "Who is this Black motherfucker back there?" to his colleagues. Smith claims to have had almost no relationship with Foster prior to the encounter.​

It's hard not to feel outraged considering that this little boy lost his life over something as trivial as shoplifting—a misdemeanor in Mississippi that does not justify use of lethal force, as Reason's Joe Lancaster wrote in June—and for diapers no less. With the bodycam footage yet to be released, all the public is left with is the state's word that the investigation found no wrongdoing. Given the multiple instances of racism within the department, it shouldn't come as a surprise if the public isn't content to take them at their word.

The post Mississippi A.G. Says Killing of 1-Year-Old Boy Over Stolen Diapers Was 'Justified' appeared first on Reason Magazine.

Last July, President Donald Trump imposed 50 percent tariffs on various Canadian goods, a list he subsequently expanded to include additional imports, some of which he banned outright. His legal justification was Section 338 of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which Congress approved in 1930. Section 338 authorized tariffs in response to discriminatory trade practices. But in the 96 years since it was enacted, no president had ever used it to impose tariffs.

Why is that? According to a lawsuit that the Liberty Justice Center (LJC) filed on Tuesday in the U.S. Court of International Trade (CIT), the answer is clear: Section 338 was superseded by subsequent legislation that likewise targeted discriminatory trade barriers, beginning with the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934 and culminating in Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974. Section 301, the current remedy, includes requirements that Trump apparently sought to dodge by invoking Section 338 instead.

That maneuver is illegal, the LJC argues. "Congress already gave the executive branch a tool for responding to unfair foreign trade practices: Section 301, which requires an investigation, public comment and other safeguards," says Jeffrey M. Schwab, the LJC's director of litigation. "The administration cannot skip those protections by reaching for a 1930 statute that no president had ever used to impose a tariff."

Why not? "Where provisions in two acts are in irreconcilable conflict, the later act, to the extent of the conflict, constitutes an implied repeal of the earlier one," the lawsuit says. "Where a later act covers the whole subject of an earlier one and is clearly intended as a substitute, it operates similarly as a repeal. And a specific policy embodied in a later federal statute controls the construction of an earlier one even absent express amendment."

Even if Section 338 somehow survived congressional approval of contrary laws, the LJC adds, Trump's tariffs exceed the authority it grants. And if Trump's interpretation of Section 338 were correct, the lawsuit says, the provision would violate the nondelegation doctrine, which bars Congress from delegating its tariff power to the president without providing "an intelligible principle" to guide and constrain his exercise of it.

Trump's Section 338 tariffs, in short, are "the Administration's latest attempt to exercise, through a statute never designed for the purpose, the tariff power that the Constitution assigns to Congress." That pattern should be familiar by now.

Shortly after taking office in 2025, Trump claimed to have discovered a previously unnoticed delegation of extensive tariff authority in the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), a 1977 law that does not mention import taxes and had never been used to impose them. That claim was rejected by every court that considered it, and last February the Supreme Court ruled that IEEPA does not authorize tariffs at all.

Trump responded to that decision by immediately announcing similarly broad tariffs under Section 122 of the 1974 Trade Act, which addresses "fundamental international payments problems" caused by "serious United States balance-of-payments deficits." In May, the CIT ruled that the new tariffs were illegal because Trump had failed to "identify balance-of-payments deficits within the meaning of Section 122."

Trump then switched to Plan C, invoking Section 301 of the Trade Act, which authorizes tariffs in response to a foreign "act, policy, or practice" that is "unreasonable or discriminatory" and "burdens or restricts" U.S. commerce. He claimed that provision justified tariffs on 86 trading partners, accounting for nearly all U.S. imports, because they had failed to "impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor." The CIT is currently weighing challenges to those tariffs, including an LJC lawsuit.

Trump's Section 338 tariffs have now added to the CIT's caseload. The LJC represents Gellert Global Group, an importer that was hit hard by those taxes after Trump added cheese to the list of disfavored Canadian goods. The lawsuit asks the CIT to certify a class of importers, numbering in "the hundreds, if not the thousands," that likewise have been clobbered by Trump's 50 percent tariffs.

Since Trump obviously is aware of Section 301, why did he resort to a never-used, seemingly obsolete provision to justify the tariffs on imports from Canada? As the LJC notes, Section 301 requires an investigation by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, "consultation with the foreign country concerned, notice, public comment, a hearing, and determinations within statutory deadlines." It also requires "that action be equivalent in value to the burden imposed, that duties be preferred over other import restrictions, and that actions terminate after four years absent a request for continuation and review."

Can Trump avoid those constraints by invoking Section 338 instead? The LJC thinks not: "Congress did not intend to leave in place a parallel authority that would allow the President to impose the same remedies, for the same conduct, free of every one of those safeguards."

Section 338 has been "impliedly repealed," the LJC argues. "At a minimum, Section 301 controls where, as here, the President seeks to respond to foreign practices within Section 301's scope, and the President may not impose duties in response to such practices while disregarding the procedures and limits Section 301 imposes. Because the President did not proceed under Section 301, the Section 338 Tariffs are unlawful whether or not Section 338 survives."

Even if you ignore subsequent legislation, the LJC argues, the Canadian policies that Trump cited when he announced the tariffs do not qualify as "discrimination" under Section 338. "Canada's motor vehicle surtax and its provinces' alcohol purchasing decisions are responses to tariffs that the United States imposed on Canada, not discrimination by Canada against the United States," it says. Trump also complained that Canada treats European cheese imports more favorably than U.S. cheese imports. But "when Congress enacted Section 338, a preference granted under a reciprocal agreement was not 'discrimination.'"

Section 338 "addresses discrimination: measures that single out United States commerce for worse treatment than the commerce of the world at large," the lawsuit says. "It is not a general authorization to impose tariffs whenever the President disagrees with a trading partner's policies, or whenever a trading partner responds to tariffs the United States has imposed on it."

Trump also was unfazed by Section 338's requirement that the president set duties to "offset" the costs imposed by discriminatory practices, which implies proportionality. Rather than attempt that, the LJC notes, Trump imposed "the statutory maximum rate of 50 percent without tying it to any measured burden."

As interpreted by Trump, the lawsuit warns, Section 338 authorizes the president to "impose tariffs of up to 50 percent on any products of any country that extends better treatment to any other country in any respect—including through any of the hundreds of preferential trade agreements to which the United States is not a party—or that responds to tariffs the United States has imposed on it." Yet Section 338 "contains no clear statement authorizing that power," contrary to the "major questions" doctrine, which applies to assertions of executive authority with "vast economic and political significance."

If Section 338 conferred the sort of unfettered authority that Trump is claiming, the LJC says, it "would supply no intelligible principle constraining the exercise of Congress's power to lay duties." His reading "would convert a narrow, fact-dependent provision into an effectively unrestricted delegation of Congress's tariff power," which would be "an unconstitutional delegation of legislative power."

This case "is not about the president," says LJC CEO Sara Albrecht. "It is about the presidency. No president should have the power to pull a dormant statute off the shelf and use it to impose sweeping tariffs or import bans without the limits Congress required."

The post Trump's 50% Tariffs on Canadian Goods Illegally Rely on a Superseded Statute, a Lawsuit Argues appeared first on Reason Magazine.

On Monday, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced it would "make $8 billion available for one-time payments to American farmers this harvest season to provide relief during temporary market disruptions and increased input costs."

Using a formula derived from the USDA's production, yield, and price estimates, the Harvest Fuel Relief program will "provide simple, proportional support to producers." It will only cover a "portion of modeled losses during the 2026 crop year." The Farm Service Agency—an office within the USDA that administers credit and loan programs—will administer the $8 billion in one-time payments using funds from the Commodity Credit Corporation, a federal entity authorized to draw up to $30 billion from the U.S. Treasury to fund agricultural initiatives. Payment rates won't be released until November, and the USDA's notice leaves open the possibility of additional payments for "non-Title I commodities, including specialty crop growers and fishermen."

A fiscally questionable decision, the program comes at a time when farmers are feeling a significant price pinch. The dyed diesel American farmers and ranchers use is exempt from state and federal highway taxes, but that has done little to offset skyrocketing fuel prices. In September, the American Farm Bureau Federation projected that fuel expenses would reach $22 billion this year, up 29 percent from 2025. The Farm Bureau estimates that total production expenses will reach nearly $500 billion in 2026. According to its own predictions, the USDA doesn't expect the situation to improve anytime soon.

In its latest Commodity Costs and Returns report, released in June, the USDA projects farmers and ranchers will face record production costs in 2027—higher than during the COVID-19 supply chain disruptions—driven by higher prices for necessary inputs such as fuel, fertilizer, seeds, machinery, and labor. 

While the USDA has blamed "temporary market disruptions" for these cost hikes, the blame more accurately falls to President Donald Trump, thanks to his illegal war in Iran. As of Tuesday, Trump's war—and the subsequent shocks it has caused to the global diesel supply—have pushed the national average price in the U.S. up $2.70 per gallon from a year ago, a 74.6 percent increase, according to AAA data.

Unfortunately, the war in Iran is just one of several Trump administration policies making life more expensive for everyone, including the nation's farmers and ranchers. Tariffs on imported fertilizer, which began in 2020 during the first Trump administration, have made it difficult for American farmers to afford what they need. By the Farm Bureau's estimates, fertilizer costs for 2026 are projected to reach a record $40 billion, up 15 percent from the previous year.

The $8 billion program is part of a windfall of taxpayer money the Trump administration has sent to farmers as relief for harms caused by the president's actions. Last December, the USDA sent $11 billion in one-time bridge payments to more than half a million farmers nationwide. Earlier this month, the USDA announced it would provide a record $13.8 billion in gross payments to agricultural producers to cover revenue losses. 

In a speech in Kansas touting the program, Trump claimed that the state's residents would see a "plunge" in prices once the war ends. That's likely an exaggeration, given the host of questionable economic policies he seems hell-bent on implementing. 

Still, that shouldn't discredit the president's suggestion. Ending the war would benefit farmers, ranchers, and consumers, without doling out billions in another government bailout for a favored industry.

The post Trump's $8 Billion Diesel Bailout Pays Farmers for a Problem He Created appeared first on Reason Magazine.

Santo Domingo, 20 oct (Prensa Latina) Autoridades de República Dominicana detuvieron a mil 549 extranjeros en situación irregular y deportaron a otros mil 240 hacia Haití durante operativos realizados el lunes en distintas zonas del país, informó hoy la Dirección General de Migración (DGM).

The post Dominicana deporta a mil 240 ciudadanos de Haití en una jornada first appeared on Noticias Prensa Latina.

O Governo adjudicou à Vasp os dois lotes do concurso de apoio à distribuição de jornais em áreas de baixa densidade populacionais, confirmando assim os resultados preliminares conhecidos a 20 de agosto. O ministro da presidência, António Leitão Amaro, já tinha apontado na sexta-feira que o relatório final seria conhecido esta semana.

Com um preço base de 3,08 milhões de euros pelos três anos, o concurso foi ganho por 2,29 milhões de euros. Serão então pagos 763 mil euros por ano, pelos dois lotes. O lote Norte e Centro foi adjudicado por cerca de 1,23 milhões de euros, 30% abaixo do preço base de 1,76 milhões. Já o Oeste e Vale do Tejo, Grande Lisboa, Península de Setúbal, Alentejo e Algarve foi adjudicado por 1,06 milhões de euros, 20% abaixo do preço base.

O contrato, obriga a Vasp a assegurar a distribuição em, pelo menos, um posto de venda ao público em cada concelho, com funcionamento mínimo de 300 dias por ano. Nos concelhos de baixa densidade, no Lote 1, a Vasp compromete-se a assegurar um mínimo de cinco postos de venda em cada concelho de baixa densidade.

“O resultado do concurso fica muito abaixo do custo inicialmente estimado: uma redução de 78%, que resulta da opção por um procedimento concorrencial em vez de um apoio direto a um operador. A despesa pública inicialmente estimada era de 3,5 milhões de euros por ano, ou 10,5 milhões de euros em três anos Mas, com este procedimento, o Estado pagará, afinal, cerca de 2,3 milhões de euros pela distribuição nos dois lotes durante os três anos de contrato. São cerca de 763 mil euros por ano, quando o valor inicialmente reclamado pelo incumbente [VASP] apontava para 3,5 milhões de euros por ano“, indica o Governo, em comunicado divulgado esta terça-feira.

Depois de sabido os resultados preliminares, a concorrente Pergaminhoflash pediu ao júri a verificação de locais concretos identificados na proposta da Vasp, bem como os critérios apresentados para a formação do preço. Mais tarde, alegou que a proposta da Vasp devia ser excluída devido à “existência de fortes indícios de atos, acordos, práticas ou informações suscetíveis de falsear as regras de concorrência”.

“Ambos [os concorrentes] colocaram muitas questões sobre a proposta do outro e pedi que houvesse o escrúpulo máximo, exigência máxima, avaliação máxima de todas as observações, para que não subsistam dúvidas nenhumas sobre a integridade da decisão”, explicou o ministro António Leitão Amaro, na passada sexta-feira. “Quisemos lançar um processo que descobrisse o preço certo e não uma renda pedida”, acrescentou sobre o processo que antecedeu este relatório final. O relatório final, agora disponível na plataforma eletrónica de contratação pública, manteve a ordenação das propostas e a proposta de adjudicação dos dois lotes.

O concurso previa que só pudesse ser adjudicado um lote a cada concorrente, exceto se implicasse “um acréscimo de preço superior a 10 % face ao preço da proposta ordenada em 1.º lugar nesse lote“. A Pergaminhos Flash e a Vasp foram as únicas empresas a concorrer. A primeira garantiu, em agosto, ao +M que, caso não ganhasse nenhum dos lotes, continuaria a desenvolver o seu projeto de distribuição de jornais.

O concurso público internacional foi lançado a 2 de junho, sendo que prevê a garantia de pelo menos um ponto de venda em cada concelho do continente, o transporte não discriminatório de diferentes jornais e a prestação mensal de informação detalhada sobre vendas, custos e pontos de venda.

De acordo com o Governo, em resposta à agência Lusa, a preparação do concurso foi “especialmente complexa” devido à existência de um único incumbente no mercado e a “problemas sérios” na informação partilhada por esse operador, situação que este “veio a reconhecer”.

Este apoio à distribuição de publicações periódicas constava no plano de Ação para os Media, apresentado em 2024. No final do ano passado, a Vasp ameaçou deixar de distribuir jornais em oito distritos.

Em causa estava uma “situação financeira particularmente exigente, resultante da continuada quebra das vendas de imprensa e do aumento significativo dos custos operacionais”, dizia a Vasp.

Na altura, o ministro da Presidência, António Leitão Amaro, afirmou que qualquer solução pública que ajudasse a assegurar a distribuição de imprensa no território nacional implicaria sempre “mecanismos concorrenciais”. No entanto, ressalvou que não quer “criar nenhum instrumento de dependência” que envolva o dinheiro dos contribuintes direcionado para uma empresa em específico. “Não quero passar cheques a nenhuma empresa em concreto”, rematou.

“Depois de realizar pressões públicas (incluindo, em dezembro de 2025, ameaça de interrupção da distribuição em oito distritos), em março de 2026, o operador incumbente VASP reconheceu que tinha enviado à tutela informações financeiras incompletas suscetíveis de distorcer a realidade do mercado e apresentou desculpas ao Governo. Finalmente munido de informação mais rigorosa, o Governo desenhou um modelo e regras concursais promotores de efetiva concorrência e eficiência nos gastos públicos, e lançou em junho de 2026 o concurso público internacional cujas fases de propostas e de avaliação preliminar agora terminaram”, recordava o Governo em agosto.

The counterterrorism police investigating a threat against an English air base used by U.S. bombers said the two men were working on behalf of Iran.

© Toby Shepheard/Reuters

'With everything else that's going on in the world, the most important thing is to reconcile — that's the key point,' Prince Harry said of his relationships with his family.

'With everything else that's going on in the world, the most important thing is to reconcile — that's the key point,' Prince Harry said of his relationships with his family.

Il consorzio guidato dal Tesoro italiano rimane determinato ad acquisire Sparkle, ossia la divisione cavi sottomarini di Telecom Italia. Lo ha comunicato la stessa Telecom Italia dopo la scadenza del termine per la chiusura dell’operazione, in attesa dell’approvazione richiesta dalle autorità di regolamentazione statunitensi. Il consorzio fumato dal Mef al 70% e da Retelit (30%),  operatore di fibra ottica controllato dal fondo spagnolo Asterion, lo scorso anno aveva concordato di acquistare Sparkle, la divisione di cavi sottomarini di Tim per 700 milioni di euro.

La chiusura dell’operazione, inizialmente prevista entro la fine del 2025, ha subito ripetuti ritardi a causa della mancata autorizzazione da parte delle Autorità Usa, con l’ultima proroga  che fissava al 15 ottobre il termine per il completamento. “Le parti stanno proseguendo discussioni costruttive con l’obiettivo di portare a termine con successo l’operazione e hanno concordato di riunirsi nuovamente per fornire un aggiornamento entro il 20 novembre”, ha spiegato Tim in un comunicato.

L’Italia considera Sparkle un bene di importanza strategica per il Paese, vista la sua rete di cavi che è pari a 600mila chilometri che trasmette dati in Europa, nel Mediterraneo e nelle Americhe. La vendita di Sparkle rientrava in un più ampio programma di cessione di attività da parte di Tim, che ha venduto la propria rete di telefonia fissa a un consorzio guidato dal fondo statunitense Kkr e di cui fa parte anche il Tesoro italiano, per 19 miliardi di euro, per ridurre l’indebitamento. L’ex monopolista delle telecomunicazioni dopo che ha ridotto il debito è tornata sotto il controllo dello Stato a seguito dell’acquisizione da parte di Poste Italiane.

LEGGI LE NOTIZIE DEL CANALE ECONOMIA

L'articolo Tim, Mef e Retelit hanno confermato l’impegno per acquisire Sparkle proviene da Affaritaliani.it.

Cereal production in Burkina Faso has risen 53% to a record high under the government of Capt. Ibrahim Traoré, who has made food self-sufficiency an urgent priority since coming to power. ​

The country has produced 124% of the national cereal needs, the agricultural minister, Commander Ismaël Sombié, said earlier this month at the 3rd edition of the National Days of Patriotic Engagement and Citizen Participation (JEPPC). 

Paddy rice production for the first time exceeded a million tons in 2025, while Maize production reached well over 2,68 million tons, he added in his address to a panel titled “From field to market: producing and consuming Burkinabe to strengthen our sovereignty.”

Including all other cereals, the total production of over seven million tons is a historic high. It was only 4.66 million tons in 2021-22. It was a tumultuous period. Amid mass protests calling for the expulsion of the troops of Burkina Faso’s former colonizer, France, the regime of President Roch Marc Kaboré, widely perceived in the country as a French puppet, was ousted in a coup.

However, the new military government replacing this regime, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo, dragged its feet on meeting the protesters’ demand for the expulsion of French troops. In this backdrop, another coup followed that September, bringing Captain Ibrahim Traoré to power.

In less than half a year after taking power, he expelled them, asserting Burkina Faso’s sovereignty. However, his government, backed by the anti-France protest movement, trade unions, and progressive sections of the civil society, has repeatedly insisted that sovereignty cannot be consolidated without reducing the country’s dependence on imports for basic food needs.

With domestic agro-pastoral potential undeveloped, Burkina Faso was spending about 148.5 billion CFA francs on rice and wheat imports in 2022, while almost a fifth of the country’s population remained undernourished.

2023-2025 Agro-Pastoral and Fisheries Offensive

Soon after swearing in as transitional president that October, Traoré launched the Presidential Initiative for Agricultural Production (2023-2024), which later became part of the larger, more ambitious 2023-2025 Agro-Pastoral and Fisheries Offensive (OAPH), launched in September 2023.

Spending 273.99 billion CFA francs on this initiative, the state developed 11,774 hectares of irrigated areas and 41,275 hectares of lowland areas, making them available to farmers.​

It invested in water management, installing 485 high-yield boreholes. It increased mechanization, including by deploying 1,261 tractors. And through this initiative, the state supplied inputs, including 160,560 tons of mineral fertilizer, to farmers and created 418 new storage facilities.

A concrete impact on consumer plate​s

The 1,008,737 tons of rice produced in 2025 is 101% of the target set under the OAPH. For maize, the 2,686,531 tons produced amounted to 134% of the target achieved.

Presenting these figures to the Council of Ministers on July 31, Amos Kiénou, OAPH’s executive secretary, said that these gains have had a “concrete impact” on the consumer plate.​

A bag of maize, for example, “used to cost between 35,000 and 40,000 CFA francs” during lean seasons before this campaign by Traoré’s government, he said. “Today… a bag does not exceed 20,000 CFA francs,” even as the government has set minimum prices of several crops to ensure that farmers are not forced to sell at a loss.​

Beyond these carbohydrate sources, the government has also prioritized greater protein availability for the population. Against OAPH’s poultry target of 18,000,000 chickens, 18,262,480 were counted. Fish production rose from 30,574 tons to 58,476 tons during this offensive, although it remained below the target. OAPH also produced 51,818 tonnes of potatoes and renewed 3,170 hectares of mango orchards.​

This campaign aimed at achieving food self-sufficiency has generated 91,027 jobs, including 26,202 permanent positions. Women have secured over a third of them. 4,724 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) have also found work. During this OAPH, agricultural GDP rose by an average of over 12% annually, while household incomes grew by 4.3%.

Agropastoral, Hydraulic and Fisheries Offensive 2026-2028

With this success to show, the government is set to expand the campaign, launching an even more ambitious Agropastoral, Hydraulic and Fisheries Offensive 2026-2028 in late July this year.

The state funding of 839.99 billion CFA francs is expected to finance this new offensive, which is to develop another 50,000 hectares of irrigated areas and 100,000 hectares of lowlands.​

Plantain, sunflower, pineapple, rabbit, oil palm, and cocoa are included as the six emerging sectors in the 2026-2028 offensive. The gains made in maize, potato, mango, livestock-meat, fish and poultry are to be consolidated in this new phase, while rice, milk, soybeans, sesame, peanuts, wheat, cassava, and shea fall under priority sectors.

The plan also targets the building of 418 more storage facilities, including 11 cold rooms and 63 processing units.

​The government’s aim is to develop domestic capacity across the entire agricultural value chain – from cultivation to processing to final consumption – to consolidate Burkina Faso’s sovereignty, said agriculture minister Sombié in his remarks on October 7.

A top Democratic super PAC is launching a $1.2 million ad campaign in the Mississippi Senate race, adding the deep-red state to its list of targets as the party seeks to flip the Senate in November. Senate Majority PAC (SMP) announced Tuesday that it will spend the money on television and digital ads through Election…

Dona do Instagram, do Facebook, do WhatsApp e de outras plataformas digitais e redes sociais, a empresa de tecnologia Meta se negou a criar um canal direto para receber denúncias de ameaças, assédio, ataques digitais, bloqueios e suspensão de contas de jornalistas, comunicadores e veículos de comunicação.

A criação de um canal para o encaminhamento e acompanhamento de casos urgentes foi solicitada pelo Observatório da Violência Contra Jornalistas e Comunicadores Sociais (Observatório), órgão vinculado ao Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública e responsável por monitorar e apoiar as investigações das denúncias envolvendo comunicadores sociais.

Notícias relacionadas:

• Ao TSE, Meta nega tratamento desigual entre candidaturas presidenciais.
• Ato em São Paulo cobra neutralidade da Meta nas eleições.
• TSE determina isonomia após IA da Meta barrar imagens de Lula.

Em nota, o observatório informou que agiu motivado pelos “recorrentes relatos de bloqueios, suspensões e outras restrições envolvendo jornalistas, comunicadores e veículos de comunicação”, mas que a Meta, ao negar o pedido, alegou a “complexidade técnica, jurídica e operacional” da medida.

“[A empresa] afirmou que o mecanismo poderia representar a “assunção [aceitação] de novas obrigações regulatórias”, revelou o observatório.

O órgão acrescentou que a Meta argumentou também que a análise do pedido exigiria um prazo maior, compatível com a complexidade do tema, e que suas políticas se aplicam a todos os usuários, igualmente, de forma que, para a Meta, os canais gerais já disponíveis são suficientes.

A reportagem da Agência Brasil entrou em contato com a assessoria da Meta, que respondeu que a empresa não vai comentar o assunto.

Violência Digital

Em nota, as secretarias de Justiça (Senajus) e de Direitos Digitais (Sedigi) do Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública e a Secretaria de Políticas Digitais (SPDGI) da Secretaria de Comunicação Social da Presidência da República destacaram que foram registrados 14.182 ataques digitais contra jornalistas e veículos de comunicação durante o primeiro turno, segundo a Coalizão em Defesa do Jornalismo.

Além disso, a organização CTRL+Z reuniu 1.121 relatos de restrições a contas e conteúdos políticos, incluindo bloqueios e remoções sem justificativa específica.

“Os levantamentos expõem duas ameaças ao debate público: a escalada da violência contra quem produz informação e a falta de transparência nas decisões que podem restringir sua circulação, com potencial impacto no legítimo exercício da liberdade de expressão”, apontam as secretarias.

O texto divulgado reforça a “necessidade de mecanismos específicos e permanentes de proteção a jornalistas, comunicadores e veículos de comunicação no ambiente digital”, para além do período eleitoral.

“Os canais gerais da Meta e a cooperação com a Justiça Eleitoral não substituem um mecanismo de proteção capaz de responder a situações urgentes de violência contra jornalistas, inclusive fora do período eleitoral”, insistiu o ministério.

A pasta ressalta que ataques e restrições ao exercício do jornalismo “ultrapassam a esfera individual e podem comprometer o direito de toda a sociedade à informação”.

Voter clips supporting pro-Israel Rep. Haley Stevens drew millions of views, but the funders are unknown. While the bots originate from India, the campaign appears likely to have been tied to groups that sought to help Stevens defeat opponent Abdul El-Sayed.

On October 14, tens of thousands of Colombians took to the streets to protest against the government of far-right leader Abelardo de la Espriella, who has been in office for just two months.

The protests demonstrated the opposition’s clear ability to mobilize its base and fill the streets of several Colombian cities, even though the new government is still in its early days.

Protesters – including members of labor unions, Indigenous organizations, opposition parties, and students – marched through the streets of the capital, Bogotá, as well as other major cities across the country, such as Cali, Medellín, Bucaramanga, Riohacha, and Pereira.

In an address to the nation, De la Espriella stated that 98% of the protests were peaceful, though he also warned the demonstrators: “From the very first day of my administration, I have issued a directive that leaves no room for interpretation: peaceful protest is respected, protected, and guaranteed. But violence, vandalism, and any attempt to violate the rights of others will have no place under my administration.”

He also added: “Here there is a state, here there is authority, and here there is a government that respects freedoms, enforces the law, and protects the millions of Colombians who get up early every day to work and build our nation.”

Criticism

The main criticisms leveled against the government focused on the executive branch’s neoliberal agenda and its security policy. According to the protesters, De la Espriella is failing to address the difficult labor, educational, economic, and territorial conditions faced by Colombians; on the contrary, his political agenda is making these circumstances worse.

Specifically, the protesters complained about cuts and adjustments to the budgets of public institutions, the lack of greater public investment in education, and the fear among several indigenous organizations that the government’s new measures will prevent them from freely exercising their right to protest.

In fact, one of the main catalysts for the protests has been the signing of a presidential decree that empowers state agents to intervene more directly against protesters – a move that has been criticized, according to the protesters, for its anti-democratic intent.

On this point, social organizations, such as the Cauca Regional Indigenous Council assert that, fearing a popular backlash like the one Iván Duque faced (which turned into what some called a “rebellion” by young people that lasted several weeks in 2021), De la Espriella signed Decree 1525, which modifies law enforcement protocols to give state forces greater leeway when dealing with protesters.

Among other measures, law enforcement can now take direct action in response to protests without the need for exhaustive dialogue, as previously required by the regulation. Several human rights organizations have expressed concern about the decree, stating that it could increase the risk of abuses and reduce mediation as the primary course of action, which already was barely used. During the 2021 national strike in Colombia, 46 people were killed in the context of the heavy police repression of the strike.

One of the people attending the demonstrations last week was former President Gustavo Petro, who optimistically stated that the protests reflect a popular response to the executive branch’s decisions: “The people can organize themselves, and two months into the start of a tyrannical and imposed government, this is the best wake-up call. The time has come for a Latin American day of popular mobilization.”

Petro, who has just resumed leadership of the Pacto Histórico – a coalition of movements that supported his political project – also said: “This is how we respond to adversity with dignity, with the determination to win again, without fear. Life is our companion, not death. The people won’t give up, damn it.”

Cerca de duas centenas de pessoas, maioritariamente jovens e estudantes da Universidade do Minho, juntaram-se hoje no centro de Braga em solidariedade com as acampadas de Lisboa e do Porto e em defesa de “uma vida melhor”.

“Isto no fundo não teve promotores nem organizadores. Foi algo espontâneo, surgiu da vontade popular, começou a circular nas redes [sociais], aconteceu em várias cidades também, no calor dos acontecimentos desta madrugada, no Porto e em Lisboa e da força brutal policial que aconteceu. É uma forma de solidariedade que encontramos e o pessoal juntou-se aqui”, explicou Teresa Amorim, porta-voz da concentração, à agência Lusa.

A iniciativa decorreu na Praça da República, entre as 19:00 e cerca das 20:30, tendo os manifestantes cantado o Grândola Vila Morena, tema símbolo do 25 de Abril, sob o olhar de quatro agentes da PSP, que se mantinham a alguns metros de distância.

“Temos aqui muitas pessoas jovens, muitos estudantes da Universidade do Minho que também sofrem pela falta de habitação e pela falta de residências públicas e acessíveis. A maioria dos estudantes da Universidade do Minho são estudantes deslocados que não têm outro sítio para onde ir, a não ser para as residências universitárias”, frisou Teresa Amorim.

Esta porta-voz deu conta de que na quarta-feira, a partir das 18:30, haverá nova concentração, no mesmo local, mais organizada, denominada de Assembleia Popular, mas sem tendas.

“Um bocado à semelhança do que tem acontecido no Porto e em Lisboa, e aí sim, será para conversar de outra forma, para ver as emoções das pessoas, o que é que sentimos, o que é que queremos para Braga, se queremos fazer mais Assembleias Populares. No fundo é um apelo a ocupar o espaço público, que é um direito constitucional que é nosso”, detalhou.

Para a porta-voz, de 28 anos, o que se está a passar em Portugal é transversal a muitos países.

“Portugal não é exceção. É uma vida miserável a que nós assistimos, dos nossos familiares, de pessoas amigas, e daí ser uma luta de todas as pessoas e a razão de estarmos aqui. Não somos egoístas, estamos aqui porque queremos realmente uma vida boa para todas as pessoas”, assumiu Teresa Amorim.

Os atuais protestos pelo direito à habitação e o custo de vida em Portugal tiveram início na cidade do Porto, no dia 10 deste mês, com cerca de 1.500 manifestantes a juntarem-se na Praça D. João I e a pernoitarem no local em tendas de campismo.

Nesse dia, a plataforma cívica “Não dá mais para viver assim” promoveu protestos também em Aveiro, Braga e Lisboa reivindicando o controlo dos preços dos bens essenciais e dos combustíveis, impostos sobre os lucros extraordinários das grandes empresas do setor bancário, energético e da distribuição e medidas que respondam à crise na habitação.

No dia 15, o movimento que protestava no Porto, já no formato de uma acampada, denunciou uma carga policial violenta durante a madrugada que causou ferimentos em 39 dos participantes, dois dos quais ficaram em estado grave, e num polícia, e à noite cerca de três mil pessoas juntaram-se aos manifestantes iniciais, mas acabaram por dispersar.

As tendas voltaram ao local no sábado e a acampada alastrou nesse dia à cidade de Lisboa. Hoje de madrugada, enquanto o protesto da cidade nortenha foi terminado perante os avisos de intervenção policial, as autoridades removeram dezenas de tendas na capital e detiveram 55 pessoas por desobediência, entretanto libertadas e que serão ouvidas na quarta-feira por um juiz.

O conteúdo Braga: Dezenas saem à rua solidários com acampadas e pelo direito à habitação aparece primeiro em O MINHO.

No próximo dia 23 de outubro, o Sunset Jovem promete juntar os/as jovens do concelho num ambiente descontraído e informal, onde a música e o convívio se cruzam com a partilha de ideias e a participação cívica.   Um momento para estar, conversar e contribuir para o futuro da juventude em Lagoa!  O programa começa […]

The Cradle – October 20, 2026

US special envoy Tom Barrack conceded that a “ground kinetic” battle in Yemen by the US “seems fruitless” during a talk at the Global Security Forum in Qatar on 20 October.

“I think the president’s been clear that he supports Saudi Arabia and the backing that they need logistically he will supply. But America getting involved in a ground kinetic battle somewhere else seems fruitless.”

Barrack is Washington’s ambassador to Turkiye and special presidential envoy for Syria and Iraq.

He admitted that military force has failed in Yemen and that Riyadh is in a “very difficult position.”

“These kinetic reactions have never worked. It doesn’t work. It’s probably not likely that it’s going to work,” he said.

Barrack questioned whether US meddling across West Asia has helped or harmed the region, arguing that Ansarallah in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the resistance factions in Iraq would lose their reason to exist only once states took responsibility themselves.

He pressed for talks between Riyadh, Sanaa, and regional mediators, urging regional capitals to build their own alliances instead of leaning on Washington.

He went further, admitting that the US has had a hand in 23 regime changes across the region, none of which achieved their aims.

He declined to say whether the US-Israeli war on Iran launched on 28 February was a mistake, while conceding that it had unleashed unintended consequences across the region.

The admission comes as the Saudi-led coalition presses on with airstrikes on Yemen, drawing retaliatory missile and drone strikes by the Yemeni Armed Forces (YAF) on the kingdom.

Riyadh has turned to its defense partners under the Mecca pact, including Pakistan and Turkiye, after Washington declined its requests for direct US intervention against Yemen.

Barrack’s remarks follow Washington’s failed bid to subdue Yemen by military force, with more than 1,000 US airstrikes between March 2024 and April 2025 unable to halt Yemeni naval operations waged in support of Gaza, forcing the US into an Omani-brokered ceasefire with Sanaa in May 2025.

The campaign cost Washington $1 billion in its first three weeks alone, as Yemeni forces downed 17 MQ-9 Reaper drones and the US lost two F-18 fighter jets.

Ansarallah leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi said in November 2024 that the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier had retreated hundreds of miles after coming under Yemeni fire, while then US Under Secretary of Defense Bill LaPlante admitted he was “just shocked” by what Yemen’s missiles could do.

Europe fared no better, with Rear Admiral Vasileios Gryparis, commander of the EU’s Operation Aspides, telling Bloomberg in June 2024 that his Red Sea fleet needed to more than double in size and that US–UK strikes on Yemen were “not contributing to the solution,” after France withdrew one of his frigates citing the threat level.

 

A Cuban bakery in Miami openly condemned socialism after an uproar following a visit from Democrat House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

The post Cuban Bakeries in Miami Condemn Socialism After Uproar Following Hakeem Jeffries’ Visit appeared first on Breitbart.

A tragic vehicle crash exposed a covert counter-narcotics operation riddled with irregularities. In mid-April, a pickup truck plunged off a mountain road in the Sierra of Chihuahua in Mexico, killing its four occupants. Two of them were officials from the Chihuahua Attorney General’s office, and the others, as was later confirmed, were undercover CIA agents. The case continues to unfold in new chapters, and over the weekend former Chihuahua prosecutor César Jáuregui was arrested, accused of treason for allowing — without authorization from the federal government — armed foreign officials to take part in sensitive security operations on Mexican soil.

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© Special forces taps, Fuerza Expedicionaria de Marines

"Is Paris Burning?"

The title of that 1960s movie came from a message Adolf Hitler sent to his commanding general in Paris in August 1944. He wanted Paris to burn if he couldn’t keep it.

Today, the call isn’t coming from the Führerbunker; it’s from inside the house. It’s not Nazis, but the French — and quasi-French — burning Paris and other French cities.

The Louvre museum in Paris, home to the Mona Lisa, closed Monday "due to a student social movement." That’s one way to describe the utter chaos overtaking French cities.

PHOTOS SHOW AFTERMATH OF RIOTS AS MASKED GROUPS CLASH WITH POLICE ACROSS FRANCE

In Limoges, rioters set fire to the town hall, destroying its iconic tower. In Marseille, they broke into city hall and vandalized the interior. In Paris, a video circulating online appeared to show young thugs shouting, "Wallah! Kill her!" and "Dirty whore!" [my translation] at a policewoman they chased and threw to the ground — all while trashing property and assaulting people on the streets.

What’s happening in France is both familiar and new. It’s familiar in that mass protests are endemic to France. They happen every few years when a feckless government tries to balance the books by reforming France’s ruinously generous public benefits. What’s new is the addition of foreign influence and the scale of the violence.

FRENCH SCHOOL RIOTS DEEPEN AS EXPERTS POINT TO FAR-LEFT ALLIANCE FUELING ‘BROADER CONFRONTATION’

The high-schoolers who kicked off this round of protests are angry about class sizes, dilapidated schools, and access to college. Retirees who joined them say state pensions aren’t enough to live on. Everyone complains about the high cost of living. They all want more state spending to cure their ills.

French protests often turn violent. Torched cars, vandalized property, and looting are common. What has added fuel to the fire this time is the "Casseurs" (breakers), looters, and violent thugs going beyond what was tacitly tolerated in the past. Many seem to be of migrant background, and some carry Palestinian flags or those of the North African countries they or their parents came from.

FRANCE ROCKED BY STUDENT RIOTS AS HUNDREDS ARRESTED, VIOLENCE SPREADS NATIONWIDE

Videos in French media showed streets of looted stores. Rue Paradis in Marseille has many high-end jewelry and fashion stores, but also many mom-and-pop shops whose owners work long hours for little profit. Dozens of these are now looted shells. Their metal shutters — designed to prevent windows from being broken and stores from being burglarized — lie torn off or broken.

Many of France’s major cities are run by socialists. Marseille’s mayor, Benoit Payan, blames the French government for failing to protect city hall — where his own office is — and local stores. He wants Paris to pay for all the damage. Once again, the French taxpayer is on the hook.

LIMOGES TOWN HALL 'LARGELY LOST' AFTER FAR-LEFT RIOTERS SET HISTORIC BUILDING ON FIRE AMID FRENCH UNREST

How does this end? Not quickly. The political left is well organized, galvanized, and funded — including with foreign money. We are likely to see more promises of increased spending from lame-duck President Emmanuel Macron, now in the last year of his two terms and unable to run again. He gave a speech condemning the violence on Sunday, but he’s been notably absent as it has unfolded. On Tuesday he stuck with his schedule and flew to the Gulf region.

France has presidential elections next April. Two leading contenders are Marine Le Pen of the right-wing National Rally (NR) and Jean-Luc Melenchon of the left-wing France Unbowed (LFI). Of the two, Le Pen promises to lower migration and limit welfare payments to migrants. Melenchon welcomes mass migration and opposes any reduction in benefits. Le Pen opposes illegal migration, but she hasn’t campaigned on reducing the bloated benefits bill.

MACRON JETS OUT OF RIOT-TORN FRANCE FOR GULF TRIP AS POLITICAL PRESSURE MOUNTS

But France’s checkbook is tapped out. It hasn’t balanced a budget in 50 years, and this year’s deficit is over 5%. Economic growth is under 1%. Diesel costs about $10 a gallon. National debt is 120% of GDP, and the bond market is getting nervous.

Like other developed countries, France’s fertility rate is below replacement, and the country has allowed in millions of immigrants from its former colonies. On balance, these new arrivals and their children have a lower employment rate than native French, but they get the same social services. Those numbers don’t work, no matter how smart the president in Paris.

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Not only is France broke, but it has too few bodies to handle multiple riots at once. France’s national police handle the cities, while the gendarmes enforce the law in the countryside. Both are funded centrally by the French state. Towns have municipal police, but they aren’t equipped or trained for law enforcement, let alone riot control. France has specialized riot-control units, but only so many. The French military is probably Europe’s best, but it is not used for internal operations.

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Like France, some of our major cities, New York and Seattle, are now run by avowed socialists. Arguably, administrations in Boston and Los Angeles are also closely aligned with DSA values. And more cities will be in the future. 

The DSA wants open borders, nationalized health care, curtailed law enforcement, and higher taxes. If we don’t take heed, France’s present could be our future.

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