The Memorial Center of the Republic of Srpska is bringing its international 'Learn About Serbian Suffering' campaign to Rome from September 7 to 13, reports NewsEurope. The initiative aims to introduce Italian and wider European audiences to the historical experience of the Serbian people and to the suffering of civilians during some of the most tragic periods of 20th-century European history.

The digital exhibition will appear on large LED screens in several central Roman locations, including Piazza della Repubblica on Via Nazionale, Castel Sant’Angelo on Lungotevere Prati, Cavour, Lungotevere Testaccio, the Trastevere area around Marconi, Monteverde, and Gianicolo, and Via Gregorio VII near the Vatican.

The campaign is founded on the belief that Serbian history should be examined beyond the political interpretations and stereotypes that have influenced parts of Western public opinion for decades.

The Serbian people have deep historical roots in Europe, including in its cultural, civilizational, and spiritual traditions. Nevertheless, much of Western European public opinion remains insufficiently familiar with their historical experience, especially with the suffering of Serbian civilians during the wars of the 20th century.

This lack of awareness is particularly evident in relation to the breakup of Yugoslavia and the conflicts of the 1990s. During that period, simplified interpretations of the role played by the Serbs became widespread in parts of Western public discourse. Complex political and historical developments were frequently reduced to a division between perpetrators and victims, while the Serbian wartime experience received limited attention. Consequently, the suffering of families who lost relatives, homes, and entire communities was often overlooked, as were the experiences of hundreds of thousands of people displaced from their homes and ancestral lands.

The campaign seeks to respond to this omission in Europe’s collective memory.

Its purpose is not to accuse any nation, state, or society. Instead, it invites the public to consider this part of European history from a broader perspective, using archival material, documented facts, and, above all, the firsthand accounts of people who survived war, persecution, detention camps, and the loss of family members.

According to Denis Bojić, director of the Memorial Center of the Republic of Srpska (pictured), the campaign was created to bring the historical experience of the Serbian people and the suffering of Serbian civilians during different periods of the 20th century to audiences beyond the borders of the Republic of Srpska and Serbia. He said the initiative focuses on families who lost loved ones, people driven from their homes, victims of persecution and detention camps, and generations that continued their lives while carrying the consequences of those losses.

Bojić described the project as a responsibility toward both victims and future generations. He emphasized the importance of preserving their names, faces, and testimonies and making them available to people who have not yet encountered this dimension of European history. He also identified the preservation and international accessibility of this memory as one of the Memorial Center’s principal tasks.

Italy, he noted, has particular importance because it offers an opportunity to present Serbian history in one of Europe’s major centers of culture and civilization. The campaign aims to encourage a broader and more open discussion of Serbian suffering based on documentation and personal testimony.

Bojić added that the project’s objective is to ensure that Serbian victims are not remembered solely as statistics in historical accounts, but as individuals with recognizable faces and personal stories within Europe’s shared memory. In his view, preserving the memory of victims also means preserving a people’s dignity, identity, and understanding of its own history.

The decision to present the campaign in Italy, and specifically in Rome, reflects the longstanding respect among Serbs for Italian civilization and its achievements, from ancient Rome and Roman law to Italy’s broader contribution to European culture.

Rome’s historical importance and its influence on European law, institutions, and culture give the initiative additional significance. Presenting the Serbian experience in the city therefore represents an opportunity to place it within a wider European context.

The organizers also point to more recent ties that remain important in Serbian public memory. Italian KFOR units in Kosovo and Metohija contributed to the protection of the Serbian population and Orthodox cultural heritage. Their long-term role in safeguarding the Visoki Dečani Monastery and other Serbian religious sites continues to be remembered.

The organizers regard these links as a basis for strengthening relations between the two peoples. The Rome presentation is intended not only to share historical material, but also to support continued friendship and cooperation and to introduce the Serbian experience to audiences in one of Europe’s most significant cultural centers.

The Memorial Center of the Republic of Srpska was founded on May 30, 2024, following a decision by the Government of the Republic of Srpska. Its mission is to collect, document, preserve, and present testimonies concerning the suffering of the Serbian people.

Oral history is central to its work. The institution gathers personal accounts from people who directly experienced war, persecution, and other forms of suffering. More than 1,500 audiovisual testimonies have so far been recorded and collected, making the project one of the largest initiatives of its kind in Southeastern Europe.

The Center seeks to ensure that these experiences are not preserved only in books, archives, or statistical records. By documenting the voices and faces of survivors, it aims to maintain a direct connection with the people who lived through these events. The testimonies are recorded in the field, archived, and incorporated into documentaries, publications, exhibitions, and educational resources.

The Memorial Center is also available to cooperate with institutions, museums, archives, researchers, and other organizations in Europe and elsewhere that work in the fields of history, oral history, and remembrance culture. The presentation in Italy forms part of a broader effort to establish links with European institutions and to make testimonies about the suffering of the Serbian people accessible to international audiences.

From L to R: WCO Secretary General Ian Saunders and President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev Photo credit: Akorda.
Kazakhstan is stepping up its partnership with the World Customs Organization (WCO) as part of a broader strategy to strengthen the country’s position as a key Eurasian transit hub. But while digital customs reforms could significantly reduce trade costs and border delays, experts say their long-term economic payoff will ultimately depend on infrastructure, regional coordination and the changing geography of global trade, writes Ayana BirbayevaI.

The topic came into focus during a series of high-level meetings in Astana between President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov and WCO Secretary General Ian Saunders on Sept. 8. During the meeting, Tokayev said Kazakhstan is consistently developing a “smart border” model by introducing digital solutions to optimize customs procedures and improve freight transit across Eurasia. Saunders praised Kazakhstan’s progress in customs modernization and its growing role in developing the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), also known as the Middle Corridor.

Customs modernization becomes part of a wider logistics strategy
Beyond the diplomatic symbolism, the meetings reflect a longer-term economic objective: transforming Kazakhstan from a transit country into an internationally competitive logistics platform. Speaking in the meeting, Bektenov emphasized that resilient transcontinental trade has become one of the key drivers of Kazakhstan’s economic development. He noted that the WCO’s 2025–2028 strategic plan, Data-Driven Customs for a Connected World, closely aligns with Kazakhstan’s own digital reform agenda.

A central element of that strategy is the rollout of KEDEN, a unified customs system integrating declarations, transit procedures and border controls, alongside the Smart Cargo platform, which combines transport services, electronic permits and cargo tracking into a single digital ecosystem. According to official data, 14.6 million tons of transit cargo passed through Kazakhstan during the first seven months of the year. Freight volumes along the Middle Corridor reached approximately 350,000 tons, with around 24,000 vehicles using the route. Why digital borders matter Farkhad Kassenov, head of the A+ Analytics research center, political scientist and international relations expert, notes that cooperation with the WCO should be viewed not as an isolated initiative but as one stage of Kazakhstan’s much broader transport and logistics strategy.

“Kazakhstan has been systematically synchronizing customs procedures, tariffs and border regulations with the countries participating in the Middle Corridor. This cooperation with the WCO is one of the stages of that much larger project,” Kassenov told The Astana Times. The Middle Corridor has gained strategic importance as trade between China and Europe increasingly seeks alternatives to traditional northern routes passing through Russia. At the same time, Kazakhstan is also positioning itself within the developing North–South corridor, despite temporary disruptions caused by conflicts affecting the Middle East and maritime trade. According to Kassenov, removing bureaucratic barriers may prove almost as valuable as building new infrastructure.

“Digitalization can increase the speed of cargo movement by roughly 30% while simultaneously reducing logistics costs. When paperwork is synchronized and businesses use a single digital window, goods spend less time waiting at borders or in dry ports,” he said. Digital gains cannot replace physical infrastructure Yet customs reform alone will not solve every bottleneck. Kassenov notes that the Middle Corridor still faces structural constraints that digital systems cannot eliminate, including different railway gauges between China, Kazakhstan and Europe, as well as the natural limitations of crossing the Caspian Sea. “There are real physical barriers. Different railway gauges require cargo transfers, while navigation across the Caspian is limited during storms and seasonal ice. Digitalization improves efficiency, but it must be accompanied by major investment in transport infrastructure,” he said. Kazakhstan has already begun expanding ports in Aktau and Kuryk, while negotiations continue with Azerbaijan, Türkiye and China on improving rail connectivity across the corridor.

A changing geopolitical map of trade The renewed attention to Kazakhstan’s transit role is also being driven by geopolitical shifts beyond Central Asia. According to Kassenov, growing strategic competition between China and the United States has increased Beijing’s interest in secure overland trade routes. “The Middle Corridor was once viewed as an alternative route. By the end of this decade, it may become one of the principal land connections between East and West,” he said. That evolution creates opportunities extending beyond transit fees. Kazakhstan is seeking to develop domestic manufacturing, processing industries and exports of higher value-added products, including critical minerals and industrial goods, that can move along the same logistics network. A customs dilemma inside the EAEU At the same time, Kazakhstan’s customs policy faces another question that is less visible in discussions about digitalization: whether the existing distribution of import customs duties within the Eurasian Economic Union reflects the current structure of regional trade. Aidar Kurmashev, head of the Asian Studies Department at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies, recently highlighted the issue in his Telegram channel.

According to him, under the EAEU system, duties collected on imports from outside the union are distributed among the five member states according to predetermined shares. Kazakhstan’s share is 6.955%, compared with 85.065% for Russia, regardless of where the duties are actually collected. “After 2022, trade flows changed significantly, the role of Kazakhstan in trade with China and other directions of foreign imports increased, while our share remained 6.955%,” Kurmashev wrote. He argued that the issue raises a broader question about whether the formula still corresponds to the current structure of trade within the EAEU. “If Kazakhstan previously benefited from the system, but now has been losing hundreds of billions of tenge for the third consecutive year, perhaps it is time to at least recalculate the economics of the existing mechanism,” Kurmashev said, highlighting that the figures refer specifically to distributed import customs duties and do not include import VAT. Trade routes are changing faster than institutions The EAEU perspective illustrates a broader challenge facing Kazakhstan as it tries to reposition itself within changing Eurasian trade networks.

The geography of imports and transit has shifted since 2022, while Kazakhstan is simultaneously trying to deepen direct trade links with China, expand the Middle Corridor and strengthen its position as a logistics hub between Asia and Europe. That makes customs policy increasingly relevant not only as an administrative function but as an element of economic strategy. Digitalization can make the movement of goods faster and more predictable. International standards can improve interoperability. Infrastructure investment can remove physical bottlenecks. But the economic payoff ultimately depends on whether these elements develop together. As Kassenov put it, the Middle Corridor is moving from being an alternative route from the global lens toward becoming a potentially central Eurasian connection. 

The mayor of Albania’s capital city says he has “not lost hope” despite being held in detention for over 18 months.

Erion Veliaj (pictured) has remained nominally in office as mayor of Tirana despite being held in what is known as pre-trial detention (PTD) since February 2025.

He is accused of corruption and money laundering but strongly denies any wrong doing.

The latest, and arguably most significant, in a protracted series of court cases takes place on 15 September when his case will be reviewed by Albania’s Supreme Court.

This comes after the country’s Constitutional Court called for a review.

In a dramatic new twist, the jailed mayor has now written a letter from prison in which speaks of a “political persecution” being waged against him.

It is thought to be the first time the hugely experienced official has spoken directly to the media in what has been a protracted legal case.

In the letter, dated 8 September, he says it has now been 19 months that he had been held in what is known as “pre-trial detention”.

He points out that his continued detention is “without being sentenced.”

He goes on,  “Despite having won twice in the constitutional court the system is endlessly dragging its feet and delaying beyond reason my detention review despite the two constitutional court decisions.”

The Constitutional Court of Albania has issued two landmark rulings in favour of Veliaj, protecting his elected mandate and ordering a  a fresh review of his pretrial detention.

The court first overturned the Tirana Municipal Council's decision to dismiss Veliaj following his detention in February 2025 on corruption and money laundering charges.

In a second ruling in July the court annulled a Supreme Court decision upholding Veliaj's continued pretrial detention and remanded the matter back for a renewed review.

The constitutional court found that lower courts failed to properly evaluate the necessity and proportionality of keeping a democratically elected mayor in prison, or to weigh less restrictive alternatives against his constitutional duties and the rights of voters.

The letter by Veliaj addresses his continued detention for over 18 months, saying that the “delays alone is, in itself, a punishment for the citizens of Tirana too, not only for me and my family.”

“They too are being deprived of the right to be served by their democratically elected mayor.”

He continues, “Albania’s democracy has, thus, been sentenced without a court order, much like my friend Ekrem İmamoğlu in Istanbul.”

This is a reference to Ekrem İmamoğlu, the main political rival of Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

İmamoğlu was arrested in March 2025 and remains in pre-trial detention at Marmara Prison.

He faces charges including bribery and extortion but denies any wrong doing.

Turkey’s opposition leader has said the charges were intended to prevent İmamoğlu running for president in the 2028 election.

His arrest was met with outrage from the CHP and prompted demonstrations across Turkey.

In his letter,Veliaj states, “In December 2024 I had my last meal with İmamoğlu hopeful that the future would be brighter for our democracies, citizens and countries.”

He concludes, “We were wrong – the demise of local democracy will be a stain for both our countries. We have exchanged letters from jail and still have not lost hope.”

He says that his legal team have been refused permission to meet with him to prepare his appeal to the Strasbourg-based European Court of Human Rights, "without providing a reason."

Although it has naturally received a lot of publicity within Albania itself the case has remained largely under the radar outside the country. But international interest is now starting to grow with highly respected publications and media outlets running articles about it.

The local lawyer acting for Veliaj, who has regularly appeared in court with him, told this site, “The decision on September 15 is highly significant. The Constitutional Court overturned the Supreme Court’s decision because it had failed to adequately address and justify the proportionality of pre-trial detention—the most restrictive security measure—in relation to Erion Veliaj’s constitutional mandate.

“He could potentially be released on the 15th. Our view is that the Constitutional Court has already settled the key legal issues, providing a basis for his release. However, that outcome is not guaranteed and will depend on the court’s decision that day,” said the Tirana-based lawyer.

This website reached out to the Albanian authorities for comment on the case.

Ida Vodica, director of the Public, Media and Foreign Relations Directorate for the  Supreme Court, said, “I can confirm that the case concerning Mr. Erion Veliaj has been registered in the Supreme Court and is currently scheduled for 15 September 2026.

“The appeal (cassation) will be considered by the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court, in consultation room, sitting as a panel of three judges, in accordance with the applicable procedural rules.

“At this stage, no further comments can be provided regarding the merits of the case or the outcome of the proceedings.”

Albania itself is a leading front runner to join the EU, possibly as soon as 2030, and has been consistently praised by the EU for its ongoing efforts to introduce reforms seen as necessary for it to become the EU’s next member. But some fear ongoing issues with its judiciary may slow progress towards accession.

European Democratics, a pan European body, recently posted a statement on the case, adding that Albania’s Constitutional Court had overturned a Supreme Court decision and ordered a new review of his detention, “questioning its proportionality in light of his mandate as Tirana’s democratically elected mayor.”

European Democratics called on the Albanian authorities to “uphold the rule of law, the presumption of innocence and the principle of proportionality.

“We will keep the spotlight on it (the case), because Albania deserves a European future — one that is fully democratic, transparent and firmly committed to fighting corruption, while guaranteeing that justice is always exercised with fairness, independence and respect for fundamental rights.”

The case has also shed a light on the general use of pre trial detention.

On January 30, a joint letter was issued by the “B40 Balkan Cities Network” calling for an end to PTD. The letter calls PTD a “dangerous trend.”

The network promotes local democracy, sustainable development, and regional cooperation among Balkan cities.

Member mayors signed a joint solidarity letter addressing the pretrial detention of key figures, including Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and Erion Veliaj.

The European Commission has put forward the European Radioisotope Valley Initiative (C/2026/6132) a new strategic framework to strengthen Europe’s leadership in the production of medical radioisotopes. It aims to reinforce EU security of radioisotope supply, guiding investment in the sector and reducing strategic dependencies on third countries, in particular Russia.  

With more than 10 million medical procedures using radioisotopes performed in the EU every year, mainly in oncology and cardiology, an impressive EU-wide production and distribution network has been developed to supply radioisotopes to patients across Europe daily. The EU has become the world’s leading producer of medical radioisotopes, exporting about half of its production overseas. However, critical parts of the European supply chain are exposed to dependencies on foreign suppliers, ageing production facilities, and competition from alternative suppliers, thereby creating the risk of investment displacement and higher costs. Furthermore, the global demand for medical radioisotopes, as well as the pace of innovation in this area, are increasing. Today’s ERVI communication responds to these challenges by defining a coordinated approach to supporting investments in research and development, bringing innovation to market, addressing value chain dependencies, and increasing production capacity. It also provides a direct contribution to the REPowerEU Roadmap towards ending Russian energy imports.

The Communication establishes five strategic priorities and 10 actions.

Research & Development and bringing innovations to market

The Commission will support research and innovation into the next-generation medical radioisotopes, radiopharmaceuticals and production technologies. A Strategic Research and Innovation Agenda (SRIA) - as used in other sectors - will help better connect research with market needs and patients. Instruments such as the emerging IPCEI for innovative nuclear technologies, the European Innovation Council, and new European partnerships can help mobilize public and private investment to accelerate innovation deployment. 

Investments in production facilities to ensure security of supply

The initiative aims to guide and support Member States and industry investments across the medical radioisotope value chain to strengthen the resilience and localisation of EU supply. Priorities include the development of EU-based metallic High Assay Low Enriched Uranium (HALEU) capacity and production of stable isotopes currently imported from Russia, as well as upgrades of existing reactors and construction of new production facilities. Member states should make use of the EU Startup and Scaleup Strategy, the SGEI State aid framework and the recent Critical Medicines Act for which the political agreement was achieved this year to support these efforts, while the Commission will explore ways to better combine public and private financing.

Market Monitoring and Forecasting

The Commission will act to improve the visibility of supply and demand trends and assess the investment needs of the European market for radioisotopes. This work will build upon the European Observatory on the Supply of Medical Radioisotopes and rely on continuing involvement of Member States and stakeholders, while making full use of the new EU mechanisms for tackling shortages of essential medicines.

Developing strategic international partnerships

ERVI will support cooperation with trusted international partners to diversify supply chains, strengthen resilience and promote scientific and industrial collaboration. In particular, the continuing cooperation with our partners in the UK and US is crucial for developing a resilient supply chain for metallic High Assay Low Enriched Uranium (HALEU).

Supporting an evolving regulatory framework

The Commission will cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency to support reliable international transport of medical radioisotopes and explore further measures to facilitate transport between Member States. A further step will be to pursue the streamlining of EU and national procedures for radiation protection and waste management in nuclear medicine to support patients’ access to innovative treatments.

Background

In June 2024, the Council called on the Commission to seek to maintain Europe’s global leadership role in the supply of medical radioisotopes and make tangible and swift progress on developing ambitious ‘building blocks’ for specific actions. 

In order to define the objectives and architecture of ERVI, the Commission carried out extensive consultations involving stakeholders and member states and published a feasibility study in March 2026.

The initiative also builds on the Strategic Agenda for Medical Ionising Radiation Applications (SAMIRA), adopted by the Commission in 2021 to strengthen the secure supply of medical radioisotopes, improve quality and safety in radiation medicine, and support innovation in nuclear medicine technologies.

In May 2025, the REPowerEU road map further highlighted the need to increase EU production capacities, reduce dependency on Russia and strengthen the resilience of the European medical radioisotope supply chain. The establishment of ERVI was identified as one of the roadmap’s key actions.

Related links

• Communication on the European Radioisotope Valley Initiative (C/2026/6132)
• European Radioisotope Valley Initiative
• ERVI feasibility study
• SAMIRA – Strategic Agenda for Medical Ionising Radiation Applications
• European Observatory on the Supply of Medical Radioisotopes

This consultation invites stakeholders to propose changes to the VAT rules so that they  better support circular business models. 

The European Commission has launched a consultation on the alignment of VAT rules with the principles of the circular and low emission economy. This initiative, part of the upcoming Circular Economy Act, aims to support the transition towards a more sustainable and competitive European economy.

The Circular VAT consultation seeks stakeholder input on how VAT rules can be adapted to better support circular business models. The focus will be on three key areas: the treatment of second-hand goods, the destruction of  viable goods, and the VAT deduction rules for passenger cars used for business purposes.

The consultation is part of a broader evaluation and impact assessment process, which will run in parallel and is expected to conclude in early 2027. The findings from this process will inform a legislative proposal aimed at amending the VAT Directive to better align with the objectives of the circular and low emission economy.

The consultation is open for eight weeks and will be accessible via the Commission's 'Have your Say' portal. Stakeholders, including business federations, SMEs, trade associations, national tax authorities, academics, and the general public, are encouraged to participate and share their views.

This initiative is a crucial step towards creating a more coherent VAT framework that supports the circular economy and contributes to the EU's environmental sustainability objectives.

Businesses, tax experts & sustainability advocates – share your views by 4 November 2026.

Have your say!

Home to 5 million people, the EU's outermost regions - French Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Mayotte, Réunion, Saint-Martin (France), the Azores, Madeira (Portugal), and the Canary Islands (Spain) – are its most remote territories. They extend the EU’s presence across the globe and play a key geostrategic role. The Commission has put forward a new strategy that will ensure these remote regions can fully realise their potential, with stronger support, greater resilience and fairer opportunities for their people. 

The Commission has also proposed targeted adaptations to EU laws to better reflect the outermost regions' unique realities and constraints. Tailored to the needs of the regions concerned, the proposals cover areas such as agriculture, forestry, fisheries, migration, and taxation. 

The strategy is built around four objectives: 

• Harness geostrategic potential and strengthen regional integration: better align EU internal and external policies to deepen cooperation with neighbouring countries. 
• Increase competitiveness and access to the single market: support smart specialisation in local competitive areas, such as the blue economy, renewable energy, biotechnology, research and space.  
• Improve resilience and preparedness: improve climate adaptation and tackle environmental challenges while better protecting biodiversity. Strengthen disaster response, support energy autonomy, protect critical infrastructure like ports and submarine cables, and reinforce food security and self-sufficiency. 
• Promote social fairness and support people: help create jobs, improve access to education, affordable housing, clean water and healthcare, reduce poverty, while supporting people's right to stay in the place they call home – particularly for young people. 

At a broader level, the EU is also ensuring its support to the outermost regions is more coherent overall. For instance, the Commission's proposal to review the EU Emissions Trading System includes several important provisions for these regions. As does the proposed Public Procurement Act that allows for the tailoring of certain procurement rules to the outermost regions' specificities. 

In future, the Commission will take the specific situation of the outermost regions into account when preparing future initiatives. It aims to foster a robust partnership between these regions, EU countries and the Commission, including through a yearly structured dialogue and a dedicated portal.  

For more information 

Factsheet 

EU strategy for outermost regions - Communication 

New outermost regions portal 

Press release: A new strategic vision for the outermost regions, strengthening the EU's global reach 

The great temptation for left-wing forces to fish in the waters of the new antisemitism in search of votes is nothing new. It costs little; the Jews pay the price. In Rome, there is an eagerness to cast aside the common sense demonstrated by the Italian government, in coordination with Germany, and embrace this easy and politically rewarding line—this time by following Britain in imposing sanctions against Israel. Ignorance and double standards provide the backdrop. The ambition to embrace a new crusade against Israel emerged immediately after British Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband, announcing sanctions concerning Judea and Samaria, told Parliament that Israel is engaged in the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and attempting to erase the two-state solution, writes Fiamma Nirenstein.

This, of course, ignores repeated Palestinian rejections of peace proposals and the reality created by the 7 October 2023 Hamas massacre. At the same time, British politicians have presented themselves as champions of human rights while ignoring monstrous violations committed by Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas. Now that Britain has announced sanctions on products from Judea and Samaria, and has been followed by a procession of European countries driven by the pursuit of left-wing votes and fear of their growing Muslim populations, the parliamentary group leaders of Italy’s Democratic Party (PD), Five Star Movement (M5S) and Green and Left Alliance (AVS) on the Chamber of Deputies’ Foreign Affairs Committee have demanded urgent consideration of legislation imposing similar sanctions.

Angelo Bonelli, co-leader of AVS; Elly Schlein, leader of the Democratic Party; Giuseppe Conte, leader of the Five Star Movement and a former Italian prime minister, and others have signed on. Indeed, they consider it “shameful” that Italy, of all countries, is missing from this campaign. The document speaks of “illegal occupation” and offers other banal examples of the ignorance of those who wrote it. It also demonstrates the irresponsibility of a move whose primary consequence will be to further fuel mass antisemitism. We have already seen another demonstration of this phenomenon at a protest against legislation addressing antisemitism, where Hamas and Hezbollah flags were brought into Parliament. Only ISIS was missing.

Why is the path of sanctions wrong? First, those responsible for violent acts should be punished. But contrary to the propagandist image being presented, they constitute a fraction of the roughly 500,000 Israelis living in Judea and Samaria, a population representing a wide variety of cultural and social backgrounds. Most condemn violent extremists and are themselves the targets of thousands of Palestinian terrorist attacks each year. Israel prosecutes its own criminals. Some are in prison; others are standing trial. But Judea and Samaria are not territories “illegally occupied” by Israel. The area was occupied by Jordan, whose annexation received almost no international recognition, until Jordan attacked Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War and was defeated. After repeated Israeli attempts to exchange land for peace, the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995 divided Judea and Samaria into Area A, under Palestinian control; Area B, under Palestinian civil control and Israeli security control; and Area C, under Israeli control. Israel has the right under those agreements to build in Area C, which also includes the E1 area between Jerusalem and Ma’ale Adumim.

Some of the greatest conflicts arise when Palestinians attempt to expand into Area C. Expelling Jews from Judea and Samaria would risk producing the same disastrous result as Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from the Gaza Strip—the creation of the conditions that eventually produced Yahya Sinwar and Oct. 7. There is another British mistake. It concerns the safety of Britain’s own citizens. Israel has helped protect Britain from serious terrorist threats. In 2015, for example, British authorities discovered three tons of ammonium nitrate stored by Hezbollah-linked operatives in London after receiving information from Israel. On the basis of what unfounded prejudices should a relationship encompassing security, science and culture be dismantled? Associating Israel with “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide” is a lie.

Forcing Israel to surrender is unthinkable. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, with Israel’s decision to close the British Consulate in eastern Jerusalem, has delivered the first clear response. But the larger answer must be equally clear. Neither Miliband nor Schlein will draw the borders of a Palestinian state. It is absurd to imagine that they can. Only Israelis and Palestinians can negotiate those borders; they cannot be imposed from London, Rome or anywhere else. And no sanctions campaign can erase a fundamental historical truth: The Jewish people are not strangers in Judea and Samaria. Their roots there reach back thousands of years. Whatever the future of this land may be, it cannot be decided over the heads of the Jews whose history, identity and destiny are bound to it.

Renew Europe MEPs met in Paris on Tuesday and Wednesday (7-8 September) this week to set the group’s political priorities ahead of President Ursula von der Leyen’s State of the Union address next week. During the two days of meetings, Renew Europe MEPs were received at the Élysée Palace by the President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron, for an exchange on the major challenges facing Europe.

President Macron reminded MEPs that Europeans should remain proud of what they have achieved. Europe is a continent of opportunity and talent, which can continue to flourish with the right policies. Discussions focused on strengthening European competitiveness and innovation, protecting strategic industries, lowering energy costs, reinforcing Europe’s security and defence capabilities, safeguarding democracy and advancing Europe’s interests on the global stage.

The meeting was underpinned by a message of optimism: Europe has the capacity to shape its own future if it acts with unity, confidence and ambition. MEPs also discussed the next EU budget and the investment Europe needs to match its ambitions, including in clean and affordable energy, modern electricity grids and greater European energy independence.

Renew Europe President Valérie Hayer said: “Europe faces a clear choice: act together or accept decisions being taken for us by others. The alarming election result in Saxony-Anhalt is a warning that Europe’s political centre must answer with delivery, confidence and a credible vision of a better future. Europeans want a continent that is stronger, more united and capable of shaping its own destiny. Our task is to show them how we get there. We must protect our strategic interests, invest in our industries and innovators, secure affordable and reliable energy, and build the European defence capabilities needed to guarantee our security. Europe must also prove its relevance in people’s daily lives.

"That means lowering energy bills for families and businesses, tackling the cost of living and increasing the supply of affordable homes. We cannot allow the far right to sell an imagined past as the answer to today’s problems. Europe’s story is unfinished, and it is our responsibility to write its next chapter with optimism and ambition. President von der Leyen’s State of the Union address must provide a credible path from European ambition to delivery. Renew Europe will judge the Commission on its willingness to act with the urgency and determination this moment demands.”

The Paris meeting marks the beginning of Renew Europe’s political work following the summer break. The group will now take these priorities into the European Parliament’s State of the Union debate, calling for a stronger, more competitive and more sovereign Europe capable of protecting its citizens and defending its democratic values.

Renew Europe welcomes the 10 September vote in the Foreign Affairs Committee, marking a new chapter in EU-Switzerland relations and delivering concrete gains for citizens and businesses. The committee backed two elements: a recommendation for Parliament to approve the agreements with Switzerland, and an accompanying political resolution explaining its position. Renew Europe was at the forefront of negotiations on this resolution, securing a broad majority for a balanced and ambitious approach. After years of uncertainty, the message is clear: Europe and Switzerland are ready to move forward together. Signed on 2 March 2026, these agreements modernize cooperation on air transport, land transport, free movement of persons and mutual recognition of conformity assessments. They also establish new co-operation on electricity, food safety and health, alongside Switzerland’s contribution to EU cohesion and its participation in the European Union Agency for the Space Programme. For businesses, this means clearer rules, simpler procedures and fewer duplicate checks when trading products such as food and medical devices. For people living and working across the EU-Swiss border, it means greater legal certainty, better recognition of qualifications and fewer obstacles in their daily lives.The electricity agreement will connect Switzerland more closely to the EU’s internal electricity market, strengthening security of supply and making Europe’s energy system more resilient. Cooperation on health and food safety will also improve our ability to respond collectively to cross-border risks. Renew Europe MEP Christophe Grudler (MoDem, France), Parliament’s rapporteur, said:“For people who cross the border between the EU and Switzerland every day, these agreements are not abstract. They are about getting to work more easily, having qualifications recognised and facing fewer administrative obstacles. They will make people’s daily lives simpler. That is what Renew Europe fought for - and that is what Europe should deliver.” At a time of geopolitical uncertainty and growing economic competition, Europe must strengthen ties with trusted democratic partners. These agreements with Switzerland do exactly that.

A major new investment commitment announced during President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan’s (pictured) state visit to Berlin signals a deeper economic relationship between two countries looking for reliable partners in an increasingly uncertain world.

The United Arab Emirates has announced plans to invest an additional €40 billion in Germany, one of the most substantial signals yet that the economic relationship between Europe’s largest industrial economy and the Gulf state is entering a new phase.

The commitment, announced during President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan’s state visit to Germany, will target sectors including industry, advanced technology, artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure and energy. Of the total, €10 billion is set to be invested in the German state of Bavaria.

The headline figure is striking. But its significance goes well beyond the amount involved.

The UAE has already invested around €34 billion in Germany. The new commitment therefore represents not simply another large capital allocation, but an attempt to deepen a relationship increasingly built around the industries and technologies that both countries see as central to their future competitiveness.

As Dr Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber, UAE Minister of Industry and Advanced Technology and Envoy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Germany, put it: “The UAE invests for the long term and builds partnerships that endure.”

For Germany, the fresh injection of long-term capital arrives at an important moment.

The country has formidable strengths in engineering, manufacturing, chemicals, industrial technology and applied research. Yet maintaining that industrial position is becoming ever-more expensive. Artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, advanced manufacturing, energy systems and industrial decarbonisation all require substantial investment at a time when German companies are also confronting higher costs, geopolitical uncertainty and growing international competition.

The UAE brings a different set of strengths: investment capacity, energy expertise, digital infrastructure and commercial connections across the Gulf, Asia and Africa. The logic of the partnership is therefore not simply that one country has money while the other needs investment. It is that their economic capabilities are increasingly complementary.

This synergy is reflected in the sectors identified for the new commitment. Rather than focusing narrowly on established assets, the investment is intended to support areas expected to shape industrial competitiveness over the coming decades.

Al Jaber said the intention was to support “the industries, technologies and skilled jobs that will drive future growth and competitiveness”, while strengthening energy security and supply chains and helping German companies continue to grow internationally.

That last point matters because the relationship works in both directions.

Germany gives Emirati investors access to one of the world’s deepest industrial and technological ecosystems. German companies, meanwhile, increasingly see the UAE not simply as a domestic market but as a platform from which to reach faster-growing economies across the Middle East, Africa and Asia.

The two countries’ economic relationship has already strengthened significantly in recent years, with a number of notable examples of cooperation. Emirati investment has reached sectors including chemicals and offshore wind, while leading German companies have become increasingly embedded in the UAE economy, with bilateral trade worth more than €13 billion last year, an increase of 15% compared to the previous year.

The new €40 billion investment marks a significant new phase of this deepening relationship, and the timing of the announcement also gives it a wider geopolitical significance.

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier captured the mood during the state visit when he observed that “the world has become a more turbulent place; old certainties are crumbling.” Against that backdrop, he argued that reliable and rational partners mattered more than ever, telling Sheikh Mohamed: “Germany is that kind of partner for you; you are that kind of partner for us.”

Those comments go to the heart of why Germany and the UAE’s economic relationship now matters far beyond the balance sheet.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine exposed the risks created by concentrated energy dependencies for Germany and countless other countries in Europe and around the world. Conflict in the Middle East has again demonstrated the vulnerability of trade routes, energy markets and supply chains. Global competition over AI and other critical technologies has made industrial capacity a highly strategic question as well as an economic one.

Both Germany and the UAE have reasons to diversify their partnerships in response.

Germany needs capital, energy relationships, technology partnerships and access to growing markets. The UAE is seeking to diversify an economy historically built around hydrocarbons while deepening its position in advanced technology, industry and global investment.

The €40 billion investment is a powerful statement of intent and a reaffirmation of a long-standing partnership between the two countries that could transform their industrial and technological strategies for years to come.

The European Commission has proposed an overhaul of the European Capitals of Culture programme beyond 2033, aiming to make it easier for cities to join forces, involve more young people and turn a year in the cultural spotlight into a lasting legacy.

The plans draw on more than 40 years of experience and would simplify selection and open the door wider to joint bids, including cross-border partnerships. Inclusive and sustainable urban development would also play a bigger role.

“A city holds the European Capital of Culture title for one year, but the community and its people should feel the benefits for a generation,” said Roxana Mînzatu, Executive Vice-President for Social Rights and Skills, Quality Jobs and Preparedness. “Our proposal puts that lasting legacy at the heart of the initiative.”

Glenn Micallef, Commissioner for Intergenerational Fairness, Youth, Culture and Sport, said the new framework would bring “broader territorial participation, stronger youth involvement, new horizons for artists and creative industries, and greater attention to long-term legacy”.

Surge in visitor numbers

A Commission-funded study found that host cities staged an average of 1,000-1,200 cultural activities in their title year, drawing 38.5 million audience attendances and visitor numbers jumped by an average of 30–40%.

The investment impact was also significant: a modest EU investment of €3-5 million helped per year had leveraged around €900 million in cultural investment across Europe between 2013 and 2022.

Long-term benefits

The benefits can stretch well beyond the title year. The evaluation points to urban regeneration, increased cultural budgets, stronger creative sectors and greater civic participation. It also highlights the programme’s European added value in fostering international cultural cooperation, cultural diplomacy and a shared European identity.

Launched in 1985, the initiative has had 85 title-holders. Oulu and Trenčín hold the title in 2026, followed by Évora and Liepāja in 2027.

Under the proposal, third countries participating in or associated with Creative Europe could compete from 2034. The European Parliament and Council will now negotiate the plans, with a final agreement targeted for mid-2027.

PHOTO: Toripolliisi statue ('The Bobby at the Market Place'), Oulu, European Capital of Culture 2026 © European Union

Rugby spent its first century as an amateur game run by national unions that answered to nobody but themselves, then three decades of professionalism have changed that. Players sign contracts across borders, clubs compete in cross-border leagues, and private capital owns stakes in its biggest competitions. That places rugby inside the reach of European Union law, which treats an athlete as a worker and a governing body as an undertaking.

Competitions and the European sport model

In December 2023 the EU's top court ruled in football's Super League case that a governing body can only block a rival competition if its rules for doing so are clear, applied equally and no stricter than necessary. 

In October 2025, eight national rugby unions declared that anyone joining the proposed R360 franchise league would lose eligibility for Test rugby. If that ban is challenged, unions would likely keep the power to say no, but they will have to publish rules for saying it, as UEFA did after its defeat.

Grassroots, Inclusion and the Emerging Nations

Below the regulated professional game, the EU's influence comes through money rather than courts. Erasmus+ has a sport budget aimed at grassroots participation and equality, and rugby has already used it for women's projects, some built around sevens, where the calendar of rugby sevens fixtures gives newer unions a realistic way into international competition. 

The Parliament wants that budget increased from 2028, which matters most to unions outside the Six Nations and its broadcast deals.

Workers who happen to play rugby

A rugby player is a worker in the eyes of EU law, and that has shaped who clubs can sign for thirty years. Bosman in 1995 stopped leagues capping the number of EU players in a squad, and Kolpak later gave the same rights to players from countries with EU trade deals, including South Africa. 

Brexit ended both for clubs in England, Wales and Scotland while Ireland's provinces kept them, so one league now recruits under two sets of rules. 

The next shift is about conditions rather than passports. In October 2025 the European Parliament backed treating athletes as employees with full labour rights and player unions having a say on calendars and welfare.

Autonomy on condition

Rugby's governing bodies still write their own laws, calendars and eligibility rules, but what has changed is that those choices are now reviewable by courts and shaped by policy that treats sport as an economic activity first. Autonomy remains, but only on condition of compliance, and the exceptions keep narrowing.

The European Commission has adopted a Communication on a new Strategic Approach to Research and Innovation for competitive, resilient and sustainable agriculture, forestry, rural areas and food systems. This strategic document brings together two closely interlinked frameworks, to guide future research, innovation, deployment and uptake across the entire agri-food sector. These frameworks are AgRI 2040, focusing on agriculture, forestry and rural areas, and Food 2040, focusing on food systems, including fisheries and aquaculture.

The Communication aims to strengthen the agri-food innovation ecosystem from early-stage research and innovation to deployment and market uptake, and to accelerate the uptake of knowledge and innovation across the entire sector. It puts greater emphasis on users’ challenges and needs and on the delivery of real impact on the ground by bringing together multiple actors including end users, researchers and businesses, to co-create, test and demonstrate solutions in real-world settings. This will also help startups, scaleups and SMEs to move promising innovations closer to the market.  

The Communication will help turn Europe’s scientific excellence into practical solutions for farmers, foresters, rural communities, researchers, food businesses and consumers, for a more competitive, resilient and sustainable agri-food sector. It contributes to the objectives of the Vision for Agriculture and Food and the Strategy for European Life Sciences and complements the EU Bioeconomy Strategy by supporting innovation and sustainable value creation.

By developing the AgRI 2040 and Food 2040 frameworks, a common strategic approach for EU-funded R&I that enables competitive, sustainable, resilient and fair agri-food systems will be ensured. Both frameworks will be deployed under Horizon Europe 2028-2034 and relevant parts of the European Competitiveness Fund.

Agriculture and Food Commissioner Christophe Hansen said:

"Research and innovation can make a real difference to how we farm and manage our rural areas: from crops that can better withstand drought and extreme temperatures, to faster ways of detecting plant diseases, more sustainable crop protection and digital tools for smarter use of resources like water. Our task is to make sure these ideas do not stay in the laboratory, but are tested, adapted to local conditions and turned into practical solutions that can be used and scaled up. In this way, research can have a real impact on the ground, helping farmers and foresters respond to new challenges and build a more competitive, resilient and sustainable agri-food sector."

Startups, Research and Innovation Commissioner Ekaterina Zaharieva said:

"Europe is leading in science and research, but too many breakthrough solutions still struggle to reach consumers and markets. The ultimate goal is to help innovators, start-ups and businesses turn bold ideas into innovative solutions that boost competitiveness, strengthen food security, food safety, sustainability and resilience, and deliver real benefits for people and the planet. Europe can lead with confidence, unity and ambition."

The next major milestone will be the EU AgRI 2040 Conference – “Future-proofing EU Agri-Food through research and innovation”, taking place in Brussels on 24 and 25 September. Christophe Hansen, Commissioner for Agriculture and Food, and Ekaterina Zaharieva, Commissioner for Startups, Research and Innovation, will open the conference, which will bring together key stakeholders from across the agri-food sector and the research and innovation community to contribute to shaping future EU research and innovation priorities.

Background

Vision for Agriculture and Food and Life Sciences Strategy

The new Strategic Approach brings the Vision for Agriculture and Food and the Strategy for European Life Sciences together to cover agriculture, forestry, rural areas and food systems, providing long-term policy direction without prejudging the next EU budget negotiations.

The agri-food sector is strategically important for Europe’s food safety and security, jobs and skills, competitiveness and strategic autonomy. It faces increasing challenges from climate change, resource constraints, geopolitical instability, labour and skills shortages, changing consumer attitudes and global competition.

AgRI 2040 and Food 2040

AgRI 2040 will focus on agriculture, forestry and rural areas. Its eight preliminary areas of action will cover soils and agri-ecosystems, cropping and livestock systems, the bioeconomy, multifunctional forests, rural areas and stronger agri-food value chains, as well as digitalisation, artificial intelligence and robotics.

Food 2040 will focus on food systems, including fisheries and aquaculture. Its six areas of action will address place-based food systems; healthy and sustainable diets; resource efficiency and zero pollution in food systems; food environments and consumer empowerment; scaling innovations, business models and fair food systems solutions; and aquatic food.

The two frameworks are guided by six shared priorities: competitiveness, startups and scaleups; food security, resilience and preparedness; natural resources and circularity; food and feed safety, nutrition and health; fairness; and global cooperation. Common enablers include governance, technologies, and territories and communities.

Evidence and stakeholder engagement

The Commission Staff Working Document accompanying this Communication provides the evidence base for the new approach. It assesses the achievements, investments, results and implementation experience of the 2016 strategic approach to agricultural research and innovation, and the Food 2030 framework.

Stakeholder consultations highlighted the need for stronger links between research, deployment and market uptake, better alignment with users’ needs, improved monitoring and governance, and greater attention to competitiveness, resilience, sustainability, strategic autonomy, health, circularity, fairness and public trust. Their engagement will continue as AgRI 2040 and Food 2040 are implemented.

Future-proofing EU agri-food through research & innovation

Download

The European Commission has proposed mobilizing €1.1 million from the European Globalization Adjustment Fund for Displaced Workers (EGF) to support 351 workers in Finland dismissed by four paper manufacturers.

The EGF helps build a more dynamic and competitive European economy by improving the skills and employability of dismissed workers. Since 2007, the EGF has been mobilized in 192 cases, allocating €737 million to offer support to more than 185,000 people across 20 member states. This funding complements national active labour market measures.

The paper industry has faced significant challenges in recent years, as demand has fallen due to digitalisation. In Finland the sector has also been hit by the closure of the border with Russia and the halt in wood imports following Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. It concerns four paper manufacturers: Metsä Group, Stora Enso, UPM Communication Papers, and SAPPI.

Today’s proposal will support the dismissed workers through measures such as job-search assistance and career counselling, including an AI-based pilot project to identify recruitment needs and skills demands in the affected labour market and improve job matching. 

It will also fund training in new professional and transferable skills, recruitment incentives, mobility allowances, financial support for business start-ups, and allowances during the set-up phase.

The total estimated cost of the package is €1.8 million, of which 60% (€1.1 million) will be covered by the Commission and 40% (€735,000) by the South Karelia and Lohja-Karkkila Employment Regions, the local public employment services.

Finland began supporting the workers concerned in January 2026 and the EGF may reimburse these costs retroactively.

Next steps

The EGF proposal now requires approval by the European Parliament and the Council. It needs a simple majority in the European Parliament and a qualified majority in the Council.

What is the EGF?

Since 2007, the European Globalization Adjustment Fund for Displaced Workers has supported more than 185 000 people in 20 EU countries, with €737 million in funding. It works alongside national employment services to improve skills and employability and to build a more dynamic European economy.

The EGF was originally designed to support people who had already lost their jobs. It now also helps workers at risk of unemployment. Since May 2026, the EGF can fund training for workers who are likely to be dismissed, so they can move into new roles in the same company or find jobs elsewhere. EU countries can apply for EGF support while companies are still restructuring, so help can start before dismissals happen.

In November 2025, the Commission launched a Skills Guarantee pilot to support workers in transition by helping them acquire new skills. This flagship initiative under the Union of Skillls will strengthen strategic and growing sectors, in line with the future European Competitiveness Fund.

How does it work?

Following an application from a member state for EGF support, the Commission assesses the request on the basis of the number of displaced workers and targeted beneficiaries, the measures proposed to help workers return to employment, and the estimated costs.

Support may include career counselling, job search assistance, upskilling and reskilling, recruitment incentives, allowances, and financial support for business start-ups. 

Commission proposal

Press release

On 9 September, the European Group on Ethics in Science and New Technologies (EGE) released its new statement, Governing Neuro-AI: Towards an Infrastructure Approach.

Neurotechnology and artificial intelligence are increasingly converging as neurodata can be collected, combined and reused to develop AI models and applications across different contexts. This creates opportunities for healthcare, rehabilitation and scientific research, but also raises important questions for fundamental rights, democratic accountability and the public interest.

In this context, the EGE calls for a systemic and anticipatory approach to governing neuro-AI. The Statement shifts the focus from individual devices and neurodata privacy to the wider impacts of the infrastructures through which neurodata are collected, processed and reused. It also addresses questions of European technological sovereignty and public-interest infrastructures.

The EGE recommends:

1. Robust protection of neurodata: define and reinforce protections for neurodata and neurodata-derived inferences under EU data protection law
2. Responsible development of neuro-AI technologies: ensure possible development of Brain Foundation Models and related neuro-AI infrastructures
3. Strong Rights protection: ensure that individuals are protected against disproportionate control where neurodata and neurodata-derived data inferences are used in consequential contexts
4. Enhanced governance capacity: build European public-interest governance capacity for neuro-AI infrastructures
5. Comprehensive fitness check: conduct a targeted regulatory assessment of the EU framework governing neuro-AI systems

Background

Neuro-AI Infrastructures are interconnected systems through which neurodata are collected, processed and reused to create, deploy and manage AI-powered neurotechnology applications.

The European Group on Ethics in Science and New Technologies (EGE) is an independent, multi-disciplinary body of experts providing ethical advice, and its secretariat within the EC.

It is part of the Ethics Advice Mechanism (EthAM), which provides the European Commission (EC) with high quality, independent advice on all aspects of EU legislation and policies, where ethical, societal and fundamental rights issues intersect with the development of science and new technologies.

More information

Statement: Governing Neuro-AI: Towards an Infrastructure Approach

The EU welcomes Cambodia’s decision to join the Multi-party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) for WTO members, contributing to efforts to uphold a rules-based multilateral trading system. 

With Cambodia’s participation, the MPIA now covers 62 World Trade Organization (WTO) members and 60.4% of world trade.  

The MPIA brings together participants from all continents and at different levels of development, united by a shared commitment to upholding the rules-based trading system. 

The MPIA preserves the right to appeal in trade disputes among participating WTO members, at a time when the WTO’s Appellate Body remains non-functioning. It helps ensure that disputes can continue to be resolved in an orderly and binding manner, avoiding appeals 'into the void'. 

“I welcome Cambodia to the MPIA. The arrangement plays an important role in upholding the rules-based trading system. Each new participant helps reinforce the predictability, stability and credibility of global trade rules. I encourage other WTO members to join the MPIA,” said EU Trade and Economic Security Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič. 

Background 

The MPIA was established in 2020 and has proven its effectiveness in many WTO disputes.  

Under the MPIA, appeals are heard by arbitrators randomly selected from a pool of 10 standing appeal arbitrators set up by the participating WTO members. These arbitrators are persons of recognised authority, with demonstrated expertise in law, international trade and WTO agreements.  

The MPIA is open to all WTO members as a practical tool for appeal arbitration, pending the restoration of a reformed and fully functioning WTO dispute settlement system. 

As of 1 June 2025, the MPIA has an updated pool of appeal arbitrators to ensure that appeals continue to be heard by independent arbitrators of the highest calibre. 

At the WTO Ministerial Conference that took place earlier this year, MPIA ministers stressed the importance of the MPIA for the security and predictability of the multilateral trading system.  

The current MPIA participants are Australia, Barbados, Benin, Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, China, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, the European Union (and its Member States), Guatemala, Hong Kong (China), Iceland, Japan, Liechtenstein, Macao (China), Malaysia, Mexico, Moldova, Montenegro, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, the Philippines, Singapore, Switzerland, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, Uruguay and Vietnam.

More information

MC14: Supporting the rules-based multilateral trading system: the role of the MPIA

On 9 September, Biodiversa+ launched the BiodivFuture call to support innovative research on the biodiversity, socio-ecological consequences and future trajectories of novel ecosystems. Novel ecosystems are ecosystems that, often as a result of human influence, differ from those that prevailed historically in an area, and that are unlikely to return to previous conditions, with or without human intervention.

The funded research projects will produce actionable knowledge to drive nature-positive transformative change and reverse biodiversity decline. That knowledge will help sustain resilient and ecologically functioning ecosystems, thus contributing to the goals of the EU Biodiversity Strategy for 2030 and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

With a total budget of around EUR 40 million, this call will address the causes, effects and consequences of novel ecosystems in different environments across the world, supporting high-quality research projects with holistic, systemic, and integrated approaches.

The call covers three non-mutually exclusive themes that cover key aspects of novel ecosystems: 

1. understanding the functioning of novel ecosystems
2. studying pathways to novel ecosystems
3. studying the fair and equitable sharing of biodiversity benefits in the context of novel ecosystems

Successful proposals must demonstrate significant added value at transnational level and are strongly encouraged to pursue inter- and transdisciplinary approaches, involving also non-academic stakeholders to co-produce new knowledge relevant for society.

How to apply

To be eligible for funding, transnational research consortia will have to include eligible partners from at least three different countries financially participating in the call (including from at least two EU member states or EU Associated Countries).

The complete announcement and call documents, including full eligibility and evaluation criteria, are available on the Biodiversa+ website. The Partnership also organises a general information webinar for interested researchers on 10 September 2026.

What is Biodiversa+?

Biodiversa+ is the European co-funded biodiversity partnership supporting excellent research on biodiversity with an impact for policy and society. It was jointly developed by BiodivERsA and the European Commission and was officially launched on 1 October 2021. Biodiversa+ is part of the European Biodiversity Strategy for 2030 that aims to put Europe’s biodiversity on a path to recovery by 2030. The Partnership has launched six co-funded joint research calls over the seven years of its implementation with an estimated budget of around €250 million.

European Partnerships such as Biodiversa+ bring the European Commission and private and/or public partners together to address some of Europe’s most pressing challenges through concerted research and innovation initiatives. They are a key implementation tool of Horizon Europe, and contribute significantly to achieving the EU’s political priorities. Biodiversa+ currently gathers 81 research programmers and funders and environmental policy actors from 40 European and associated countries, and aims to connect science, policy and practice for transformative change.

More information

2026-2027 Joint Call - BiodivFuture

Biodiversity research and innovation

Nature-based solutions

On 9 September, the European Commission adopted a proposal for a new Regulation to modernize and simplify the EU's public procurement framework to support effective investments in public services and infrastructure in line with the Union's policy objectives.

Drawing on extensive consultations with public buyers, businesses, trade unions, and civil society, the Commission is proposing an ambitious reform to make public procurement simpler, more flexible, and more effective. It will help complete a Single Market for public procurement, which accounts for around 15% of the EU's GDP.

Public procurement is central to both the European economy and citizens' daily lives, covering
everything from transport, infrastructure, and energy systems, to schools and health care services. The proposal is expected to deliver significant administrative annual savings of €649 million, resulting from a burden reduction of €80 million for public buyers and of €570 million for economic operators.

The proposed Public Procurement Regulation builds on the strengths of the Single Market
in four key ways.

Simpler and clearer rules
The proposed Public Procurement Act makes the rules simpler and clearer by consolidating into one directly-applicable Regulation the three existing public procurement directives and procurement provisions currently spread across sector-specific legislation. This will create a more coherent and predictable procurement framework, reducing complexity, administrative burden, and inconsistencies in how the rules are applied with three procedures instead of five currently. It will reduce complexity and inconsistency resulting from separate legislative acts and divergent national transposition choices.

The new framework gives public buyers greater flexibility, allowing negotiations with the applicant during the procedures. It encourages better market consultation, simplifies administrative procedures and allows for negotiations, making public procurement more similar to private procurement. It also introduces an innovation procedure for the development and acquisition of innovative solutions not yet available on the market. One single platform for all procurement in the EU Key to simplification and administrative burden reduction is the creation of an integrated digital procurement marketplace consisting of interconnected and interoperable member states' eProcurement platforms.

The digital marketplace will simplify and facilitate procurement for public buyers (for example, through the automatic verification of exclusion criteria). It will allow companies to take part in procurement procedures and submit tenders across the EU through any of the connected eProcurement platforms applying the ‘once-only' principle, avoiding repeated requests for information and documentation requirements. This will promote access to new business opportunities and increase the number of offers public buyers receive, maximising the potential of the single market.

The digital marketplace will moreover streamline data exchanges between member states' eProcurement systems through the creation of a unified framework for data management, thereby strengthening transparency, accountability, and anti-fraud capabilities. Stronger support for environmental, social, and innovation goals The proposal makes the Best Price-Quality Ratio (BPQR) the standard award method, with quality criteria accounting for at least 30% (50% for labour-intensive contracts), subject to a ‘comply or explain' mechanism. Contracting authorities may deviate from this approach if they explain how quality will otherwise be ensured, for example through minimum quality requirements.

Public buyers will thus have to systematically consider not only price, but also quality, including environmental, social, innovation, security and resilience, and 'European preference' considerations. Public buyers will have full discretion over which quality criteria to apply and in which proportion in individual procurement procedures, with the proposal offering practical tools to support public buyers in this. Greater security, resilience and strategic autonomy In line with the recommendations of the Draghi report, the proposal reflects the growing geopolitical importance of public procurement. It enables, and in some cases requires, public buyers to address risks related to security and public safety of the Union or member states, sensitive information, cybersecurity, and undue third-country influence.

New provisions on resilience and security of supply would apply to contracts involving entities linked to critical infrastructures and aim to support diversification of supply chains, security of supply and crisis preparedness. Finally, the Regulation introduces a horizontal European preference framework for public procurement in line with the Union's international legal obligations. It clarifies which operators and products are covered by the Union's international procurement commitments and makes this easier to check. The Commission would be able to restrict such coverage where a market access analysis establishes that a third country has failed to grant Union operators fair market access in line with its commitments, or where restrictions are needed to avoid security of supply dependencies or protect our economic security interests.

Next steps
The proposed Regulation will be negotiated by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union before its adoption and entry into force. Background The revision was announced in President von der Leyen's Political Guidelines. It responds to long-standing shortcomings identified by the European Court of Auditors , including declining competition, limited SME and cross-border participation, and the rise of single-bid procedures. It also follows calls from the Council of the EU and the European Parliament for a strategic, simplified, and competitive framework. It also responds to the recommendations of the Draghi and Letta reports, which highlight public procurement as a strategic tool to strengthen Europe's industrial base, support innovation, advance the green and digital transitions, and reinforce economic security.

British parliamentarians, former ministers, researchers and security experts gathered at the House of Lords in London for the sixth TRENDS Annual Forum on Political Islam, focusing on Muslim Brotherhood networks in Europe, education, funding and digital influence.

The London meeting opened the first part of the forum, organized by TRENDS Global and TRENDS Research & Advisory. Proceedings will continue on September 10 at the French Senate in Paris, with a focus on legislative responses and cooperation between European and partner countries.

Opening the event, Dr. Mohammed Abdullah Al Ali, Chairman of Trends Group, argued that political Islamist movements operate across borders and can exploit the openness of democratic societies to build influence in education, media, business and the digital sphere. He stressed the distinction between Islam as a religion and Islamism as a political ideology seeking power and influence.

Dr. Khalifa Mubarak Al Dhaheri, Director of Mohammed Bin Zayed University for Humanities, focused on Britain, describing it as a longstanding centre for individuals and networks associated with the Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam. He said the organization should not be treated as representative of Muslims in Britain or elsewhere in Europe and warned that ideological loyalties placed above citizenship can create “societies within societies.”

From Education to Funding

The first session examined the Brotherhood’s ideological structures and its influence on education and younger generations. Participants also discussed the Gaza Children’s Village, established in July 2025 by Palestinian-American neurosurgeon Dr. David Hassan in cooperation with IMPACT-se, as an alternative educational model to counter incitement and extremism.

The second session turned to legislation, prevention and enforcement. Lord Walney, who moderated the discussion, urged a review of existing legal tools and warned of a “blind spot” allowing some networks and think tanks to penetrate charities and the education sector. He also advocated greater intelligence sharing and international cooperation.

Baroness Foster of Oxton addressed financial oversight, arguing for tighter scrutiny of charities, their funding and tax benefits. Former MP Daniel Kawczynski urged the Home Office to respond to parliamentary demands to ban the Muslim Brotherhood and designate it as a terrorist organization. Lady Olga Maitland warned that “soft extremism” and structures targeting young people require updated legislation.

Matthew J. Leavitt of the Labour Party described the Brotherhood as a “multi-headed beast” and urged Britain to examine evidence gathered in Austria, Germany and France. Major Jason Olson, a U.S. Navy officer and former counter-extremism official, argued that prevention should begin in schools.

Markus Sheff, CEO of IMPACT-se, identified education as the first line of defence against digital extremism, advocating critical thinking and digital literacy in school curricula.

Pressure for a UK Response

Sir Oliver Dowden, former Deputy Prime Minister and Chair of the UK-UAE Parliamentary Friendship Group, addressed the Brotherhood and its links to extremism, noting growing attention to the issue among British parliamentarians and the need for institutions to better assess potential threats to the United Kingdom.

Tom Wilson, Chairman of the Counter Extremism Group, and Dr. Alan Mendoza, Executive Director of the Henry Jackson Society, highlighted the legal and media difficulties involved in exposing front organizations. They announced the “Ban the Brotherhood” campaign and proposed using parliamentary privilege to bring evidence into the public domain.

Professor Andrew Davies of the University of Birmingham advocated carefully targeted bans on organizations that threaten social cohesion and religious pluralism. Professor David Abrahams, Senior Adviser at the Arab Global Network and former Deputy Chairman of RUSI, described political Islam as an “existential threat” while stressing the need to protect religious freedom and pluralism.

Alessandro Bertoldi, Executive Director of Italy’s Milton Friedman Institute, questioned whether a ban alone would be sufficient without confronting the Brotherhood’s operational tools. He also raised the need to monitor the use of artificial intelligence to spread its messaging.

Phil Rosenberg, President of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, advocated an international alliance against extremist ideology, noting that Muslims themselves are among its largest victims. Imam Mohammed Tawhidi, counter-extremism adviser at TRENDS, described the Brotherhood as the “parent company” of organizations including al-Qaeda, ISIS and Hamas, while stressing that the vast majority of Western Muslims reject this approach.

Measuring the Brotherhood’s Reach

TRENDS researcher Hamad Al Hosani argued that the Brotherhood increasingly operates through flexible networks and community institutions able to exploit democratic freedoms. Any response, he said, should protect national security without collectively stigmatizing Muslim communities.

Badriya Al Riyami presented figures from the 2025 Global Brotherhood Power Index. Europe ranked fourth at 17.0%, behind the Americas at 24.8%, Asia at 22.5% and Africa at 20.2%. She described Europe as an important political and media base for the organization.

Participants recommended moving beyond procedural bans by addressing networks and ideological structures, strengthening educational programs and improving capabilities to track extremist content spread through digital platforms and artificial intelligence. Citizenship and tolerance education were identified as key preventive tools.

The meeting drew a broad parliamentary and political audience, including Richard Tice, Sir Robert John Blackman, Baroness Deech, Baroness Foster of Oxton, Nadhim Zahawi, Lord Howard of Lympne, Lord Austin of Dudley, Lord Eric Pickles, Sir Michael Ellis and Sir Oliver Dowden.

Journalists attending included Marcus Donaldson of GB News, Camilla Turner of the Sunday Telegraph and Natalie Lisbona of the Daily Mail.

The forum now moves from Westminster to the French Senate, where its second part will examine legislative responses, research cooperation and measures to counter Brotherhood-linked networks while protecting religious freedom and equal citizenship.

The European Commission wants to cut the EU’s public procurement rulebook from around 900 pages to 200, in a sweeping reform that aims to simplify tendering while giving governments greater scope to favour European economic and security interests, writes Catherine Feore.

Executive Vice-President Stéphane Séjourné held up the existing body of rules alongside its much slimmer replacement, to illustrate his point. 

“These here are the European rules which currently govern public procurement in Europe: 900 pages,” he said. “And this is what we are proposing today… down to 200 pages.”

The proposed Public Procurement Act would replace three EU procurement directives with a single regulation, with a view to simplifying procurement provisions spread across 26 sectoral laws and cutting the number of procedures from five to three.

The Commission estimates the changes could save businesses and public authorities €650 million a year in administrative costs.

The reform matters because of Europe’s massive purchasing power involved. EU public procurement exceeds €2.5 trillion annually, around 15% of EU GDP, covering everything from trains and hospitals to energy infrastructure, schools and IT systems.

From lowest price to strategic purchasing

The proposal is not just about cutting red tape. Brussels wants governments to use their purchasing power more strategically.

The Best Price-Quality Ratio would become the standard method for awarding contracts, with quality normally accounting for at least 30% of the assessment and 50% for labour-intensive contracts. Authorities could consider environmental and social performance, innovation, security and resilience alongside price.

The commitment to a so-called European preference has been tempered by the EU’s international commitments, but access can be restricted when a country doesn’t reciprocate market access. Restrictions could also be imposed where reliance on foreign suppliers creates security-of-supply dependencies or threatens EU economic security.

“European public money should, wherever possible, create jobs, investment and opportunities in Europe rather than filling the order books of our competitors,” Séjourné said.

Five procurement procedures would become three: open, dynamic and innovation procedures. Each would allow negotiation between buyers and bidders.

The Commission also plans an integrated EU digital procurement marketplace connecting national e-procurement platforms. A company registered through one connected system should be able to bid elsewhere in Europe without repeatedly submitting the same documentation. This is intended to reduce bureaucracy and tackle one of the current system's weaknesses: too little competition, particularly from SMEs and companies bidding across borders.

National, regional and local priorities may appreciate this flexibility in theory, but constrained budgets often mean that price will remain the bottom line for many. This legislation offers greater freedom in determining needs, but it remains to be seen what its impact will be.

PHOTO CREDIT: European Commission Executive Vice-President Stéphane Séjourné says the rules reduced from 900 pages to 200 pages © European Union