Fox News Digital's "Who's Who in Chaos Inc." is a living database mapping the organizations, local chapters, international networks and funders organizing or amplifying major protest movements.

The directory identifies each group's mission, ideology, organizational role and documented protest activity, distinguishing direct organizers and participants from supporters and amplifiers.

The database will be continuously updated and organized by country as new organizations, chapters, coalitions and connections emerge, providing a running picture of how local protest movements connect to broader national and transnational networks.

WHO'S WHO IN THE 287-GROUP FRANCE PROTEST ECOSYSTEM

ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST (50)

1. Action citoyenne antiraciste antifasciste Beaucaire — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
2. Action Antifasciste 16 / Action AntiFa16 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Antifascist collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Action Antifasciste Amiens & Alentours — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Action Antifasciste Angevine (3A) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
5. Action antifasciste de l’Ain — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Action Antifasciste Deux-Sèvres — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. AFA Dijon / Dijon Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. AFA39 - Jura Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. AG anti-fasciste 72 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
10. AG Antifasciste de Brest — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
11. Collectif antifasciste du 11ème — Antifascist Collective of the 11th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Collectif antifasciste du 20e — Antifascist Collective of the 20th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Comité antifasciste du 19e — Antifascist Committee of the 19th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. Antifa Paris 20e — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Antifa Paris 20ème — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
16. Antifas Marseille 1er — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.
17. Antifasciste Paris 20e — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: It's participated in many anti-government protests.
18. Caen Antifa Squad — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Antifascist collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. Collectif Antifasciste Lorient et Environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Collectif Antifasciste de Lutte Montrouge et Environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Collectif Nîmois Antifasciste et Queer — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Collectif Antifasciste du Bassin Minier — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Collectif Antifasciste Orléans — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Collectif de Vigilance Antifasciste (CVA) 22 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
25. Collectif féministe antifa 71 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. Front Féministe Antiraciste Antifasciste Juif — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
27. Garde Antifasciste 53 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
28. Groupe antifasciste Charvieu et environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
29. Gwened Antifa Crew (Vannes) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
30. Kreiz Breizh Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
31. La Piraterie Antifasciste (Genève) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
32. Lutte antifasciste forezienne — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
33. Millevaches Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
34. Morlaix Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
35. Nissa Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
36. Orléans Riposte Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
37. Rafahl43 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
38. Réseau Antifasciste Var — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.
39. Riposte Antifasciste Marseille — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
40. Riposte Antifasciste Nantaise — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
41. Rouen Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
42. Saint-Denis Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
43. Suresnes anti-fascist anti-racist — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
44. Tours AntiFasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
45. CRAAAME — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
46. No pasaran 84 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
47. AMAARS (Assemblée Morbihan (Est) Antifasciste Antiraciste Rurale et Solidaire) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
48. Choisyenne Anti-Fascist Solidarity — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
49. Ciao Fachos — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
50. Pays d'Auray Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.

STUDENT / YOUTH (27)

1. G.E.L 72 - Groupe Étudiant Libertaire Sarthe — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Jeunes Écologistes du Loiret — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Le Poing Levé Orléans — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Solidaires Étudiant-e-s Montpellier — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Young Struggle — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. AFGES – Les étudiant·e·s d’Alsace — STUDENT / YOUTH: Historically called Association fédérative générale des étudiants de Strasbourg. Student federation in Alsace, centered in Strasbourg.
7. Communist Youth of Greece — COMMUNIST: A Greek communist youth organization that has publicly supported French students, connecting their education demands to opposition to military spending and government austerity. It has also supported communist protesters in Madrid, Spain, and Greece.
8. Coordination nationale lycéenne — STUDENT / YOUTH: High-school coordination It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Étudiants Musulmans de France (EMF) — Muslim Students of France: A Muslim student association involved in student representation and campus solidarity whose social-media activity appears in the protest research; its exact Oct. 17 role remains unconfirmed.
10. Fédération des associations générales étudiantes (FAGE) — Federation of General Student Associations: A national student federation that joined calls for student mobilization against the "extremely violent repression" of youth. It shared footage of its members marching on Oct. 17, with the hashtags #manifestation #genz #17octobre.
11. Fédération Syndicale Étudiante (FSE) — Student Trade Union Federation: A left-wing student organization whose activists appeared in demonstrations and announced "Democratic and Antifascist Vigilance Committees," linking high-school grievances to the treatment of anti-Israel activists and union members. On Saturday, it posted videos with its trademark solid red flags. One message read: "In Bordeaux, protesters invade the house of the mayor! On October 17, the whole country is on a standstill. Everyone is mobilizing for better living conditions, and against cutting the budget for public service! In Bordeaux, we hear echoing in the protest: Only one solution, the Revolution! The mobilization of the 17 continues: let's block everywhere in France!" It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
12. Jeunesse du Monde — COMMUNIST PUBLICATION: A communist publication associated with the Organisation Communiste de France; separate organizational participation in the October 17 protests has not been established.
13. La Jeunesse Communists — COMMUNIST: A group coordinating communist youth activism visible in the French demonstrations, including hammer-and-sickle flags and banners calling for "Class War!"
14. La Relève Lycéenne — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Le Poing Levé — The Raised Fist — REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST: A revolutionary student and youth organization associated with Révolution Permanente that works to connect high-school and university protests.
16. Les Lycéens! — The High School Students!: A high-school student organization active in the early school blockades.
17. Rassemblement pour l'égalité et la démocratie Jeunes — Youth for Equality and Democracy: A youth civic and political organization associated with organizing support for students in Seine-Saint-Denis; its specific Oct. 17 role has not been independently established.
18. Renouveau lycéen — High School Renewal: A high-school student organization identified in coverage of the October school mobilization.
19. Solidaires Étudiant·e·s — Solidaires Students: A left-wing student union that supported the high-school movement and helped connect university students with the October demonstrations.
20. Solidaires Étudiant·e·s — Student Solidarity — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Solidarité Étudiante 14 — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student organization It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Student Solidarity.es Nancy — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Student Union Federation — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization.
24. Union de la Jeunesse Communiste (UJC) — Communist Youth Union — COMMUNIST: A French communist youth organization that called on supporters to join and amplify the student struggle.
25. Union Étudiante — Student Union: A national university student union that helped mobilize students for the Oct. 6 demonstrations and encouraged participation in the broader movement.
26. Union nationale des étudiants de France (UNEF) — National Union of Students of France: One of France's established student unions, it was among the organizers of the Oct. 6 nationwide demonstrations.
27. Union syndicale lycéenne (USL) — High School Students' Union: A French high-school student union that helped organize the initial school blockades and October demonstrations before publicly supporting students joining the Oct. 17 Yellow Vest mobilization.

COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST (27)

1. Gauche Républicaine et Socialiste (GRS) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. La France Insoumise (LFI) 18 — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. NPA-A Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Parti Communiste Français Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Parti Socialiste Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Union pour la Reconstruction Communiste (URC) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Unité Rouge (07-26-38) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. BreakThrough News — COMMUNIST SINGHAM NETWORK: A New York-based outlet that reported on French student demonstrations and previewed their participation in the October 17 cost-of-living mobilization.
9. Extinction Rebellion — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
10. Fasci-Milé (PACA / Vaucluse) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter.
11. Indian Alliance Paris — COMMUNIST SINGHAM NETWORK: A France-based Indian diaspora organization that connected French and Indian youth protests through its social-media messaging. It has partnered with the SIngham network's People's Forum for an event.
12. International Communist League — TROTSKYIST: An international communist organization whose French publication Le Bolchévik called on labor unions to mobilize in support of the school protests.
13. Organisation communiste révolutionnaire — REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST: A communist organization identified in the wider research whose precise legal identity and direct October protest activities require additional verification.
14. La France insoumise (LFI) — France Unbowed — LEFT-POPULIST / SOCIALIST: A political movement whose elected officials supported student blockades, including lawmaker Louis Boyard, who waved a Palestinian flag alongside students at Paris-Est-Créteil University.
15. Marseille Unite Communiste Libertaire — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter.
16. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste - NPA Charente (NPA 16) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Political party — local chapter It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste - NPA L'Anticapitaliste Nancy 54 — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste – L’Anticapitaliste — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. Parti communiste français (PCF) — French Communist Party — COMMUNIST: Party leader Fabien Roussel publicly supported student demonstrators in Paris alongside communist elected officials and activists as demonstrators carried party flags.
20. Parti de l'égalité socialiste — Socialist Equality Party — TROTSKYIST: A French socialist organization that called for workers' action committees and broader mobilization in support of the student movement.
21. Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR) — Party of the Indigenous of the Republic — DECOLONIAL POLITICAL MOVEMENT: A political organization that defended the student revolt and circulated imagery of protesters outside Lycée Paul Éluard holding a Palestinian flag.
22. Révolution Permanente — Permanent Revolution — TROTSKYIST: A revolutionary socialist organization and publication that reported on university blockades and encouraged solidarity between high-school and university students.
23. Révolution Permanente Angoulême — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Local political/media chapter It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Revolutionary Communist Group — COMMUNIST: A British revolutionary communist organization that published an article connecting the French student revolt to opposition to capitalism, imperialism and support for Palestine.
25. Union Communiste Libertaire — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) France — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
27. World Socialist Web Site — TROTSKYIST MEDIA: An international socialist publication that covered the French school blockades and placed them within a broader argument about austerity, militarization and capitalism.

LABOR UNION (24)

1. CGT Eure-et-Loir — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Comité Droits et Libertés Solidarité 77 Sud — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Femmes solidaires du Montargois — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Solidaires Laval — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. SUD éducation 33 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. SUD éducation 36-37 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. SUD éducation 44 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. SUD éducation 85 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Union syndicale Solidaires 61 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Union syndicale Solidaires 87 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Confédération générale du travail ArianeGroup Issac union - CGT ArianeGroup Issac union — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Confédération paysanne — Peasant Confederation: A farmers' union that called on agricultural workers to join Oct. 17 protests, linking rural economic grievances with the national mobilization.
13. FNEC FP-FO — National Federation of Education, Culture and Vocational Training–Workers' Force: Force Ouvrière's education federation, which joined calls supporting high-school demonstrations.
14. Force Ouvrière (FO) — Workers' Force: A national labor confederation whose education affiliates joined calls supporting high-school students.
15. Solidaires 35 departmental union — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. Solidaires 44 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. SUD éducation — SUD Education: A left-wing education union that joined mobilization calls involving students and education workers.
18. SUD PTT 45 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization.
19. SUD social protection 93 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Syndicat National de l'Enseignement Technique Agricole Public - Fédération syndicale unitaire — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Syndicat national des enseignements de second degré (SNES-FSU) — National Union of Secondary Education: A major secondary-school personnel union that supported strikes and demonstrations in solidarity with students.
22. Syndicat National des Techniciens de la Production Cinématographique et de Télévision - National Union of Cinematographic and Television Production Technicians — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (UNSA) — National Union of Autonomous Trade Unions: A national trade-union federation whose education organizations supported the school movement.
24. Union syndicale Solidaires — Solidaires Trade Union: A left-wing labor federation whose regional branches promoted Oct. 17 demonstrations and strikes after earlier student solidarity mobilizations. It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.

MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST (19)

1. Amnesty International Orléans — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. ASTI Orléans — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peuples 66 - MRAP 66 — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Observatoire du racisme en politique (Paris) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. All Refugees — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Amnesty International France: The French section of Amnesty International that reported on police treatment of minors during the school protests.
7. Association Marocaine des Droits Humains PARIS IDF - AMDH PARIS IDF (Moroccan Association of Human Rights) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Association of Maghreb Workers of France — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Citizens' Assembly of Originals of Turkey (The) - L'ACORT — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Coordination Sans-Papiers 75 — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Euro-Maghreb Citizenship and Culture Network (REMCC) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Fédération des Associations de Solidarité avec Tou·te·s les Immigré·e·s — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Fédération Droit Au Logement — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. Fondation Frantz Fanon — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Handi-Social — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l'amitié entre les peuples (MRAP) — Movement Against Racism and for Friendship Between Peoples: An antiracism organization identified in earlier coalition activity around the student demonstrations.
17. Pan-Asian Generation - Génération panasiatique — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. Rights Ahead!! — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. SOS Racisme — SOS Racism: A French antiracism organization included in coalition activity supporting the school movement.

FEMINIST / LGBTQ (16)

1. Collectif féministe 45 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Féministes en tous genres 45 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. GAGL45 Centre LGBT+ — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. GRIF - Groupe Radical Intersectionnel Féministe Orléans — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Lille Radiqueer — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Mouvement Français pour le Planning Familial 93 - MFPF 93 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Planning Familial du Loiret — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. #NousToutes France — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization.
9. Bordeaux Feminist Collages — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Football Club Paris Arc en Ciel — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. LABEL GOUINE — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Les dégos (formerly degommeuses) — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Nous Toutes 35 / Rennes — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
14. NousToutes - #NousToutes — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. NousToutes Paris 19/20 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. PROUD•E•S AUBER — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.

ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE (13)

1. Alternatiba Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Extinction Rebellion La Rochelle — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Extinction Rebellion Tours — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Greenpeace Le Mans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Réseau pour les Alternatives Forestières (Limousin) — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Soulèvements de la Terre Essonne 91 — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Soulèvements de la Terre IDF — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Soulèvements de la Terre Indre — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Alternatiba Rouen — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter.
10. Extinction Rebellion Île-de-France — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Les Soulèvements de la Terre — Earth Uprisings: A radical environmental movement that celebrated the student revolt and called for an antifascist uprising.
12. Soulèvements de la Terre Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
13. Uprisings of the Earth Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.

PALESTINE SOLIDARITY (11)

1. AFPS Loiret — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Collectif Orléanais pour une paix juste et durable entre Palestiniens et Israéliens — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Secours Palestinien (Tours) — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Sound of Sudan — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Urgence Palestine Orléans (UPO) — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. ACT FOR PALESTINE — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. AGIR POUR LA PALESTINE Collective — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Collectif de Solidarité Palestine 37 — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization.
9. Union juive française pour la paix (UJFP) — French Jewish Union for Peace: A Jewish peace and Palestine-solidarity organization that publicized "support for high school students" who joined protests in early October. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
10. Union juive française pour la paix (UJFP) — French Jewish Union for Peace: A Jewish peace and Palestine-solidarity organization that publicized "support for high school students" who joined protests in early October. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
11. Urgence Palestine — Palestine Emergency: A French Palestine-solidarity organization whose protest-related social-media activity appears in the research, although direct organization of the October 17 demonstrations is not established.

OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST (100)

1. AFA Annemasse — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. AFA78 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Association des Ami.e.s de Maurice Rajsfus — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. OWL afa Dijon — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. ATTAC 45 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Aux actes citoyens — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Cantine des Indigné·es Orléans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Collectif immigrés du Montargois — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Collectif national pour une paix juste et durable — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Collectif Santé Est Loiret — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Contrevents (Côtes d’Armor) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Debout ! — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Fondation Copernic — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. France-Cuba Association — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Génération.s — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. info gauchO — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. L’Après — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. La Digue — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. La Marche des Solidarités — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Le Boucan des paillettes (La Rochelle) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Le Renouveau Syndical — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Les ami.es de la conf’45 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Les amis de la Commune de Paris — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Les Écologistes Loiret — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
25. Les Voix Éclairées (Yonne) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. LHIAA — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
27. Loiret populaire — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
28. Mémoires En Marche Marseille — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
29. MODEF — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
30. Mouvement de la Paix — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
31. Mouvement pour une Alternative Non-violente — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
32. Oaï e Libertat (Nîmes) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
33. Observatoire de l’Extrême Droite 61 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
34. Observatoire National de l’Extrême-Droite (ONED) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
35. Orléans Solidaire et Écologique (OSE) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
36. OST Orléans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
37. Révolution Écologique pour le Vivant (REV) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
38. Ripostes.org — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
39. Solidarité antispéciste (Occitanie) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
40. TSEDEK ! Collectif juif décolonial — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
41. Youtubercule — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
42. 18th in struggle — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
43. Agro in struggle — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
44. Alternative Left Cooperative Network — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
45. ARAC - Republican Association of Veterans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
46. Asia France Solidarity (SAF) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
47. ASIAD Solidarity and Information Association for Access to Foreigners' Rights — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
48. Association of Families of Sahrawi Prisoners and Disappeared-AFAPREDESA — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
49. Association pour la taxation des transactions financières et pour l’action citoyenne — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
50. ATTAC France — Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Citizen Action: An economic-justice organization that linked protest grievances with opposition to austerity and restrictions on civil liberties. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
51. Attac Paris center — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
52. Caen en Lutte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Local protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
53. Cannabis Sans Frontieres — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
54. Cases Rebelles — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
55. Citizen square — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
56. Collective for the Defense of Young People of Mantois — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
57. Confédération française démocratique du travail Éducation Formation Recherche Publiques — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
58. Confédération générale du travail (CGT) — General Confederation of Labour: One of France's major national labor confederations that supported the October school mobilizations and joined the Oct. 17 cost-of-living protests. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
59. Confédération générale du travail Éduc'action — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: CGT Éduc'action is the education-sector union of France's Confédération générale du travail.
60. Confédération générale du travail of the National Museum of Natural History — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
61. Confédération générale du travail volkswagen — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
62. Confédération nationale du travail (CNT) — National Confederation of Labour — ANARCHO-SYNDICALIST TRADITION: A revolutionary-syndicalist labor organization that endorsed the student movement, declaring that students were right to revolt.
63. Confédération nationale du travail 49 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
64. Confédération nationale du travail Education 93 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
65. Confédération nationale du travail Education Federation — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
66. Coordination nationale du mouvement du 26 septembre — September 26 Movement Coordination: A climate-mobilization network that encouraged participation in Oct. 17 protests and connected environmental concerns with household economic pressures. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
67. Counter-Attack — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
68. Elbow to Elbow — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
69. Emancipation Inter-union Tendency — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
70. Fanfare en lutte d'Angoulême — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Activist cultural collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
71. Fédération des conseils de parents d'élèves (FCPE) — Federation of Parents' Councils: A national parents' federation that called on members to demonstrate and announced participation by its national board in Paris.
72. Federation of Tunisian Citizens of Both Shores — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
73. Fédération syndicale unitaire (FSU) — Unitary Trade Union Federation: A major education and public-sector union federation that supported the school mobilization.
74. Fontenay-Diversité Collective — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
75. FRENCH ASSOCIATION — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
76. Indignons-nous, Bloquons tout — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
77. Les Amoureux au ban public — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
78. Let's block everything IDF — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
79. Ligue des droits de l'Homme (LDH) — Human Rights League: A French civil-liberties organization that publicized support for students and criticism of police repression.
80. Ligue des droits de l'Homme - Evreux Ligue des droits de l'Homme section — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
81. Maintenant! — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic / protest movement It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
82. Maison des Peuples et de la Paix — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic / peace association It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
83. Marche des Solidarités — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
84. Neighborhood Assembly — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
85. Nous Tous Paris Nord — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
86. NousTous 93 anti-racist — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
87. Organisation de Solidarité Trans (OST) Angoulême — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Solidarity collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
88. Peuple RÉVOLTÉ — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
89. Plural Women — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
90. Popular Riposte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
91. Reach out — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
92. Riposte Populaire — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
93. Rosmerta — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
94. Solidarités Asia France — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
95. TadamunExile70 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
96. Tendre la Main — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
97. Théâtre 2 l'Acte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
98. Tout-A-Toi (Langon) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
99. Vietnam Dioxin Collective — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
100. Zora France — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

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Far from all the political bluster about police being “defunded,” six years after the earth-shaking George Floyd protests swept the US and public approval for law enforcement plummeted, police have never been more politically and monetarily supported than they are now. But when veteran labor reporters and union activists Hamilton Nolan and Jacob Morrison attended the 23rd Quadrennial Convention of the International Union of Police Associations in Las Vegas, Nevada, they found a different kind of union, and a different kind of convention, than they were expecting…

In this special episode of Working People, we speak with Nolan and Morrison about their August reporting trip to the IUPA Convention in Las Vegas.

Additional links/info:

• Hamilton Nolan Substack (How Things Work) and Bluesky page
• Jacob Morrison’s Twitter/X page
• The Valley Labor Report website, YouTube channel, Facebook page, Bluesky page, and Twitter/X page
• Hamilton Nolan & Jacob Morrison, The Real News Network, “Beards and loathing: A cop union convention comes to Las Vegas”
• Hamilton Nolan, How Things Work, “We infiltrated a police union convention in Las Vegas”

Featured Music:

• Jules Taylor, Working People Theme Song

Credits:

• Audio Post-Production: Jules Taylor

Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.

Jacob Morrison:

All right. Welcome everyone to Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. My name is not Maximillian Alvarez. It is Jacob Morrison, host of the Valley Labor Report, the largest union talk radio program in the South.

Hamilton Nolan:

And I’m Hamilton Nolan, a labor journalist based in New York City.

Jacob Morrison:

Hamilton and I marched on the boss and took Max’s microphone so we could introduce the special episode about the recent reporting trip we both went on in Las Vegas and wrote about for The Real News Network and how things work.

Hamilton Nolan:

The conference that we went to took place in late hot August in the Las Vegas desert at the beautiful Paris Las Vegas casino underneath a fake Eiffel Tower.

Jacob Morrison:

Here’s the intro to the piece that we wrote together for The Real News.

Hamilton Nolan:

On a plain blue lit stage in a plain event space at the Paris Hotel in Las Vegas, a gruff man with white hair and a thin goatee is complaining about Las Vegas. How it is too hot, how it is too expensive, and how the hotel’s convention management bureaucracy is driving him nuts. You can’t even move a box from left to right without contacting someone to do that, he barks into the microphone.

Jacob Morrison:

This will become a communal ritual by the end of the week. Without fail, like some sort of morning prayer, the convention begins every day with opening grumblings about the convention itself.

Hamilton Nolan:

We can see why. After all, the organization convening here is supposed to be a strong union representing nearly 20,000 members around the country. Far from all the political bluster about the police being defunded. Six years after the earthshaking George Floyd protests sweat the US and public approval for law enforcement plunged to a generational low. These guys have never been more politically and monetarily supported than they are now.

Jacob Morrison:

But there are only about 50 people here in the room with us. Only 28 delegates, 10 alternates and some wives and family members mixed in. The proceedings are pretty boring and energiless. The attendees are grumpy and the air is thick with middle age resentment.

Hamilton Nolan:

Clearly, the convention organizers and speakers were expecting something much different than this. To be honest, so were we, because it’s 2026, Donald Trump is president again, and this is the 23rd quadrennial convention of the International Union of Police Associations, IUPA, which represents tens of thousands of cops and departments from coast to coast.

Jacob Morrison:

The convention was billed as the premier gathering for law enforcement leadership, an event that you don’t want to miss.

Hamilton Nolan:

But it’s absolutely dead here. Even the speakers and attendees don’t want to be here. In fact, they won’t shut up about it.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Man, that piece is so fire and anyone listening to this, you guys have to go read what Jacob and Hamilton wrote from Las Vegas and thinking about this police union convention that took place in Las Vegas. And I can’t recommend it highly enough. We’ve linked to it in the show notes for this episode. We’ve linked to the additional writing that Hamilton did on it for how things work. But I’ve been dying to actually get you guys on the podcast to talk about it. Now that the reporting trip is over, the pieces are out. There’s so much that I just want to ask you guys about what it was like to be there, what the vibe was, the conversations that you were having that didn’t make it into these pieces. So we got a lot to talk about here, but I guess by way of setting things up and really setting the stage for folks, how the hell did you guys end up at this convention?

Who the hell invited you two assholes to Ayupa’s quadrennial convention in Las Vegas?

Jacob Morrison:

I guess I’ll answer that since I’m the one who got the invitation and I’m not totally sure why, but my best guess is that I got an invitation because I’m the principal officer of an AFL – CIO Labor Council. I actually got multiple invitations in the mail to my house. So IUPA knows where I live, which potentially is a terrifying prospect, but maybe it’ll be okay. Maybe I made a couple of friends who will protect me in IUPA. So I got invitations in the mail to Las Vegas, to the IUPA convention. And I say I’m not totally sure because I did ask a couple of Labor Council presidents if they also got that invitation and they said no. But I think that’s probably

Maximillian Alvarez:

It. Maybe they looked you up and saw the mustache and were like, “Oh yeah, this guy’s with us.”

Jacob Morrison:

Yes, maybe that was it. So I got an invitation in the mail and I thought it would be really funny to go. And so I started asking around for somebody to give me the money to go and I found Max.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Enter Max, they left baby.

Jacob Morrison:

My sugar daddy, Maximilian Alvarez. So I was able to go to Vegas. I though it would be very funny. And so I though it would be funny to go, but I also wanted to turn it into sort of a real piece of reporting. And I’ve done some reporting and I’ve done some journalism, but I’m still not super comfortable with that as a label for myself. And Hamilton has been in the space for a lot longer than I have. He’s done a lot of really serious journalism and in this space specifically. And so I thought that it would be made a lot better by having somebody a little bit more experienced to be tag along with me. So I registered with Hamilton as my guest. Nobody asked any questions at the registration phase. And so that’s how we got the invitation. We can maybe talk about when we actually showed up a little bit later, but Hamilton, is there anything else that you would want to add to the how did we end up there?

Hamilton Nolan:

No. As you said, I was just along for the ride on this. Jacob got the invite for some reason still unknown. Max paid the bills and I just tagged along and I had done some reporting on Ayupa, particularly in 2020 when we were trying to get him kicked out of AFLCO and I’ve never in my life been able to get Ayupa to respond to any of my emails or phone calls. So the chance to attend the convention to me was very exciting and I was excited to tag along.

Maximillian Alvarez:

So at any point walking in there, I mean, I don’t know, you guys are two white guys walking in there who maybe probably feel differently than I would walking in there. But at any point did the sort of like high teenager in you kick in and be like, “Oh shit, these guys know who we are. They’re going to come for us” kind of thing?

Hamilton Nolan:

We both look a little bit like cops to be fair. So either one of us could be a cop. Yeah.

Jacob Morrison:

I’ve got the mustache. Hamilton has the build. So together we make a cop.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, one of the reasons that the pitch was so compelling to me, we all thought it was funny, weird, interesting. There was something fateful about that invitation ending up in Jacob’s mailbox, just like Harry Potter’s Hogwarts letter, finding him somehow. And I think we could all sense that, but we didn’t quite know what we were going to find there. But like you guys lay out in that intro, you had very different expectations for the convention than what you found. So talk about that. What were you expecting and why? And then when you got there, what were you seeing and how were you processing it?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, I will point out, first of all, that Jacob was very concerned about kind of OPSEC while we were doing this, cloak and dagger, are they going to find us out? And when we arrived to register for the convention, we said, “Here we are.” We gave them our names and they were like, “We can’t find you.” So they just typed our name and printed it out and gave us a badge. So there was no security at all. And my initial impressions at least, and you can say yours too, Jacob, but I’ve been to a fair number of union conventions and this was probably the most low energy union convention that I’ve ever been to in my life, which was a surprise to me.

Jacob Morrison:

Yes. On the OPSEC thing, there was a continued sort of incuriousness about who we were at the time. I don’t think anybody ever asked you, Hamilton, what you do for a job, which is crazy.

Hamilton Nolan:

Jacob was trying to workshop his cover story and actually nobody gave a damn at all. Yeah.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah. I talked to this one guy for literally an hour after the convention proceedings were over for the day, and I just kept asking him questions about his job. It was the local president who said in the piece that they’re affiliated with their labor council, but they don’t really do anything over political differences. I spoke to this guy for an hour. He never was curious about me at all. Who is this guy who’s not in IUPA? I mentioned, I’m not in IUPA and no further questions at all.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I’m sure every woman listening to this is saying, “You mean a man didn’t give a shit about anything you had to say?” It’s like big story of the year there, but I guess that’s kind of what I was getting from the reportage that you guys did for this piece is because some of the big questions you and we and you guys as ambassadors for the labor movement were going in there to ask is like, “Why are these guys in the labor movement and do they feel like they’re part of it?” And then you add on all the other politics of the police state that has been ramping up, especially ever since the George Floyd uprisings in 2020. But before we dig into that, I wanted to just ask a little more about the setting here and the sort of Noir-ish kind of presence in this story.

A, because you guys have to humor me and I promise that I was like, “I won’t turn this piece too much into a fake Hunter S. Thompson piece, but I feel like there’s something genuinely kind of overlapping here with what Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas was actually doing and observing at the time in the America that existed back then. And you guys are doing the same in a very different kind of America in a very different Las Vegas where most of that noir has been paved over, blown up and rebuilt and consolidated under a few kind of mega owners of the Strip. So talk a little more about the sort of setting and the proceedings of the convention itself before we dig into the kind of politics of it.

Hamilton Nolan:

Yeah. I mean, Fear and Low in Las Vegas, for those of you who haven’t read it, a large scene in the book is them attending a cop convention while high on a lot of powerful drugs. And Jacob refused to take any mescaline despite my trying to peer pressure him. So we didn’t have the drug part, but Vegas is an extremely fucking weird setting as anybody knows who’s been to the Vegas Strip. Paris, Las Vegas has a huge fake hot air balloon out front and a huge fake Eiffel Tower inside. There’s chandeliers hanging from the ceiling. There’s huge oil paintings of Louis XIV on the outside of the ballroom where we were. And then five steps away is a sign leading to the strip club and the next hotel and a cigar bar where middle-aged guys are sexually harassing the waitresses. So that was kind of the setting that we were in.

And ironically, Vegas, of course, the entire Vegas strip is unionized and the Kulinary Union in Las Vegas, one of the most powerful local unions in America. So Vegas is in a very real sense a union town and we were here for union convention and then the guys proceeded to kind of bitch about the fact that the union imposed a bunch of rules in the hotel. So that sort of came full circle for me.

Maximillian Alvarez:

And Jacob, let me ask, had you ever been to Las Vegas before?

Jacob Morrison:

No. No, I’d never been to Las Vegas.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right, country boy. What was it like going into that for the first time?

Jacob Morrison:

It was definitely crazy. Not only grew up sort of out in the county, but also very religious. And so very different vibes. They call it Sin City for a reason, obviously. And there’s an energy in Las Vegas, obviously, all of the gambling, the drinking, the girls and everything like that was just so contrasted with the very sort of dull, except for Rizzo. And I hope that, Hamilton, you’ll be able to talk about Rizzo, but even that was kind of dull a little bit, people kind of got tired of it. But the convention was just like… There was one time when I got up because there was a part of the convention that was clearly not newsworthy. It was very internal stuff and just not very interesting. So I left to go get lunch, I think. And I happened to be in the elevator up to my room with another officer or with an officer, I’m not an officer, with an officer.

And I asked him where he was going. He was like, “I’m going to take a nap. This is terrible.” I was like, “Oh, is this your first convention?” He said, “Yeah, it’s awful. I hate it basically.” I very, very much underestimated, like you talked about the contrast of what we were expecting. I was expecting not a huge convention, 20,000 members is not a very large international union, but I expected at least a hundred delegates and then some alternates and some family. That’s sort of what I was expecting at the least. The sort of mean I was expecting was maybe 200, maybe 250. And so getting there, there’s only 28 people who can vote on… That was crazy to me. So I was way overestimating how many people would be there and I was way underestimating how big Las Vegas is because part of my plan was I’m going to go down after the convention proceedings to the hotel bar and find one of these guys after the proceedings and shoot the shit with them for a few hours and get super drunk.

I really wanted to do that. And as soon as the proceedings was over and people left, they blended into the thousands of people that were there and there was just no finding anybody or connecting after the convention if you do not get their phone number and talk to them and make plans. There were so few people there and it was kind of… I don’t know.

Hamilton Nolan:

Jacob was envisioning a Holiday Inn. And in fact, the Paris Las Vegas has 3,500 rooms.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Yeah. Well, it’s so wild because I grew up with Las Vegas being a big part of our lives as it was for so many people in the Southwest, particularly Southern California. Because in those sort of post mob town days of Las Vegas in the ’80s and ’90s, they were really trying to and succeeded in rebranding Vegas as the family friendly haven of these massive hotels, these big ridiculously overdone shows and buffets and pools and arcades. It was awesome. I’ve honestly had more fun in Las Vegas with my siblings and cousins in the ’90s when I was a kid than I’ve ever had being there after I was 21 and could drink. I don’t know what that says, but it’s also like I’ve watched Vegas change a lot over the years. A lot, a lot. I’ve seen some of those old hotels get blown up or live television feeds of them getting blown up.

And then you go there after a few years of not going there and all the things you remember are gone or renamed or under a new theme and new ownership. There is something uniquely American that is very intensely expressed in Las Vegas. And again, I feel like that is still the case now in the settings that you guys were in, but I want to talk about the union and what state is IUPA in? What the hell do they do and what were they doing at this convention?

Jacob Morrison:

The state of IUPA, it’s funny, because the turnout was so low, the energy was so low, it felt very familiar to me as the member of a public sector union where we have little… There’s not a whole lot of activity among our members and we don’t have very much power, which was very surprising because of all the reasons that we say in the introduction to the peace, the power of police has basically never been better. The police unions are politically feated and they didn’t even have a congressperson at their convention. I was expecting at least one sort of right-wing congressperson to be there. And the highest ranking official that they got was some deputy assistant under secretary of Homeland Security who is the liaison to local governments. I mean, that was sort of surprising to me. I guess

Maximillian Alvarez:

The state doesn’t need the police when we have a police state.

Jacob Morrison:

That may be part of it or it may be that IUPA, I mentioned this in the piece as well, that because IUPA is such a small union and there are other big police unions like the FOP, the PBA, that maybe this union in particular, and potentially because of its affiliation with the AFL – CIO, I’m not really sure and I wasn’t able to get an interview with Sam Cabral, the international president. I tried multiple times while we were on the trip and wasn’t able to make that happen. He would’ve been the one to answer those questions about sort of national politics within the labor movement and with the administration and with other politicians. And I really hate that I wasn’t able to get that interview, but those are questions that still remain. Is it because the police state doesn’t need the police unions or is it primarily because of the way that IUPA itself as an entity is situated in the political environment and there’s not really much of a need for them when they have the PBA and the FOP to be a liaison to them for law enforcement?

I’m not sure.

Hamilton Nolan:

So yeah, IUPA is a relatively small police union. The Fraternal Order of Police and the Police Benevolent Association are bigger. What makes IUPA interesting is they’re the only police union in the AFL – CIO. So they’re the only pure police union that is formally aligned with what is effectively the labor movement, the AFL – CO, America’s biggest labor federation. So they’re in an interesting political place. I mean, the convention itself, if you say, was this a union convention or a cop convention? It was much more a cop convention. And part of a cop convention, I think this is sort of maybe the symbolic part of all this is like they want to go to Vegas and play golf, man. That’s why people would attend the IUPA convention in Vegas is to go play golf. And part of the reason why Sam Cabral, IUPA’s president, sounded so pissed off every day as he was conducting this convention is I think they had so much busy work to do that he wasn’t able to just let everybody go out and play golf.

But the vendors that showed up next to the convention were like cop stuff, body cams, several of which were stolen from the reception at the last night of the convention, which was funny.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah, there was a vendor for assault boats, right?

Hamilton Nolan:

Yeah. Assault boats.

Jacob Morrison:

Which is correct. The union is not going to be the ones purchasing assault. And so that adds to

Hamilton Nolan:

The – Right. It wasn’t like DSA was there in the vendor section. I mean, it was stuff that cops would want, although they were not allowed to have actual firearms in the hotel. So when they auctioned off a rifle, they just had to have a picture of it and I think to deliver it later on. I

Jacob Morrison:

Tried to get the rifle myself because that would’ve been funny, but unfortunately, my raffle was not picked.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Yeah. I mean, you can only commit so far to the bit, I suppose. And insofar as this was still a labor conference and a union convention where stuff was getting done, I want to talk about that, right? I mean, because there’s so many big questions here that we… And by we, I mean people in the broader labor movement, people connected to it, who support it, who have family members in it, who believe in it, and just working people in general who believe that workers banding together and fighting for our needs together is the way forward. And people like us who have questions of what the hell kind of relationship are we supposed to have to the police? There’s so much kind of intensity in those debates online and in person that also seem to contrast so much with the setting you were in, the discussions that were being had, and the mentalities of the people attending this conference.

So talk more about that. Do they see themselves as part of the labor movement? Do they still operate like a union?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, the most fascinating part of this conference to me was getting to be in the room when a police union is talking to itself, presumably with nobody else in the room, right? There was no obvious press here or anything. So that was actually a very interesting kind of look behind the curtain because of the tone that a lot of the speakers had at the convention. And you saw really the qualities, I guess, that people think about police, but maybe don’t get to see so directly. The defensiveness, the kind of military mindedness, the us against the world thing, the we’re the good guys and they’re the bad guys thing. All of that was very much manifested in the speakers that we had, including some of the speakers were so wacky and sort of bizarre and crazy that you start to worry, these are the guys who are talking to the guys with guns.

I mean, that doesn’t make me feel very good. One of the ones that stood out to me crossing over for the union part is there was a guy who spoke from a legal defense fund that serves police unions and all police unions can pay in to tap into the services of this legal defense fund and they will fund legal defense if you, as a police union member, do anything. And he was like, “It could be easy stuff like a dead body in the back of your car or basic stuff like you walk into the jail cell, the guy’s dead, and next thing you know –

Maximillian Alvarez:

Quick question, wasn’t Harvey Keitel from Pulp Fiction doing this?”

Hamilton Nolan:

I mean, to me it sounded awesome. I was like, “I would love to be in a legal defense.” He was like, “Even if you’re here in Las Vegas off duty, if something happens and something goes down and you got to shoot a guy, I mean, we will come to your defense if it was sort of a police action.” So that was pretty interesting to me.

Jacob Morrison:

And absolutely no sort of hemming and hawing about that either. That’s the thing that really kind of stuck out to me about that. And I guess it makes sense because they’re talking to themselves and they don’t feel like they have to justify it, but there really was no attempt to justify why should you as an off-duty cop from Florida be able to shoot and kill somebody in Las Vegas and have a Cadillac legal defense for it? I mean, why should you have that? No attempt to justify that at all and no attempt to reckon with the way that folks who are asking for more police accountability feel about the police and the reason that they would say they don’t have to, even beyond the fact that they felt like they were talking to themselves and so they don’t have to do that. But they cited approval polls from Gallup and stuff about how something like 74% of Americans have some or a great deal of confidence in their local police.

And so they feel like they have sort of won the propaganda war and it’s us actually who are wrong.

Hamilton Nolan:

I was just going to add, if you’ve been to a lot of union conventions or you spent time in union world period, at any union events, there’s usually a lot of talk about solidarity, the basic union buzzwords, and there was almost none of that at this convention. And that really leapt out to me too. I mean, I’ve never been to a union convention or event of any type where almost nobody said solidarity, union, we’re all together, very little of that at all.

Jacob Morrison:

Certainly no attempts to make alliances or highlight alliances that they have with other unions, which do exist, and you can read the piece for more of that locally, but there were no other unions that were speakers there. I mean, at most union conventions, you’ll have other unions speaking. I mean, I think that at the Letter Carriers Convention, Sean O’Brien spoke, at the UAW convention, Sarah Nelson has spoke.That’s a pretty common thing. At the AFL – CIO conventions in Alabama, we have bunch of union speakers. We’ve had people from the UMWA, we’ve had Sarah Nelson, and no other unions at all, not even other cop unions.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and for that reason, there was so much in the figure of Sam Cabral, IUPA president, and the sort of vibe and mentality that he embodied that echoes the steward of Gondor, just really having this sense of we have no friends, we are the thin blue line defending everyone from the darkness that is always ever creeping, but now the darkness is creeping from within our own ranks and we’re the ones holding society together, yada, yada, yada. It feels like so much of that was dripping from the details that you guys gave in this incredible piece, but –

Jacob Morrison:

Can I say something really quick about Cabral? He gave his speech, I think it was either right before or right after he was reelected president of the International, and not a good speaker, which is fine. Lots of people aren’t good speakers, but he was not a good speaker. I don’t think he would say he was a good speaker, but he had some interesting stuff in his backstory that I really would’ve loved to have asked him about. He said that a big reason that he decided to join the union was because of his dad who was in the Meat Cutters Union, which was a union that ultimately became a part of the UFCW, and about how inspired he was by his dad fighting for people that were being bullied, and how he doesn’t like bullies, and how that was such an inspiration to him. And so when he got on with the police force, he wanted to do that for rank and file officers who were being bullied by management.

And I thought that to me was basically the only time that I heard anything from Cabral that sounded like it tracked with my theory or the way that I think of unions. It seemed like there was a real sort of grain of unionism there in Cabral that I found interesting and I would’ve really liked to have talked to him about, because it seems like that sort… Of solidarity with the common every man, like the every man outside of law enforcement has really been buried. And it made me think of Bill Fletcher. I spoke to him for this piece and he talked about how in AFGE, among some of the law enforcement sections, particularly the federal prison guards, he told me, and this wasn’t in the piece, he told me that these guards, literally every single day, they are surrounded by people who would kill them.

They would, a lot of them would kill these guards at the drop of a hat. And doing that and not having a community outside of this law enforcement community to keep you grounded and to make you realize that that is not the rest of the world, the real world does not operate like everybody is out to kill you. If you don’t have a community that can ground you in a reality that’s outside of that, it sort of breaks your brain and it gets kind of boiled alive. And I wonder if something like that sort of happened to Cabral. It was something that I would’ve loved to have asked him about.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and in terms of what you guys were able to ask other attendees and speakers about, like we said, there’s so much here that you guys got the chance to kind of pose to these union members who are part of the only cop union affiliated with the AFL – CIO. And you write beautifully in this piece, and I’m just going to read it, where you guys say, “It is by no means the largest police union in America, but AIUPA has the distinction of being the only police union that is a member of the AFL – CIO. It joined the Labor Federation in 1979, making it a formal but uncomfortable partner to every progressive labor union and every rank and file union member in the AFL – CIO who has ever had to question why they should be affiliated with a union representing the same kind of cops who beat and arrest them, their union siblings, and their neighbors at protests and on picket lines.” So when you guys talked to them about that, what did they have to say?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, first of all, I’ll say Sam Cabral, all three of us would love to interview you, Sam Cabral, so please reach out to us anytime, open invitation. I, as I mentioned, have covered IUPA a bit, particularly in 2020. Their media relations are kind of interesting to me. They’re very quiet. Absolutely, not only do they not do outreach very much, but they rarely respond to not just me from the left wing magazine, but to almost anybody. If you look them up in Google News, very little news about them apart from the fact that they had to go bankrupt because one of their people got sued for sexual harassment, but that’s a different story. But when you look at what Sam Cabral is on the record having done in the past decade or so, when Ferguson was going on and Michael Brown was killed and Richard Trumpka, who was the head of the AFL – CIO tried to make some positive statements about police reform, Sam Cabral sent a very angry, scathing letter to the AFL – COO, rejecting the idea that there was any racism in policing.

Then fast forward to 2020, George Floyd, once again, the AFL – CO, Richard Trumpka, tries to make some supportive gestures towards Black Lives Matter. And again, Sam Cabral sends an angry, scathing letter saying that the AFL – CO is demonizing police and how dare you do this and how dare you suggest police are racist. And then at this convention, a huge theme of the convention was like the crazies are trying to defund police and putting us all in danger and we’re fighting back and there’s this horrible danger on the horizon in the form of the democratic socialists who are going to defund police once again. And it’s fictional in a sense, but it’s also an interesting kind of look into the mind state. And when you talk about their PR strategy, one thing I learned at this convention, which I did not know before was that IUPA gives an award to journalists almost every year at their conventions.

And they’ve been doing so for decades now. And a lot of them are, it’s sort of like you’re the journalist who wrote great stuff about the cops, an actual award with a plaque and everything. And a lot of them were to, because they had a list of all of them in the brochure. And a lot of them were to sites like lawenforcementnews.com or some of them were to Fox News figures, Greta Van Sustran and stuff like that, who you wouldn’t really be surprised by. But some of them were also to Bob Schaefer from CBS News and people like that who had apparently accepted this award from IUPA. And again, it’s like that bunker mentality of talking to the world that Jacob touched on. It’s like it’s us and our friends and then it’s our enemies. And I think that came through a lot at this convention for me.

Jacob Morrison:

It was funny that this year’s recipient did not come to pick up her prize.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, again, it sounds like hardly anyone came, so I guess we shouldn’t be surprised there, but I wanted to save this for the last 10 minutes after all the heavy lifting you guys have done to go there to Vegas, to be there for this convention, to write about it, to go through all the editing, co-publishing, all that. But we got 10 minutes here to sort of address the big question that the feature piece leads with is are cops part of the labor movement or are they an existential threat to it? I mean, I wanted to sort of ask for your guys’ thoughts on that, understanding that there are plenty of people, including people who listen to the show, people that we have interviewed and worked with who are not your typical sort of DSA defund, all cops are bastards kind of people. But as listeners can hear, you guys have been invested in this question, Hamilton, for longer than any of us, but it’s been something that you’ve looked at, seen, talked about, analyzed for many years.

So I wanted to ask where you stood on that question before the convention, if anything from the convention has changed your mind. And I guess having somehow gotten into this sad, decrepit, soulless convention and seeing a bit how the sausage is made, what do you think the rest of us on the outside who never get to see that need to understand about these kinds of cops and this kind of union?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, I’ll put my cards on the table because I really do have an opinion on this that’s maybe stronger than a typical journalist you might think of. But in 2020 when the George Floyd protests were happening and Black Lives Matter was happening, there was a national movement within the labor movement to kick IUPA out of the AFL – CO. I was active in that. My union, the Writers Guild of America East, which is an AFL – CO member, passed a resolution. So that came from our entire union urging the AFL – CO to kick out IUPA, which the AFL – CO did not. And I also reported on the AFL – CO and IUPA. And what I saw really was the AFL crazily trying to sweep it under the rug, really, really trying to minimize it. Eventually they sort of formed a commission that came out with the report a year later that they totally buried and didn’t publicize.

And that report, in fact, rejected calls to defund police and rejected calls to kick out IUPA. And the same people that put out that report are still running the AFL – CO. So my belief, and it’s a belief that a lot of other people share and have written eloquently about, is that the goals of police unions are fundamentally incompatible with the solidarity that defines the labor movement. My personal belief is police can have unions. They are workers. They work, they have a job. They can, as far as I’m concerned, have collective bargaining and bargain over their wages and working conditions. But that is a different proposition from them being in our labor federation and being a formal part of the labor movement, because being a part of labor movement demands solidarity. Solidarity is a give and take. You give solidarity and you get the benefit of solidarity.

And that is not something that I think police are existentially capable of doing or that we’ve ever seen police do in the history of America. And everybody who says that, “Oh no, no, we need to keep them close and this is going to make them better,” it’s never come true. And I think at some point we have to recognize that. So I would love to see this issue, and thanks for bringing it up, Max, but I’d love to see the issue once again get elevated because the only way the labor movement’s going to make progress on this is for a lot of people to agitate around it and organize around it within your local unions and elevate that up the chain.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah. When I talked to Bill Fletcher about this, he has basically the same position as Nolan. And I asked him if that position was, does that sort of run counter to what you told me you’ll recall about the federal prison guards, how if these guards, they don’t have a community outside of law enforcement that sort of grounds them in the real world, then they sort of fly off the handle and become crazy. Is that not an argument for maintaining them as part of our labor movement and engaging with them? And he said that the problem with that is that within the Labor Federation, within the AFL – CIO and within unions that have sections of law enforcement, that never actually happens. Potentially he said that maybe that’s an argument to do it actually, but in the real world that hasn’t happened. I mean, like Hamilton talked about, there was this report and they said, “We believe that there would be more good from engaging our police affiliates than isolating them.” And maybe that’s true.

And I think potentially my interviews with leaders of the Memphis Police Association, maybe they speak to the value of that. I have a full hour up on the Valley Labor Report with the vice president of the Memphis Police Association. And long story short, I was able to write some in The Real News and talked about some in my interview about the ways that the Memphis Police Association very much unlike other police associations has stood in solidarity with unions in Memphis, has supported collective bargaining rights, not just for themselves, but for the other city unions, has supported striking workers and not arrested striking workers when they were called on to harass them by the boss and anti-union forces. And so maybe the unique history of Memphis, maybe there’s a path forward there, but you can’t talk about that as a path forward without recognizing that even though that has been talked about in other places within AFGE, within the AFL – CIO, the leaders of these federations show no appetite to actually make that happen.

And the leaders of the police associations by and large show no appetite to allow that to happen to them. I mean, there’s just no appetite at the international level from IUPA and certainly not from the FOP or the PBA for any sort of reform. And I talked to Covington about this, the vice president of the Memphis Police Association, John Covington, about why would you want to be sort of burdened with the responsibility of responding to the homelessness crisis in this country, the mental health crisis in this country, and every societal ill should not be handled by an armed agent of the state is sort of how I feel about it. And he had his response and it was basically like that these things can get dangerous and so basically we need somebody with a gun who can kill somebody if it gets out of hand.

And he actually even pushed back against having social workers in addition to cop teams because he was like, “If we have a social worker there, then that’s another person that I have to protect as the one with the gun.” And I think that is sort of part of his brain being broken and being always in the world of it’s us against them and everybody is out to kill me. And I don’t think that that is actually the world that we live in. Even when we’re talking about the mental health crisis and the homelessness crisis, I think that by and large, most of those people are not going to be violent unless violence is threatened against or put against them. And that’s just not really something that cops seem willing to tolerate.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and at a certain point, you really got to be able to see past the goodness real are perceived of the individual people wearing badges and think about, to borrow Hamilton’s term, the sort of existential basis of this job and the sort of powers of that badge. There are certain built-in structural foundational incentives that are literally pushing those people, good or not, to do the opposite of what everyone else would have to do in that situation. It’s like arguing why business owners all turn into Jeff Bezos want to be power hungry monsters because they’re literally incentivized to. They’re rewarded for being that. And the state apparatus is constantly giving them benefits for doing that. And the same sort of thing applies to cop unions, right? Why would they have solidarity when they are constantly being kind of enabled by the state to get by without it?

My mind always goes to what union workers and retirees in Wisconsin told me about Act 10 in 2011. When Governor Scott Walker and the Republicans during the Great Recession were capitalizing on people’s pain to just go all out against public sector workers and unions, go after their collective bargaining rights, their wages, their ability to even maintain their unions. But of course, there were carve outs for cop unions, firefighters, and deputy sheriffs. And that kind of pattern has been repeated in so many ways around the country. So it does sort of beg the question of why would they show solidarity with us if they are always sort of incentivized not to and rewarded for it?

Hamilton Nolan:

Something that is so relevant to this discussion I think is that this summer, 2026, the AFL – CO’s convention was held in Minneapolis. They purposely held it in Minneapolis in order to celebrate the Minnesota labor movement’s actions in opposition to ICE. So the whole kind of underlying theme of the AFL – CO convention this year was we are celebrating the Minnesota Labor Movement and what they did to resist ICE, particularly in Minneapolis. And at IUPA’s convention, they have speakers up there celebrating the agreements that local unions strike to help out ICE and help them in their deportation campaign. And it comes down to which side are you on? Everybody in the labor movement knows the song, which side are you on? And I would challenge the AFL – CIO to tell me how you reconcile these two points, how you believe you can have a union in your federation that is celebrating and assisting ICE’s deportation campaign at the same time you as a federation are purportedly celebrating our resistance to that thing.

It doesn’t work.

Jacob Morrison:

The International Union of Police Associations was the only affiliate of the AFL – CIO to not attend the quadrennial convention in June in Minneapolis.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right gang, that’s going to wrap things up for us today. I want to thank our special guests, the incredible labor journalists and real news contributors, Hamilton Nolan and Jacob Morrison. Go follow and support Hamilton Substack, how things work and read his book, The Hammer. Go follow and support Jacob and the Valley Labor Report. My God, we need their work now more than ever. And I cannot stress this enough. Go read their amazing pieces about the IUPA Convention in Las Vegas that we published on the Real News website and that Hamilton published at How Things Work. We’ve linked to both of those in the show notes for this episode. And of course, I want to thank you all for listening and I want to thank you guys for caring about this. We do all of this work for you, but we cannot do it without you.

And that goes for us here at Working People in the Real News and also for Hamilton, Jacob, and every other labor journalist that you support. Working People is brought to you in partnership with In These Times Magazine and The Real News Network. This show is produced by the great Jules Taylor and is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network. We’ll see y’all back here next time for another episode of Working People. And in the meantime, go explore all the great work that we’re doing at The Real News, where we do grassroots reporting that lifts up the voices and stories from the front lines of struggle. Subscribe to our YouTube channel, check out our great podcasts like Under the Shadow and the Battle for Free Speech, and connect with us on social media and get updates on our reporting there and help us do more work like this by going to therealnews.com/donate and becoming a supporter today.

I promise you guys, it really makes a difference. I’m Maximilian Alvarez.

Hamilton Nolan:

I’m Hamilton Nolan.

Jacob Morrison:

I’m Jacob Morrison.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Take care of yourselves.

Jacob Morrison:

Take care of each other.

Hamilton Nolan:

Solidarity forever.

Security forces to include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism after worst street violence in years

France will deploy about 70,000 police around the country on Saturday as the government seeks to prevent more civil unrest after some of the worst street violence in years erupted on the fringes of cost-of-living protests last weekend.

The interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, said on ⁠Friday ⁠the security forces would include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism operations and hostage rescues, adding that there had been social media calls for violence from “ultra-left” groups.

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© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

Security forces to include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism after worst street violence in years

France will deploy about 70,000 police around the country on Saturday as the government seeks to prevent more civil unrest after some of the worst street violence in years erupted on the fringes of cost-of-living protests last weekend.

The interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, said on ⁠Friday ⁠the security forces would include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism operations and hostage rescues, adding that there had been social media calls for violence from “ultra-left” groups.

Continue reading...

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

Along with higher oil prices associated with the Iran war, Trump’s tariffs are highly unpopular with the electorate.   

Along with higher oil prices associated with the Iran war, Trump’s tariffs are highly unpopular with the electorate.   

Hal Steinbrenner was not fond of answering questions about Major League Baseball's labor negotiations with the players' association, but he came as close as possible to answering a very important one.

When asked at the New York Yankees' postmortem presser if he was in favor of a salary cap, the team's owner said he "support[s]" the owners' proposals - all of which include a cap.

"I've said before - let me put it this way as a member of the labor policy committee - I helped craft, one of many, the proposals that we have given at the bargaining table. And I support those proposals in their entirety. That's absolutely the case, so that should answer your question," Steinbrenner told reporters.

CLICK HERE FOR MORE OUTKICK SPORTS COVERAGE

"What I will say is as a member of the labor policy committee is that we are working hard on our end. We are completely focused on the task ahead of us, on the negotiating. And I'm optimistic we're gonna get a deal done, and we''e gonna get a deal done that's favorable for both sides."

Players have adamantly opposed a salary cap and said it is non-negotiable. The owners are expected to lock out the players on Dec. 1, when the current collective bargaining agreement expires.

The Yankees' $336 million payroll was the third-largest in baseball during the 2026 season, behind the Los Angeles Dodgers ($422 million) and New York Mets ($338 million).

Arguments skew both ways, but a constant has remained in that the highest payrolls continue to go up, while the lowest payrolls remain at a stall. The Marlins' payroll is actually roughly half of what it used to be in 2017, despite a sale of the team and everyone in the league making more money than ever. Meanwhile, the Dodgers have already committed more money in 2030 than 12 teams have this season.

HAL STEINBRENNER MAKES CLEAR WHO HE BLAMES FOR YANKEES' TROUBLES AS BRIAN CASHMAN MAKES ANNOUNCEMENT

MLB commissioner Rob Manfred has said that owners are simply "listening to our fans" regarding a salary cap and said it "defies human experience... to think that the bottom end of that [payroll] gap has the same opportunity to win the top end." It should be noted, though, that the National League-winning Milwaukee Brewers swept the Dodgers with the 11th-smallest payroll, and they will be facing the Tampa Bay Rays, who have the league's third-smallest payroll. They defeated the Cleveland Guardians, who rank 29th in payroll, in the American League Division Series.

Major League Baseball has never had a salary cap.

"Salary cap is the ultimate excuse not to compete. It's the ultimate excuse for an owner to say, ‘Gee, I would like to make the team better, but you know I can’t,'" interim MLBPA executive director Bruce Meyer said during the All-Star break. "Salary caps are bad for fans. Salary caps prevent teams from doing the things that they believe are in their interest to make the team better."

SIGN UP FOR THE DAILY OUTKICK NEWSLETTER

"Every team in baseball can afford to compete, many are choosing not to," Meyer added. "To me, that's the biggest problem right now."

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

Steinbrenner mentioned Wednesday that the Yankees' payroll in 2026 was the highest in franchise history.

French President Emmanuel Macron vowed Thursday to ban protests by "individuals or groups with no legitimate authority" as he blamed "ultra-left groups" for riots and looting that spread across his country.

Macron made the remarks as thousands of protesters took to the streets of Paris on Thursday, according to The Associated Press, ahead of larger demonstrations set for this weekend.

"Last Saturday we had political and seditious acts by ultra-left groups whose aim is to bring down the Republic," Macron was quoted by Reuters as saying following a meeting with intelligence officials.

The news agency reported that businesses in central Paris have started boarding up their windows over concerns of violence on Saturday. Local authorities also told Reuters that protests planned for Saturday in Lyon have been banned.

FRANCE COULD FACE EVEN WORSE DESTRUCTION WITH SECOND WEEKEND OF PLANNED RIOTS, STATE DEPT WARNS

Macron said the strategy adopted for the coming days is to ban protests requested by "individuals or groups with no legitimate authority."

"Where trade unions submit requests to hold demonstrations, prefects will examine them in accordance with the law, but alternative routes will be proposed" to protect city centers, businesses and public buildings, Macron said.

"The rules are simple, and I think they're just common sense. The general recommendation is that there should be no demonstrations in the coming days," he said. "For those who still want to protest, if they are trade unions, prefects will propose alternative routes."

Organizers of the Paris protest on Thursday said an administrative court in the city overturned a ban issued by police after they challenged it. The Paris police prefecture previously said the ban was necessary, given the risk of street violence after groups of masked youth clashed with police forces, looted shops and torched cars over the weekend.

AMERICANS WARNED ABOUT PARIS TRAVEL AFTER VIOLENCE, LOOTING AND TEAR GAS-FILLED STREETS

The protests began in France in September with calls for education reform, before expanding into larger anti-government demonstrations that French officials say are being fueled by far-left groups.

Protesters gathered peacefully and chanted in the southeastern part of Paris on Thursday while they were watched by a heavy police presence, the AP reported.

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

Thursday's planned protests were seen as a prelude to Saturday's big demonstration, when activists from the "yellow vest" movement, whose demonstrations over fuel prices shook France in 2018 and 2019, and the CGT labor union, are expected to join.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

Hal Steinbrenner was not fond of answering questions about Major League Baseball's labor negotiations with the players' association, but he came as close as possible to answering a very important one.

When asked at the New York Yankees' postmortem presser if he was in favor of a salary cap, the team's owner said he "support[s]" the owners' proposals - all of which include a cap.

"I've said before - let me put it this way as a member of the labor policy committee - I helped craft, one of many, the proposals that we have given at the bargaining table. And I support those proposals in their entirety. That's absolutely the case, so that should answer your question," Steinbrenner told reporters.

CLICK HERE FOR MORE OUTKICK SPORTS COVERAGE

"What I will say is as a member of the labor policy committee is that we are working hard on our end. We are completely focused on the task ahead of us, on the negotiating. And I'm optimistic we're gonna get a deal done, and we''e gonna get a deal done that's favorable for both sides."

Players have adamantly opposed a salary cap and said it is non-negotiable. The owners are expected to lock out the players on Dec. 1, when the current collective bargaining agreement expires.

The Yankees' $336 million payroll was the third-largest in baseball during the 2026 season, behind the Los Angeles Dodgers ($422 million) and New York Mets ($338 million).

Arguments skew both ways, but a constant has remained in that the highest payrolls continue to go up, while the lowest payrolls remain at a stall. The Marlins' payroll is actually roughly half of what it used to be in 2017, despite a sale of the team and everyone in the league making more money than ever. Meanwhile, the Dodgers have already committed more money in 2030 than 12 teams have this season.

HAL STEINBRENNER MAKES CLEAR WHO HE BLAMES FOR YANKEES' TROUBLES AS BRIAN CASHMAN MAKES ANNOUNCEMENT

MLB commissioner Rob Manfred has said that owners are simply "listening to our fans" regarding a salary cap and said it "defies human experience... to think that the bottom end of that [payroll] gap has the same opportunity to win the top end." It should be noted, though, that the National League-winning Milwaukee Brewers swept the Dodgers with the 11th-smallest payroll, and they will be facing the Tampa Bay Rays, who have the league's third-smallest payroll. They defeated the Cleveland Guardians, who rank 29th in payroll, in the American League Division Series.

Major League Baseball has never had a salary cap.

"Salary cap is the ultimate excuse not to compete. It's the ultimate excuse for an owner to say, ‘Gee, I would like to make the team better, but you know I can’t,'" interim MLBPA executive director Bruce Meyer said during the All-Star break. "Salary caps are bad for fans. Salary caps prevent teams from doing the things that they believe are in their interest to make the team better."

SIGN UP FOR THE DAILY OUTKICK NEWSLETTER

"Every team in baseball can afford to compete, many are choosing not to," Meyer added. "To me, that's the biggest problem right now."

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

Steinbrenner mentioned Wednesday that the Yankees' payroll in 2026 was the highest in franchise history.

The head of France's leading leftist trade union has called for strikes to support the youth riots after the government refused to meet demands for minimum wage hikes and more spending on education.

The post Top Leftist Trade Union Calls for Strike in Support of French Youth Revolt appeared first on Breitbart.

Fears over lack of scrutiny for key sectors as health editor position also to go in cuts aimed at saving £5.5m

The BBC will no longer have a dedicated education editor as part of a cost-cutting drive in which 100 jobs are to go across BBC News under a plan that school leaders described as “deeply regrettable”.

BBC staff have been told that the roles of education editor and social affairs editor are to be combined into a single position as part of a round of changes that will save £5.5m. However, prominent unions and campaigners are saying the reform will dilute scrutiny of two specialisms that are too important to go without a dedicated BBC role.

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© Photograph: Jeff Gilbert/Alamy

© Photograph: Jeff Gilbert/Alamy

© Photograph: Jeff Gilbert/Alamy

Equating to the loss of 5% of its 93,000 global staff, job cuts come as bank announces jump in quarterly profits

• Business live – latest updates

Barclays is cutting 5,000 jobs as part of wider cost-saving plans that its bosses say are being driven by advances in AI.

The job cuts will mean losing about 5% of the bank’s 93,000 global staff, with executives confirming they had already cut 1,000 workers since the start of the year.

Continue reading...

© Photograph: John Keeble/Getty Images

© Photograph: John Keeble/Getty Images

© Photograph: John Keeble/Getty Images

This video report was collaboratively produced and is being co-published by Workday Magazine and The Real News Network 

On the morning of June 16, 2026, 15 people were indicted by the federal government for their involvement in community organizing efforts to oppose Operation Metro Surge in Minnesota this past winter. This group of defendants have become known as the “Minnesota 15,” and over half of them are rank-and-file union members or former union members.

In this special report, collaboratively produced by Workday Magazine and The Real News Network, we speak with three of the “Minnesota 15” defendants about the charges against them and the Trump administration’s attacks on dissent and the labor movement today. Interviewees include: Treasure Thoreson (Minneapolis Federation of Educators, Local 59), Alec Stewart (Minnesota Association of Professional Employees), and Emmett Doyle (Northern Midwest Regional Council of Carpenters).

Credits (Workday Magazine):

• Reporting and editorial support: Isabela Escalona, Sarah Lazare, Amy Livingston, and Amie Stager
• Videography: Isabela Escalona and Amie Stager
• Additional photos and videos: Amie Stager and Riley Bruce
• Video editing: Isabela Escalona

Credits (TRNN):

• Post-production: Maximillian Alvarez, Jocelyn Dombroski, David Hebden, Kayla Rivara

Music:

• Emmett Doyle, “1934 Strike/Cooleys Reel/Congress Reel”
• Adobe Stock
• FineTuneMusic

Special thanks to East Side Freedom Library, Minneapolis Central Library, Hosmer Library, and Minneapolis Federation of Educators.

Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.

Treasure Thoreson:

Tuesday morning, June 16th, I had just woken up. I was in my pajamas. I hear a knock on the door at seven in the morning, and it’s a woman standing there in business clothes with a tactical vest on top that said Homeland Security.

Alec Stewart:

I was in my car backing out of my garage to go to work, coffee in hand. As soon as I backed out of my parking pad, several squads rolled up. A bunch of agents jumped out of the vehicles. I went to just text my aunt, because I have a dog. I assumed I’d be going to jail or something, and that’s when they smashed my window.

Treasure Thoreson:

I see six more agents standing in front of my house. The woman at the door, she just said, “We’re here with a warrant for your arrest for a conspiracy to harm or impede a federal officer.”.

Alec Stewart:

Exposes that while the government was targeting immigrant communities, tearing families apart, abducting children and murdering spokes in the street.

Emmett Doyle:

I had just typed in on my phone the location of the house that we were working on that day. I was boxed in by a vehicle, and so I rolled my window down to ask the guy like, “Hey, what’s the deal? You’re a pretty bad driver. What’s going on?” And then I looked around and I realized that my car had been surrounded. There was a swarm of armed federal officers with HSI on their uniforms.

Alec Stewart:

I do not think it’s a coincidence that over half of us are rank and file union folk. I think that speaks to, again, the working class nature of both the attack by the federal government and the working class predominant response to that attack.

Treasure Thoreson:

We had at least one person from every single site who was plugged into our committee and was able to get information out to their members and arm their building with the knowledge that they needed to face this kind of violence. And people stepped up in really major ways. Everybody did something, whether it was patrols or walking students to and from school, riding in a cab with a kid to and from school, making sure that their parents had rent money. There were some schools in the district that were delivering hundreds of boxes of food every week.

Emmett Doyle:

The unions that did get involved, I think understand what the labor movement is about in a way that some of our other unions have forgotten. An injury to one is an injury to all isn’t just a moral statement. It’s a hard reality of life. And the unions that stood up during Metro search understood that and demonstrated what solidarity means.

Treasure Thoreson:

We got a lot of great information from the Chicago Teachers Union who had been fighting back ice for months at the point when they came here. But we learned a lot from their struggle and were able to adapt that to fit what we were doing here in Minneapolis.

Alec Stewart:

And that was all without coercion, without money exchanging hands. That was just horizontal organizing. And I think how effective that is, how the power of mutual aid and horizontal organizing is evident because of this indictment. This wouldn’t have happened if what thousands of Minnesotans were doing hadn’t worked. I think the success of the January 23rd general strike speaks to that connection of the labor movement and just seeing the numbers and the outpouring of support for such a strike is historic.

Emmett Doyle:

I think that the general strike that happened in Minneapolis terrified the federal government. There were downtown, just hundreds of thousands of workers in the streets marching. And people have to remember this was severe sub-zero. It was a fantastic feeling of power and of joy and of resistance. And unfortunately, the next day that joy and resistance was answered tragically with the brutality of the beating and murder of Valence Preddy. But I think that the general strike was a major turning point in the regime’s logic of violence that they realized they couldn’t defeat the city.

Background music:

Stores are getting thin. There’s passing down that’s going on. Scabs anymore. We’ll put ourselves in union down this year of 34. Can’t you hear the mark? Either sign or behind. See the times get better when we hold that picket line.

Alec Stewart:

The revelation of Operation Puppet Master exposes that while the government was targeting immigrant communities, tearing families apart, abducting children and murdering our neighbors in the street, they were also attempting to disrupt and dismantle one of the facets of Minnesota that makes us so unique. And that is our strong and unified labor movement.

Isaac Sant:

This is not just an attack on me and my friends and our little group. This is an attack on our entire community. They were spying on us from day one. In fact, five days before Operation Metro Surge was declared on November 28th, they began spying on our organizations. These prosecutions were inevitable. Somebody was going to be on trial in there. If it wasn’t us, it was going to be somebody else. It was going to be one of you. We were being prosecuted for doing something that every single person that everybody and their mom in Twin Cities did to resist their federal occupation.

Emmett Doyle:

This case is meant to intimidate the entire community. It’s meant to tie up the time and efforts of many activists. But beyond that, as a conspiracy case, what they’re trying to do is set up a situation where they can expand and expand and expand the conspiracy. They’re trying to use our own solidarity and close-knit community against us through guilt by association.

Treasure Thoreson:

They want us to be separated. They want to separate out the good protestors from the bad protestor. I don’t want folks to feel afraid to stand up for their neighbor and do the right thing.

Alec Stewart:

It was such an obvious threat on what the Twin Cities is all about, which is community connections and helping each other’s neighbors. And the face of fascism, complacency, I think has no place. I think there was just a very justified feeling of standing up.

Emmett Doyle:

The support and solidarity towards us by our community has been overwhelming in just the most amazing way. I

Treasure Thoreson:

Think that they see our ability to bring people together as threatening. However, going after the 15 of us isn’t going to stop anything in Minneapolis or the Twin Cities because this is a place full of great organizers. We can’t let them bully us out of doing the right thing. We need to stand strong in our values and our morals and know that we are protecting our neighbors and that is the right thing to do. They’re afraid of us and that’s why we’re getting this response.

💾

SEIU Local 1000, representing nurses and teachers, pushing for higher wages, telework and affordable healthcare

Thousands of California state workers began a sweeping one-day strike on Wednesday, with workers set to rally outside government buildings in several cities, as tensions boiled over lapsed contract negotiations with Governor Gavin Newsom’s administration.

SEIU Local 1000, a union that represents roughly 100,000 public employees, including nurses and teachers, has been pushing for higher wages, flexible telework and affordable healthcare.

Continue reading...

© Photograph: Jae C Hong/AP

© Photograph: Jae C Hong/AP

© Photograph: Jae C Hong/AP

The government is meeting today with the social partners as part of the Social Dialogue, at a time when trade union confederations are calling for an upward revision of the

The post Minimum wage: government meets social partners as unions push for more appeared first on Portugal Resident.

The civil servants’ union federation ADEDY has called a strike on Wednesday, October 21, from 11:00 in the morning until the end of the day’s shift. The strike action applies to all employees, regardless of their employment terms, in public-sector services throughout the country. Supported by pupils and university students, the teachers unions have called […]

The post Civil Servants, Culture unions join Teachers’ strike, Students’ protests on Oct 21 appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

At a protest against a bill to legalize Waymo in Washington, D.C., earlier in October, the main tagline was: "Robotaxis don't vote; we vote." Little is known about the group behind it, raising questions about who's fueling the pushback against robotaxis in America's major cities.

People First Transportation Alliance (PFTA), the organization in question, describes itself as a "statewide coalition of labor unions" dedicated to putting "people over untested technology." The PFTA states it's a "coalition of community organizations, safe-streets advocates, and faith leaders." However, as The Washington Post reported on Monday, the group appears to have overstated its affiliation with four of the 13 individuals and organizations listed as its founding members.

"Several groups and individuals said statements made about them on the Transportation Alliance website were inaccurate," the Post reported, adding that PFTA "appears to be newly formed, with a minimal social media presence. Its website domain was created in late April, according to the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers." The group created its social media accounts in May, but it has no posts and no followers. 

Apart from its recent interest in the nation's capital, the PFTA lists New York and Philadelphia as its priorities, two cities led by lawmakers who publicly oppose Waymo's presence. Yet for a relatively unknown, recently created organization, the PFTA has found success in its campaign to shut autonomous vehicles like Waymo out of America's Northeast.

In February, the New York Post reported that Gov. Kathy Hochul (D–N.Y.) withdrew her own proposal—which would have allowed commercial robotaxi services such as Waymo to operate in smaller cities in upstate New York—after a PFTA-led coalition prompted enough backlash to kill support for the measure. A Hochul spokesperson told the Post that it was "clear that the support was not there to advance this proposal." 

The PFTA told the Post that the organization would urge the state to "pass legislation requiring a human driver behind the wheel in every vehicle and a comprehensive study leading to a plan to address the impact driverless cars would have on New York State." 

The group's resolution comes despite customer support for autonomous vehicles: A 2025 study on Waymo, Uber, and Lyft by Obi—a company that aggregates real-time rideshare prices—found that 70 percent of riders who've used Waymo preferred it over Lyft or Uber and 42.7 percent of all respondents were willing to pay Waymo's premium price (up to $10 more) to use the service.

Despite consumer support, autonomous vehicles can't count on a fair shake from lawmakers in some of the country's largest cities. In New York City, Waymo's permit to operate a pilot program on public streets expired in March. Mayor Zohran Mamdani has so far been noncommittal on renewing the company's permit. At a press conference that same month, he said his administration would be prioritizing workers such as the city's taxi drivers who "for far too long, have been sold a dream of being able to work their way to the middle class, only to have the rug pulled out from under them." 

Despite the mystery surrounding the PFTA, its D.C. protest drew enough public support to elicit a statement from a person who will likely be the city's next mayor, current D.C. Councilmember Janeese Lewis George. In a post on X, Lewis George said D.C. was "facing a jobs crisis" that would be exacerbated by "rushing the legalization of autonomous vehicles." She urged the D.C. Council—which is currently considering a punitive proposal to legalize commercial autonomous vehicles—to "get this right and not rush Waymo legislation this year."

It's unclear how much longer Lewis George wants the District's residents to wait before autonomous vehicles are available for use. D.C.'s approach to legalizing commercial robotaxis hardly seems rushed. 

Waymo began testing its vehicles in the city nearly two and a half years ago, in spring 2024. The company's co-CEO Tekedra N. Mawakana said its fleet has driven "more than 300,000 miles in Washington, D.C."Meanwhile, the District Department of Transportation (DDOT) has been conducting studies and organizing working groups on autonomous vehicles for nearly a decade. Still, the agency has been unable to draft a regulatory framework that would eventually enable commercial robotaxi use in the nation's capital. In March, UrbanTurf reported that DDOT would be conducting a long-awaited study on autonomous vehicles—originally due in 2022—and "expects to propose recommendations on AV deployment later this year."

Opponents of autonomous vehicles, such as Lewis George and the PFTA, often cite job loss as a reason not to legalize the tech. Still, with only 200 full-time ride-share drivers in a city of roughly 400,000 workers, as Lewis George has reportedly stated, the situation is a far cry from a crisis.

As for PFTA's public safety claims, Waymo's independently reviewed data show that, compared with an average human driver over the same distance, its vehicles caused 95 percent fewer serious-injury-or-worse crashes and 93 percent fewer pedestrian crashes with serious injuries.

PFTA claims it represents the people most directly affected by transportation policy. The little publicly available information suggests the group is more focused on protecting its members' position in the ride-share market than enhancing the experience of riders, who are increasingly opting for robotaxis when given the opportunity.

The post A Months-Old Anti-Robotaxi Group Is Steering Transportation Policy From Albany to D.C. appeared first on Reason Magazine.

EU ministers have discussed how to make labour standards compatible with modern technological conditions and workplace culture, such as telework and AI-led staff oversight, without losing competitiveness.

The law in question, called the Quality Jobs Act, covers a wide range of work protection measures, such as common standards for being able to ‘go home’ and disconnect from remote work, and limits to AI role in recruitment or its scrutiny of workers’ performance.

Technological innovation should “benefit both workers and businesses,” said Portuguese labour minister Maria do Rosário Palma Ramalho, addressing the ministers’ council on Monday (19 October) in Luxembourg.

Human oversight is essential, especially where AI systems decide on recruitment or workers’ assessment, she said.

Next to innovation, labour rules needed to ensure “fair and transparent practices, respect for human workers’ rights … and effective social dialog,” said Roxana Mînzatu, the EU commissioner for employment.

“This revolutionary technology has to be regulated” so that it “delivers for all,” Isabelle Schömann, the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) deputy general secretary had also said during a conference organised by the centre-left S&D group in the European Parliament on 14 October, commenting on the need for the Quality Jobs Act to curb AI.

The draft Quality Jobs Act that the European Commission plans to present in December aims to update the long out of date 1989 and 1990 health and safety workplace rules.

It would also protect subcontractors and create standards for working in heatwaves, becoming more frequent with climate change.

EU legislators need to ensure minimum standards so that “neither jobs nor businesses are jeopardised” with extreme weather, Yolanda Díaz Pérez, the Spanish labour minister, said ahead of Monday’s debate.

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As the Trump administration's short-lived Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) project implemented its plan to downsize the federal workforce, there was much wailing from the liberal institutions in Washington, D.C.

Federal employee unions filed lawsuits to block the effort. NPR ran profiles of federal workers who, for the first time, faced the prospect of potentially not having absolute job security forever. The Brookings Institution wondered how many jobs the federal government could shed before it crashes.

The answer: plenty. The Trump administration has cut more than 10 percent of the federal workforce, and the government hasn't crashed. Indeed, it hasn't even shrunk—if you're counting by dollars spent instead of people employed.

In a new article for City Journal, Manhattan Institute senior fellow Judge Glock highlights the tremendous gap between the dire predictions about DOGE's cuts and the reality that has emerged, more than a year after DOGE was shut down. Despite having only a modest impact on spending, Glock writes, DOGE "had a massive impact on the federal civil service."

This is true—to a point, more on that in a moment—and notable. Aside from a modest downsizing in the 1990s, the number of people employed by the federal government has been steadily growing for decades. Reversing that trend is one of the few genuinely libertarian accomplishments by the Trump administration.

The cuts to the federal workforce prove that "DOGE worked," argues Glock.

Well, hold on.

Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy (who departed the DOGE project before Trump's inauguration and is now running for governor of Ohio) set some very ambitious goals after being appointed DOGE co-chairs in late 2024. In an op-ed for The Wall Street Journal in November 2024 where they promised "we won't just write reports or cut ribbons. We'll cut costs."

Musk repeatedly attached some rather absurd numbers to that promise. He said DOGE would cut $1 trillion or even $2 trillion in federal spending. In the end, it didn't come close. By DOGE's own (questionable) accounting, it cut $170 billion. Meanwhile, overall federal spending has increased in each of Trump's first two years in office, and the budget deficit has widened as well.

Yes, Musk and Ramaswamy also said they would reduce the federal workforce. But that was presented as a natural consequence of cutting spending, not as the primary goal.

Think about it like this. If I spent months promising my friends and family that I would lose 50 pounds on a new diet, and then didn't lose any weight, would it be fair to say the diet worked?

What if I reduced the number of donuts I eat every day, but still didn't lose any weight? Sure, that might be good for my health in some way—just like reducing unnecessary workers in the federal government is good for America's fiscal health—but it certainly wouldn't mean I had achieved the goal of losing weight.

Finally, even the claim that DOGE cut the federal workforce requires an asterisk. As Glock also notes in his report, the decline in federal workers has been offset by an increase in federal contractors.

It's not a one-for-one trade, of course. The new contractors are overwhelmingly concentrated in places like the Department of Homeland Security and the Pentagon, while the cuts mostly targeted other areas, like the Department of Health and Human Services.

"Most of that increase came from the buildup in homeland-security and defense contracting, including purchases such as surveillance aircraft and tanks, rather than substitutes for government workers," Glock writes. "DOGE achieved real contract savings, but these were more than offset by higher spending elsewhere, reflecting a shift in priorities rather than an overall reduction in contracting."

So, the government is eating fewer donuts but more pizza.

There might be libertarian reasons to prefer contractors over government employees. They are less likely to hold those jobs for life, for one. But there's nothing inherently good about a government policy that cuts jobs in some areas just to create more room in the budget for poorly trained immigration enforcement agents and defense contractors. That may even be a negative outcome for liberty.

In the end, the DOGE project looks less like a meaningful attempt at cutting government spending or employment levels and more like a way to purge parts of the federal workforce likely to get in Trump's way during his second term. "As long as [Trump's] larger commitment is to extending his power rather than rolling back power itself, you shouldn't expect the government to stop growing," as Reason's Jesse Walker wrote last year in comparing DOGE to President Richard Nixon's attempted purge of the civil service.

Did DOGE work? Only if you grade it on a pretty dramatic curve.

Yes, it proved that a president can slash bureaucratic jobs—particularly the bloated managerial and administrative types—without doing much damage to the government's core responsibilities. That's a lesson future administrations should remember.

Maybe, someday, a president will try applying the same logic to government spending too.

The post DOGE Worked? Only If You Grade on a Curve. appeared first on Reason Magazine.

French authorities are preparing for hundreds of demonstrations on Saturday, 17 October, as student unrest converges with protests over living costs, public spending and government policy. Up to 40,000 demonstrators are expected in Paris, where police and organisers remain divided over march routes.

France is preparing for a nationwide wave of demonstrations on Saturday, 17 October, with approximately 500 protest actions under consideration and more than 90 marches being organised, according to the Interior Ministry. The mobilisation brings together high-school students, trade unions, farmers and supporters of the Yellow Vest movement, raising the prospect of further confrontation after nearly a month of unrest.

Police estimates suggest that around 40,000 demonstrators could gather in Paris, with approximately 150,000 more expected elsewhere in France. The figures remain preliminary, while authorities warn that some protests could involve road blockades, disruption to essential infrastructure and violent clashes.

Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez initially outlined preparations for 250 gatherings and 80 marches on Friday morning. Subsequent assessments from his office indicated that as many as 500 actions were being considered, although not all had been formally organised.

Paris Faces Dispute Over Demonstration Routes

The authorities are particularly concerned about developments in the capital, where negotiations between police and protest organisers have failed to produce agreement over the proposed routes.

Paris police prefect Patrice Faure has rejected proposals for marches terminating near the Opéra district or Place de la Concorde, citing security concerns surrounding central government institutions.

According to details of the security preparations, police have proposed an alternative route between Place de la Bastille and Place de Clichy. The CGT trade union and climate campaigners have accepted the proposal, but student organisations and Yellow Vest representatives continue to oppose it.

Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu has convened an interministerial crisis unit to coordinate the government’s response. Security officials have warned that attempts to obstruct major transport routes or critical infrastructure will not be tolerated.

The Interior Ministry has also indicated that stun grenades, whose use was suspended during the student protests, could again be deployed in cases of particularly serious urban violence.

Yellow Vests Return Amid Rising Living Costs

Saturday’s demonstrations are being promoted as a revival of the Yellow Vest movement, which emerged in 2018 following opposition to fuel taxation before developing into a broader protest against living costs, economic inequality and government policy.

The latest mobilisation has gathered support from organisations demanding measures to address rising fuel, energy and food prices. Campaigners are also challenging the government’s proposed 2027 budget and its implications for public services.

The agricultural union Confédération paysanne has called on farmers to join the demonstrations, arguing that rising agricultural fuel costs and deteriorating conditions in rural communities have increased pressure on producers.

The union has also linked its demands to environmental policy, public-service provision and access to affordable food.

The CGT, student unions and climate organisations have similarly expressed support for the protests, while political backing has come from La France Insoumise and the French Communist Party.

Student Protests Enter Their Fourth Week

The mobilisation follows weeks of demonstrations involving secondary-school pupils, teachers and public-sector workers. What began as protests over shortages of teachers, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating school buildings has developed into a nationwide confrontation over education policy and policing.

As EU Today previously reported, between 400 and 500 secondary schools faced partial or complete disruption earlier this month as students organised blockades and demonstrations.

The movement has subsequently expanded beyond its original educational demands, with student organisations raising concerns about university admissions procedures, police tactics and government spending priorities.

The scale of the unrest has placed considerable pressure on French authorities. According to figures from the Justice Ministry, 6,877 people were placed in police custody during the protests between late September and 8 October, approximately 86 per cent of them minors.

Violence during the demonstrations has resulted in injuries among police officers, students and educational staff. Clashes on 8 October led to 504 arrests and injuries to 48 police officers, according to Interior Ministry figures.

Education Minister Édouard Geffray has announced emergency measures to address teacher shortages, including the deployment of replacement teachers. The ministry says 2,000 of the 3,000 promised replacements have already been assigned, but student organisations maintain that the measures are insufficient.

Growing Pressure on the French Government

The planned demonstrations come as France faces a difficult debate over public spending, taxation and the 2027 budget. Lecornu’s government must balance demands for higher salaries and increased investment in education against mounting pressure to reduce the deficit.

France’s deteriorating public finances have already attracted scrutiny from eurozone partners, while domestic opposition to spending restraint has become a central issue ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

The convergence of student organisations, trade unions and Yellow Vest campaigners could broaden the protests beyond the education sector, particularly if demonstrations over living costs attract participants who have not joined the recent school protests.

However, the extent of that mobilisation remains uncertain. Online protest maps contain substantially more proposed actions than the authorities’ estimates, and participation figures will not be established until Saturday.

For the government, the immediate test will be whether the demonstrations remain peaceful and whether the authorities can prevent disruption to transport networks and public services without provoking further confrontations with protesters.