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‘We’re not playing games’: Parents launch playground protests to fight school field sell-off

School looking to sell piece of open land beloved by people in Devon town to fund refurbishments

On Saturdays throughout autumn, residents of Totnes have met at a field on the banks of the River Dart to play ballgames, fly kites or simply sit on the grass and chat.

But it hasn’t just been about having fun – this has been a “play protest” aimed at trying to save a beloved piece of open land in the historic Devon market town.

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© Photograph: Jim Wileman/The Guardian

© Photograph: Jim Wileman/The Guardian

© Photograph: Jim Wileman/The Guardian

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This CEO is on his 4th chief of staff in 5 years — by choice

Man wearing a suit and tie smiling
Covista CEO Steve Beard recently hired his fourth chief of staff.

Eric Ogden

  • Covista CEO Steve Beard treats the chief of staff role as a rotating post, not a permanent job.
  • He said the first one he hired told him he talked too much in meetings — feedback he welcomed.
  • The downside, Beard said, is having to replace someone performing at the peak of their abilities.

Most chiefs of staff don't stick around for very long. Covista CEO Steve Beard sees that as a feature, not a bug.

Since taking the helm at the healthcare education giant five years ago, Beard has appointed four chiefs of staff, with a few months of overlap between hires to preserve continuity. He treats the role as a leadership rotation rather than a permanent job, bringing in people with backgrounds that match his evolving needs.

His first chief of staff specialized in finance, the second in strategy, the third in technology, and the fourth, who started recently, in management consulting.

"Each of my chiefs of staff has looked different because I've been in a different place in my own journey at the time that they've come on board," Beard told Business Insider. "It really is defined by the leader and the moment."

The median tenure for chiefs of staff is 2.3 years, a length that reflects both the job's intensity and its potential as a springboard to more senior positions, according to a 2024 report from McKinsey.

That is also roughly the amount of time Beard said he considers appropriate for the job — and long enough for those in it to advance their careers afterward. His first chief of staff moved into a CFO role at one of Covista's universities, and the second became a vice president overseeing the company's business-to-business operations and clinical partnerships. The third is preparing to become a vice president of enterprise pricing.

"It takes about one year to really get in a groove," said Beard. "By the time you're approaching three years, that's a pretty grueling pace."

The demands of the job help explain why. Beard oversees five educational institutions that train students for careers in healthcare. Most weekdays, he said he's at his desk around 7 a.m. and leaves after 6 p.m. His chief of staff works closely with him throughout, starting with a 15-minute meeting to review priorities and prepare for what's ahead. They stay in close contact when apart and occasionally travel together.

Beard said a key part of the job for his chiefs of staff is to give him honest feedback about how he interacts with his executive team, clients, investors, and others. He recalled how his first chief of staff told him he was talking too much in leadership meetings. He began holding back, allowing others to share their views before weighing in.

"I found that I actually learned more by listening to the conversation amongst the team," said Beard.

When he's ready to bring on a new chief of staff, Beard said he taps a variety of channels to identify potential candidates, including his own network, traditional search, and Covista's existing employee base. Of the four he's hired, two came from within the company.

Beard said he looks for people who can influence without relying on authority, build strong relationships, bring a fresh perspective, and move comfortably between strategy and execution.

Once on board, Beard said he asks his new right-hand advisors to take a fresh look at his routine and suggest modifications or improvements. One reorganized his executive team's meeting cadence, another introduced AI into office workflows, and his newest chief of staff is leading a five-year retrospective on his tenure to help shape the company's next chapter.

Beard's revolving-door strategy isn't without drawbacks. He said replacing a chief of staff means giving up someone who is performing at the peak of their abilities and starting over with someone who needs time to build the same rapport and shorthand.

"You do have to slow down to speed up a bit," he said.

Read the original article on Business Insider

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Azerbaijan’s Hijab Ban Sparks Protests and Deepens Rift with Turkey

Restrictions on Islamic headscarves in Azerbaijan’s schools have triggered demonstrations, arrests and an unusually public confrontation between Baku and Ankara.

The dispute has exposed differences over secularism, religious freedom and Azerbaijan’s relationship with Israel, raising questions about the durability of one of the region’s closest strategic alliances.

Azerbaijan is facing an unusual wave of protests after new school dress regulations led to girls wearing Islamic headscarves being excluded from classrooms and teachers reportedly being ordered to remove their hijabs. The controversy has escalated into a diplomatic dispute with Turkey, whose governing party has been accused by President Ilham Aliyev’s administration of interfering in Azerbaijan’s internal affairs.

The confrontation intensified on 13 October when Azerbaijan’s ruling New Azerbaijan Party (YAP) publicly condemned senior figures in President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). The dispute has since widened to encompass Azerbaijan’s relations with Israel, exposing political differences between two countries accustomed to describing themselves as “one nation, two states”.

School regulations provoke protests and arrests

The controversy began on 21 September, when Azerbaijan’s government adopted Resolution No. 309, amending the regulations governing uniforms in state schools. The changes prohibit clothing that conflicts with prescribed uniforms or the secular character of public education.

Although the new regulations do not explicitly mention Islamic headscarves, some schools have interpreted them as prohibiting the hijab. A further decision on 6 October introduced similar requirements for teachers. Women in Baku and Sumgayit subsequently reported being instructed to remove their headscarves or risk losing their positions.

The enforcement of these regulations prompted demonstrations outside schools, with girls carrying placards demanding access to education. Male pupils also joined protests in support of their classmates. Such demonstrations are unusual in Azerbaijan, where public assemblies face extensive restrictions.

On 12 October, the Interior Ministry reported that 37 people had been detained in Baku, alleging disruption of public order, damage to property and obstruction of school activities. Activists claimed that more than 200 people had been detained, although that higher figure has not been independently confirmed.

In a statement issued on 16 October, Amnesty International criticised the exclusion of pupils and called for the release of peaceful demonstrators. The organisation also raised concerns over the reported detention of a mother protesting her daughter’s exclusion and the disappearance of an activist who had organised educational assistance for affected children.

Access to TikTok and Instagram was disrupted as the protests spread online. Internet monitoring organisations documented restrictions, although Azerbaijani authorities have not publicly explained their cause.

Turkey challenges Azerbaijan’s secular policy

The dispute acquired an international dimension when Oktay Saral, a senior adviser to Erdoğan, condemned the exclusion of girls wearing headscarves.

In a public statement on 12 October, Saral questioned how preventing a girl from attending school because of her religious clothing could be reconciled with justice. He demanded that Azerbaijan reverse the restrictions. Several AKP parliamentarians subsequently joined the criticism.

The response from Baku was unusually confrontational. In its official statement, the New Azerbaijan Party accused Turkish political figures and media organisations of conducting a systematic campaign against Azerbaijan.

The party argued that religious solidarity did not entitle one Muslim-majority country to dictate another’s domestic policies. It described the Turkish politicians’ interventions as irresponsible and warned against attempts to interfere with Azerbaijan’s sovereignty.

The disagreement reflects contrasting approaches to secularism. Azerbaijan, a predominantly Shia Muslim country, has maintained strict state control over religious institutions since independence from the Soviet Union. Turkey, by contrast, has progressively removed restrictions on Islamic headscarves under Erdoğan’s government, reversing policies previously associated with its secular establishment.

Israel adds another source of tension

The dispute has also reopened disagreements concerning Azerbaijan’s relationship with Israel.

Baku maintains substantial security and defence cooperation with Israel, including military technology and equipment supplied during its conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh. Turkey supported Azerbaijan during that conflict but has adopted an increasingly confrontational position towards Israel.

As EU Today has previously examined, the relationships between Turkey, Azerbaijan and Israel reveal competing strategic interests beneath Ankara and Baku’s declared solidarity.

In its October statement, the New Azerbaijan Party specifically rejected criticism of Azerbaijani-Israeli relations, insisting that its dealings with Israel were legitimate bilateral arrangements. The inclusion of Israel in a response ostensibly concerning school uniforms indicates that the disagreement extends beyond religious clothing.

A further escalation emerged on 16 October when Azerbaijani prosecutors announced charges against Turkish journalist Celal Çiftçi, accusing him of advocating the violent overthrow of the Azerbaijani government in social media posts connected to the controversy. An arrest warrant was reportedly issued in his absence. Prosecutors did not publish the posts, and Çiftçi’s response was not available.

Could the dispute break the Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance?

Despite the increasingly hostile exchanges, there is little evidence of an imminent diplomatic rupture.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan travelled to Baku on 15 October and met President Aliyev. The meeting addressed recent developments in bilateral relations, while Fidan publicly emphasised the enduring strategic partnership between the countries.

He acknowledged that differences could arise but argued that they should be resolved through direct dialogue rather than political confrontations on social media. Senior AKP figures have also sought to reduce tensions, stressing respect for Azerbaijan’s sovereign decisions.

The relationship extends far beyond shared language and cultural identity. Turkish military cooperation has been central to Azerbaijan’s regional security policy, while energy infrastructure and transport corridors connect the countries economically. Ankara also remains an important actor in the changing strategic balance of the South Caucasus.

For the European Union, the confrontation is relevant because Azerbaijan remains an important energy supplier and trading partner, while Turkey occupies a central position in regional transport and security arrangements.

The immediate question is whether Baku will reconsider the application of its school regulations. The wider political dispute concerns the extent to which Turkey can criticise Azerbaijan’s domestic policies without jeopardising a partnership that both governments have consistently presented as a cornerstone of their foreign policy.

The public confrontation has exposed differences that had previously been managed within the bilateral relationship. However, Fidan’s intervention and the continued diplomatic engagement suggest that both governments are seeking to contain the dispute rather than dismantle their alliance.

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