This week, Mark Leonard is joined by Jörg Lau, international correspondent at Die Zeit and Jana Puglierin, head of ECFR’s Berlin office, to explore the political turmoil in Germany ahead of an electoral autumn. Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s government is becoming increasingly unpopular: it faces collapsing approval ratings, growing tension within the governing coalition and mounting pressure from the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD).
As regional elections approach, Jana argues that Germany’s traditional parties face difficult choices that could reshape the country’s political landscape, while Jörg discusses what the AfD’s rise means for Germany. A “firewall” has kept mainstream parties from cooperating with the far right in the post-war period—but Jörg reflects on the strain this is under, and whether the AfD’s first taste of regional power could transform German politics.
Together, Mark, Jörg and Jana assess the prospects for Merz’s leadership, the future of the CDU and whether Germany’s political centre can withstand such pressure. Are established parties capable of renewing themselves? What happens if the AfD makes gains at the regional level? And what would prolonged instability in Berlin mean for Europe?
This podcast episode was recorded on August 12th 2026.
Bookshelf
The Names, by Florence Knapp
The Nights Are Quiet in Tehran, by Shida Bazyar
The Invite, by Olivia Wilde
Many—perhaps most—Trump administration foreign policy initiatives find ways to make money for people selected by Trump officials. These deals unjustly enrich a chosen few.
They can also create facts on the ground that could bequeath problems to the next US administration. For example, grants of property rights to friends and family by the Trump-controlled Board of Peace could decide who has land and money in Gaza. This would limit the discretion of any approach that aims to increase Palestinians’ role in the place they live in. Other peace deals contain similar long tails.
To address this threat to peace around the world, the next US administration should introduce anti-corruption sanctions from its first day in office. The new administration could bar non-US persons or institutions involved in such transactions from the US itself and from the American financial system. To do this, the administration would use the Global Magnitsky Act and related executive orders, including the Trump-issued executive order 13818.
Europeans can help this along even now. They can begin to declare their expectations that a new US administration will break from the practice of enriching chosen insiders. Such statements will influence preparations for the new administration. Over the next two years, Europeans can also preserve information about US insider dealing while publicly refusing to support or finance such deals where European interests are involved, including in the south Caucasus, Western Balkans, Gaza, Russia and Ukraine. And they can shore up their own sanctions and anti-corruption regimes.
Starting discussions about sanctions now will also send a message about the importance of professional, thorough investigations by journalists, civil society, and especially by congressional committees if Democrats take control of the House or Senate. This information can inform decisions about sanctions. Clear signalling from American and European political leaders now may deter potential foreign partners of the current administration from entering into corrupt deals over the remaining two years of the administration.
Sanctions will not provide complete answers in any situation, and they may not be appropriate in some instances. An understanding of how they work will clarify their importance and some of their limitations.
Executive order 13818 authorises sanctions against any “foreign person” (that is, not a US citizen or person) who participated in:
corruption, including the misappropriation of state assets, the expropriation of private assets for personal gain, corruption related to government contracts or the extraction of natural resources, or bribery
The commercial aspects of President Donald Trump’s foreign policy appear to fall squarely into this framework. Even if not every instance is found to involve corruption, a close look is warranted. For example, Kazakh authorities were reportedly pressed to award a valuable mineral concession to a specific American company (associated with US political insiders, including the president’s family) while the administration considered financing for the development and export of the minerals. This was not an effort to promote a fair process in which American companies could compete—a staple of US government advocacy in any administration—but an attempt to short-circuit the normal process. It appears to involve the essence of the behaviour targeted by the Magnitsky act and executive order.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, a specific American company was newly created by two US citizens with no relevant experience but with a track record of supporting the president (and one of whom is the brother of a senior official in the first Trump administration). The US lobbied for this company to receive a lucrative concession for a natural gas pipeline, and the US demanded the resignation of a reluctant international official.
American sanctions apply only to non-American citizens. It may seem unfair to leave US beneficiaries of a scheme out of a US response. But the administration’s power to require foreign persons or institutions to provide all relevant information about suspect transactions could impede the activities that unjustly enrich American insiders.
Further, by the end of the Trump administration, many insiders (and possibly some foreign persons) are likely to be covered by presidential pardons. This could make it difficult, if not impossible, to proceed with US criminal investigations, at least not without extensive litigation while the US justice system recovers from Trump’s attacks on its capacity. This could make a new administration look feckless, and foreign partners may expect that Trumpian practices will return in future administrations. Crucially, sanctions are not subject to the pardon power, and their emphasis on non-US persons and institutions will provide some protection against charges that they are part of a partisan agenda.
Another concern may be that sanctions have generally been adopted after careful review by relevant US agencies, including the Justice Department. Given the amount of information available, a reasonable basis for a decision on sanctions can be prepared for day one of a new administration. This decision can be accompanied by a provision that reviews will follow as new information becomes available and US government agencies rebuild enough capacity to conduct them.
The investigative resources of European governments, the US Congress (or parts controlled by Democrats after the 2026 midterms), civil society and independent journalism will provide an ample, well-documented basis for sanctions in many instances. By inviting those who might be subject to sanctions to provide information, the effort will gather more information, more quickly, aiding in decisions about priorities for further sanctions or investigations by congressional or law enforcement authorities.
Significantly, early sanctions may be necessary for a new administration to deliver on promises it makes on issues of foreign and domestic policy. For example, the Trump administration is seeking to have rights to minerals critical to US industrialisation granted to its preferred partners, including in Central Asia, Ukraine and eastern Congo. Individuals holding these rights would be important stakeholders in any policy shifts, even though they may have obtained the rights through insider dealing and could be opposed to the direction a new administration would like to take on policy.
The leverage provided by a policy of using sanctions may be a key instrument of foreign policy
The same situation could occur in other locations. In addition to the examples of Gaza and the Western Balkans noted above, in Venezuela, if a democratic government emerges, it may face challenges from Trump-affiliated companies accustomed to working with Maduro-regime holdovers kept in place by Trump and Marco Rubio. Control of a key trade route from Central Asia to global markets, along with a US-taxpayer funded investment vehicle, is said to be in the process of being placed under the control of a Trump-associated individual. In each instance, more knowledge about what deals are in place and how they came to be will improve both policy and decisions on sanctions. The leverage provided by a policy of using sanctions may be a key instrument of foreign policy.
The list goes on. Even before his second inauguration, a Trump-owned business accepted a $500m investment from a fund controlled by a member of the United Arab Emirates’ ruling family; within weeks the UAE received an exemption to purchase high-end computer chips. A Chinese businessman purchased $50m in a Trump-owned crypto business (part of the president’s $1.2bn windfall from crypto in 2025); weeks later his US criminal problems were resolved by the president.
If other jurisdictions like the EU and Britain join new American sanctions efforts, the costs to the non-US individuals and institutions affected will be real. To do this, the EU might consider how its rule of law initiatives, including its investigative bodies such as OLAF or the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, could prepare to work alongside US sanctions authorities. It could propose that the EU and the US return to coordinating assistance programmes to reinforce public procurement reforms. Various European states have national anti-corruption sanctions programmes; more should consider adopting them.
Some will worry that rapid deployment of sanctions may distract from a new administration’s positive agenda. This will depend on the strength of that agenda. Europeans can help make clear that they regard this as a false choice: a break from the insider dealing of the Trump administration should be part of a new, positive plan for government. This will make it easier for a new administration to adopt sanctions policy as part of leaving Trump practices firmly in the past.
There will, of course, be difficult decisions around the application of sanctions. Not every example of insider dealing will be proven to be corrupt. Some potential targets of sanctions may be important to other US administration initiatives, and if the new administration defers sanctions it may be subject to accusations of hypocrisy. Other countries may object strongly to seeing their institutions or citizens named in sanctions documents. A new administration will face many choices like this; people who want to exercise power from Washington therefore need to prepare now and confront the choice early. It is better to start with a strong tool like sanctions rather than to disarm everywhere pre-emptively in order to avoid hard choices in a few places.
Wise observers of democratic transitions have said that democrats taking power after corrupt regimes should seek to be quick, effective and legal; but that they can be only two of the three. But sanctions might get a new administration closer to three out of three. They provide a legal tool that will help the next administration be quick and effective in stopping the insider enrichment typical of Trump foreign policy while coming with limits (no targeting of US citizens) and with the ability to adjust quickly. By taking up this tool, it will free itself of shackles that would come from those who seek to control the land and property important to peace in many parts of the world. But this will come to pass only if people begin to talk about it now. European leaders have the ability to help make sure that happens.
This week, Mark Leonard is joined by Adriana Abdenur, a Brazilian policy expert and co-president of the Global Fund for a New Economy, and Jorge Castañeda, former foreign minister of Mexico and professor at Sciences Po, to explore debates about development and ideas of strategic autonomy across Latin America.
Jorge explains why China’s role is varied across the region, arguing that Mexico and much of Central America remain deeply constrained by their economic ties to the US. Adriana discusses Brazil’s long tradition of strategic autonomy, describing how policymakers engage with China as both an economic partner and a source of ideas on development, technology and global governance.
Together, Mark, Adriana and Jorge explore how intensifying US-China competition is reshaping the region’s choices. Can Latin American countries balance relations with both powers? Is China a model, a market or simply another partner in a multipolar world? And what does strategic autonomy look like in an increasingly coercive geopolitical environment?
This podcast episode was recorded on July 31st 2026.
Bookshelf
Latin American Foreign Policies in the New World Order: The Active Non-Alignment Option, by Carlos Ominami, Jorge Heine and Carlos Fortín
Manifesto Antropófago (Cannibal Manifesto), by Oswald de Andrade
Reluctance among German decision-makers has long stopped Berlin taking a tougher economic approach towards China. When France, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Spain recently pressed the European Commission for tougher measures and faster trade defence action against China, Germany not only declined to join, it even called for stronger industrial ties with Beijing.
Yet, one thing Berlin should not worry about is voters’ disapproval should it pursue a more hawkish China policy. ECFR polling data find that Germans are the most China-sceptical out of 15 European countries surveyed. No fewer than 60% of Christian Democrat and Social Democrat supporters regard the country as an adversary or rival. In contrast, elsewhere in Europe, majorities still see China as either a “necessary partner” or even an ally. In Italy and Spain, 56% and 65% of people hold this view respectively. (Closest to the sceptical Germans are the French public; President Emmanuel Macron’s increasingly hawkish political posture vis-à-vis Beijing may have found an audience willing to listen.)
The China shock has hit Germany particularly hard: its manufacturing sector lost around 420,000 jobs between 2019 and 2025 and it continues to shed 10,000 jobs each month. The car industry is paying the highest costs, being squeezed out of a market increasingly dominated by Chinese manufacturers at home and abroad.
The mood in the European Council is shifting, and with Germany’s acquiescence. When EU leaders met in June 2026, they backed a stronger trade defence toolbox of existing measures against China. This included instruments such as the Industrial Accelerator Act’s “Buy European” provisions and limits on high-risk Chinese technology. Despite its past hesitations, Germany no longer acts as a spoiler on firmer EU action, and it has cautiously supported this new direction. Nevertheless, the combination of growing public scepticism towards China, mounting pressure on German industry and appetite for a more assertive policy on the European level creates a political mandate that German decision-makers could yet seize.
The German public’s views on the energy transition should also prove encouraging for their leaders. Voters want to see investment in renewables: 57% back what would amount to the growing electrification of the economy. Across the countries polled by ECFR, 61% of respondents say they support prioritising renewables and the clean tech sector.
This public support should help persuade leaders, including in Germany, that they can take action to limit emerging dependencies on China. They can accelerate the energy transition while de-risking the clean tech sector through providing support for domestic European industries, from wind to batteries.
For Berlin, and capitals across Europe, it is safer to move ahead rather than delay. Chinese economic policy is already doing irreparable damage to European industry—but European policymakers still need to protect an increasingly electrified economy from weaponisation by China. If they fail to do so, governments will almost certainly pay the price at the ballot box. Those that pursue electrification and economic de-risking as a single package are most likely to reap the political rewards.
Brussels (enr) – Local and regional leaders raised concerns that the next multiannual EU budget risks undermining investment in affordable homes needed to alleviate Europe’s deepening housing crisis.
“Europe’s housing challenge is not simply about building more housing units,” said Kata Tüttő, President of the European Committee of the Regions (CoR), an EU advisory body home to democratically elected regional and local representatives from all 27 Member States.
At a gathering in Brussels on Thursday, they demanded the EU “move from political ambition to concrete investment and delivery,” arguing that failing to invest now will only put affordable housing further out of reach for millions of Europeans.
As negotiations over the EU’s next long-term financial framework gather pace, cities and regions fear that affordable housing could become a casualty of competing spending priorities as several EU member states seek to cut the European Commission’s proposed €2 trillion budget for 2028-2034.
Tüttő called on the European Investment Bank (EIB), the EU’s lending arm, to “mobilise the scale of investment” that cities and regions need to “make communities liveable” by providing essential infrastructure. She cited public transport, as well as energy and water infrastructure, as key examples.
Italian MEP Irene Tinagli, Chair of the European Parliament’s Special Committee on the Housing Crisis (HOUS), said addressing the housing crisis “requires investment, better coordination across all levels of government and a shared commitment from European institutions, Member States, regions and cities”.
The CoR and EIB on Thursday agreed on closer cooperation in key areas including social infrastructure, housing, and energy. The European Investment Bank’s president, Nadia Calviño, said “investing into resilient cities and regions, into cohesion and housing” was a strategic priority.
According to EIB figures, the world’s largest multilateral development bank provided a record €5 billion in financing for housing projects across Europe in 2025. The EIB is targeting an increase to €6 billion this year, Calviño confirmed.
The investments are a contribution to the European Commission’s Affordable Housing Plan, which was launched in December and aims to boost housing supply, mobilise public and private investment, and support Member States and regions in expanding social and affordable housing.
According to the Commission’s estimates, however, the EU needs to build 2 million homes each year to meet current demand, which amounts to an investment of approximately €153 billion per year.
This story was produced by the European Newsroom (enr) in cooperation with the European Committee of the Regions (CoR). The editorial responsibility lies with the enr.
Brussels (enr) – The European Union’s migration commissioner has renewed his call for Germany to gradually end controls at its internal borders, pointing to falling numbers of irregular arrivals and the bloc’s new asylum rules.
It was now time to gradually abolish internal border controls, Magnus Brunner told members of the European Newsroom (enr) network in Brussels.
The Austrian commissioner said the EU’s external borders were better protected and that irregular crossings had fallen sharply. Frontex recorded about one-third fewer irregular crossings at the EU’s external borders in the first half of 2026 than in the same period last year.
The EU’s new Pact on Migration and Asylum also took effect on June 12. Brunner said member states had begun implementing the rules and that the bloc was already seeing progress.
He welcomed steps by individual countries to ease controls. Checks on the border between Germany and Luxembourg on the Trier motorway have been lifted, he said. He also cited the suspension of controls between Austria and Slovenia.
Germany has had checks at its land borders since September 2024. Former Interior Minister Nancy Faeser ordered them, and her successor, Alexander Dobrindt, intensified them in May 2025. Dobrindt has repeatedly extended the measures, which are currently due to remain in place until September.
Brunner also defended the EU’s new Entry/Exit System, known as EES. The digital system records the entry and departure of travellers from outside the EU, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland.
He acknowledged that the system had caused problems at some airports, including in Greece and Portugal, but said: “The system itself works very, very well.”
The system has faced criticism over long queues. The Airports Council International Europe has reported waiting times of up to five hours and missed connecting flights.
Brunner said professional truck drivers from the Western Balkans faced a particular problem because they can currently stay in the EU for no more than 90 days in any 180-day period. He proposed that EU member states and Western Balkan countries negotiate long-term visas on a bilateral basis.
Brussels (enr) – European Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman David McAllister has urged Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to support German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s proposal for an associate membership for Ukraine as it moves towards joining the European Union.
The proposal is an opportunity that Ukraine should seize, the German centre-right lawmaker told members of the European Newsroom (enr) network in early June. Claims that it would amount to “membership light” or second-class membership were incorrect, he said.
Instead, it would allow Ukraine to become more closely integrated into the EU step by step before full membership, making the benefits of the bloc more visible to its people. One possibility would be for Ukraine to participate in the European Parliament as an observer, McAllister said.
Zelenskyy has expressed opposition to the idea, arguing that it would be unfair for Ukraine to be present in the EU but have no say in its decisions. In a letter to EU leaders, he called for the bloc to move faster and not keep Ukraine in a waiting room until full membership.
Merz said earlier that rapid full EU accession for Ukraine, which is fighting Russia’s invasion, is not realistic. For the interim period, he has proposed allowing Ukraine to attend EU summits and ministerial meetings without voting rights.
His ideas also include an associate member of the European Commission without a portfolio or voting rights, associate members of the European Parliament and an associate judge at the European Court of Justice.
McAllister said EU enlargement was high on the bloc’s agenda and that the Western Balkans were at the heart of Europe. A stable region was an investment in peace and security, he said.
The CDU politician called for each candidate country to be assessed individually and on its merits rather than treating the Western Balkans as a single group. Montenegro was a clear frontrunner, he said, while North Macedonia’s accession path remained blocked by a political dispute with Bulgaria.
Eight other European countries are officially recognised as EU candidate countries alongside Ukraine: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Moldova, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia and Türkiye.
Luxembourg (enr) – The European Investment Bank (EIB) is on course to meet, and potentially exceed, its target of allocating five percent of its financing in the European Union to security and defence projects this year, EIB President Nadia Calviño said.
That would amount to around 4.5 billion euros, according to the EU’s lending arm.
“Tt’s clear that we need more investment in the area of security and defence in Europe,” Calviño told members of the European Newsroom (enr) network in Luxembourg in June. “For the coming years, we are ready to do more to finance Europe’s security and defence capabilities,” the Spanish former economy minister added.
The EIB significantly increased its support for the sector last year in response to Russia’s war against Ukraine and the broader deterioration in the geopolitical situation. Financing for security and defence projects rose to more than 4 billion euros in 2025, four times the previous year’s level and almost five percent of all EIB Group financing in the EU.
“The shift of policy in security and defence has been a turning point for the EIB Group,” Calviño said.
Within only a few years, the bank had expanded its eligibility rules to include purely military projects. It now supports companies and investment funds active across the security and defence sector.
The EIB has gradually eased its financing rules since 2024. It can now provide funding for military equipment, infrastructure, services and technology. Weapons and ammunition remain excluded.
The Luxembourg-based EIB is the EU’s long-term lending institution. Its owners are the bloc’s member states, and its investments are generally intended to support the European Union’s political objectives.
The enr spoke with Calviño on the sidelines of the EIB’s annual Board of Governors meeting, as well as a meeting of EU ministers responsible for economic affairs, finance and the EU budget.
Gdańsk/Brussels (European Newsroom) – Ukrainian cities and regions risk being left out in deciding how billions in reconstruction funds are being used unless they are given a robust role in the planning, governance and implementation of reconstruction support, a joint statement by the European Alliance of Cities and Regions for the Reconstruction of Ukraine warned.
Meeting on the sidelines of the Ukraine Recovery Conference (URC) 2026 in Gdańsk, Poland, the alliance called for a “localisation marker” in donor planning tools and ring-fenced funding with direct local access.
Antje Grotheer, President of the State Parliament in Bremen, Germany, and chair of the European Committee of the Regions’ (CoR) Working Group on Ukraine, argued that local and regional authorities should have a greater voice in donor discussions and reconstruction planning. She stressed that Ukraine’s decentralisation reforms have been key to maintaining resilience during the war.
“We feel there is an increasing need for stronger coordination of support that targets municipalities and regions,” Grotheer said.
Oleksii Riabykin, Deputy Minister for Rebuilding and Minister for Development of Communities and Territories of Ukraine, said his country is already moving from emergency reconstruction to building resilient communities. Experience gained by Ukrainian cities, towns and villages during the war can help strengthen resilience across in Europe, he said.
The joint statement released Wednesday stressed that over 70 percent of EU law is implemented at local level, but most reconstruction funding for Ukraine is still channeled through national governments, leaving municipalities to compete over the leftovers. At the URC 2026 in Gdańsk, the CoR and its alliance partners demanded a structural fix.
The alliance also encouraged Ukrainian regions to exploit existing EU programmes and platforms. It underscored the contribution of neighbouring EU countries to both Ukraine’s military efforts and its reconstruction, arguing that they should receive targeted support.
EU member states that share a border with Ukraine are Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania.
The alliance brings together EU and Ukrainian local and regional authorities and was co-founded by the CoR, an EU advisory body, in June 2022 following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Its goal is to coordinate an effective reconstruction of Ukraine that involves local and regional authorities rather than centralising the implementation of funds to the state.
The URC was also established after Russia’s full-scale invasion, building on the foundations of the annual Ukraine Reform Conference established in 2017 by supporters of Ukraine, including the European Union.
The URC 2026 takes place on June 25 and 26 and focuses on the sectors most impacted by Russia’s attacks, such as energy, critical infrastructure, and logistics. The lead-up to the conference was overshadowed by escalating dispute between Warsaw and Kyiv. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky had named an army unit after Ukrainian underground fighters from World War II who are also blamed for massacres of tens of thousands of Poles and Jews in what is now western Ukraine. In response, Poland’s right-wing conservative President Karol Nawrocki stripped Zelensky of a high Polish order of merit.
This story was produced by the European Newsroom (enr) in cooperation with the European Committee of the Regions (CoR). The editorial responsibility lies with the enr.
Migration policy is high on the European Union’s agenda. But one month after the bloc’s new rules – known as the Pact on Migration and Asylum – came into force, is the EU beginning to see the desired results?
For Magnus Brunner, European Commissioner for Internal Affairs and Migration, the answer was yes. In an interview with the European Newsroom (enr) published on Thursday, he said that member states have begun implementing the rules and that illegal border crossings into the EU already dropped by 37% in the first half of 2026 compared to the previous year.
In light of these figures and the new rules, the Austrian politician said it is now time to “gradually” abolish internal border controls between EU member states, such as ongoing controls in Germany and Austria. He argued that the EU’s external borders were now better protected and reiterated that the number of irregular border crossings had fallen dramatically.
Journalists also quizzed Brunner about the Entry/Exit System, a new digital entry and exit procedure for people who are not from the EU, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway or Switzerland. While admitting concerns from member states and critics that the system is still causing trouble in some member states, he said that it is generally performing as expected.
A major issue, however, remains for professional truck drivers from countries in the Western Balkans, who need to enter the EU to deliver goods. Currently, they can only stay in the EU for a maximum of 90 days within any 180-day period. As a solution, Brunner proposed to EU member states and Western Balkan countries to negotiate long-term visas bilaterally.
The interview was conducted by journalists from European Newsroom partner agencies dpa, APA, and CTK, on behalf of the entire network.
Read some of their coverage here:
More impressions from the interview. Photos: Michael Brandt/dpa/European Newsroom
The European Newsroom (enr) welcomed a group of journalists from the United States to its offices in Brussels as part of their two-week exchange programme with the RIAS Berlin Kommission.
The visitors came from New York, Massachusetts, Washington, D.C., Missouri, Georgia, North Carolina, and Arizona and represented various media outlets such as Semafor, WCVB, NPR, CNN, KTVI/KPLR, WSOC Charlotte, Spectrum News, ABC, The Dispatch, and CBS.
What followed was a lively exchange about the state of journalism, news coverage and press freedom in the United States and Europe, how to get information from crucial sources, as well as the similarities and differences between the daily press briefings in the White House and the European Commission.
Tim Kohnen presented the European Newsroom’s work as a Brussels-based network of European news agencies. He was accompanied by Katharina Redanz and Niklas Treppner from the German press agency dpa Deutsche Presse-Agentur GmbH, who gave more insight on how to report on EU affairs as a correspondent in Brussels.
The RIAS Berlin Commission organises exchange programmes several times per year, primarily for radio and television journalists from the US and Germany. It is dedicated to improving German-American understanding in broadcast journalism, for example through immersive study trips and newsroom visits.
This time around, the journey took the journalists to Munich, Dresden, Berlin, Cologne, and Brussels. They were accompanied by Christoph Jumpelt, RIAS Executive Director.
Ireland will take over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union on July 1, 2026.
In a background briefing for the European Newsroom (enr) at the Permanent Representation of Ireland to the European Union in Brussels, journalists got an early glimpse of what the presidency will be working on in the months ahead.
Correspondents from several European Newsroom member agencies spoke with Eoin Flavin (Spokesperson Coreper II ) and Peadar Ó hÚbáin (Spokesperson Coreper I).
They engaged in a lively Q&A on a range of topics – from competitiveness, security, and defence to EU enlargement, support for Ukraine and online safety.
The talk brought together journalists from enr partner agencies dpa (Germany), CTK (Czech Republic), APA (Austria), and UKRINFORM (Ukraine).
More impressions from the briefing. Photos: Tim Kohnen/European Newsroom
In an interview with the European Newsroom (enr), the President of the European Investment Bank (EIB), Nadia Calviño, told journalists that the bank is on track to meet and possibly exceed this year’s target of allocating 5 percent of its EU financing to security and defence. According to the EIB, this amounts to around €4.5 billion.
According to EIB figures, the world’s largest multilateral development bank already quadrupled its financing for security and defence projects last year to €4 billion, reflecting Europe’s response to an increasingly volatile geopolitical environment.
The enr spoke with Calviño on the sidelines of the EIB’s annual Board of Governors meeting, as well as a meeting of EU ministers responsible for economic affairs, finance and the EU budget , in Luxembourg on Friday.
The interview was conducted by journalists from European Newsroom partner agencies dpa Deutsche Presse-Agentur GmbH and ANSA on behalf of the entire network.
Read some of their coverage here:
dpa (Germany): EU development bank continues to expand defence investment
ANSA (Italy): Calvino (EIB), ‘on track to exceed 5% target for defense financing’
In an interview with the European Newsroom (enr), the leading German foreign policy politician in the European Parliament, David McAllister, urged Ukraine to accept a recent proposal by German Chancellor Friedrich Merz for an “associate membership” in the EU.
McAllister, who sits with the European People’s Party (EPP) and chairs the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), told the enr he is in favour of enhanced, step-by-step integration of Ukraine into the EU in order to make the benefits of the EU visible to the Ukrainian people. One example was for Ukraine to enter the European Parliament as an observer.
Kyiv had previously rejected the idea of an “associate membership”. In a letter to EU leaders, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wrote that it would be unfair for Ukraine to have a presence in the EU but remain without a voice. Instead, he urged the EU to move faster and not keep Ukraine in a waiting room.
Ukraine is not the only country in line for EU membership. Eight other European nations are currently also recognised candidates to join the bloc: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Moldova, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, Türkiye.
McAllister told the enr that enlargement policy is at the top of the EU agenda and that the Western Balkan countries are at the heart of Europe. As such, a stable region is an investment in peace and security, he said.
At the same time, the German politician advocated for an individual approach to each country in the region based on merit, rather than grouping them together as one. He explained that the countries of the Western Balkans are individually at very different stages of progress. As an example, he pointed out that Montenegro is a clear frontrunner, while North Macedonia’s EU path remains blocked due to a political deadlock with Bulgaria.
The interview was conducted by journalists from European Newsroom partner agencies dpa (Germany), CTK (Czech Republic), and Tanjug (Serbia) on the behalf of the entire network.
Read some of the coverage from our network here:
What is disinformation? What principles drive the spread of fake content online? And what role does artificial intelligence play in this context?
On May 27, the European Newsroom continued its series of webinars with one of the most highly relevant topics for journalists and media professionals: the surge in disinformation and fake news on social media and other online platforms. The webinar aimed to strengthen participants’ ability to identify misleading content quickly and apply verification techniques in their daily reporting.
The systematic, interest-driven dissemination of disinformation poses significant challenges for mass-media audiences and users of digital information ecosystems. This includes false and divisive narratives that influence public opinion, AI-generated images that cause irritation and outrage as well as manipulated content in high-reach social media channels. Against this backdrop, the fundamental principles of journalistic due diligence have gained considerable importance.
Julian Bohne, Verification Specialist at dpa-Custom Content in Hamburg, equipped participants with tools, tips and techniques to identify and debunk such material in the digital space. Starting with the basics, he demonstrated how manipulated content is created and explained the principles behind its dissemination. The key message: verification, source criticism and contextualisation are more crucial than ever for distinguishing authentic content from manipulated material.
To put theory into practice, he used examples from the daily editorial work of Germany’s largest news agency, dpa, to demonstrate fundamental verification methods and tools. Throughout the webinar, participants tried their hands in analysing and verifying images and videos, determining whether and why they were fabricated or AI-generated.
Participants came from several European Newsroom agencies, including ANSA (Italy), AMNA (Greece), BTA (Bulgaria), PAP (Poland), EFE (Spain), and FENA (Bosnia and Herzegovina).
Why is my website not appearing as a top search result on Google? How do I adapt my content to make it more visible online? And how is the rise of Artificial Intelligence (AI) changing the way digital content finds its way to the intended audience?
On April 10 and 21, the European Newsroom (enr) organised a series of two webinars on Search Engine Optimization (SEO) and Generative Engine Optimization (GEO) – exploring how newsrooms can make their content more visible on search engines like Google, as well as in the context of the emerging online world driven by AI.
Participants came from European Newsroom member agencies PAP (Poland) CTK (Czech Republic) EFE, Europa Press (both from Spain), BTA (Bulgaria) STA (Slovenia), and MIA (North Macedonia).
During the first session of the workshop, participants were introduced to the fundamentals of SEO and how the focus is shifting due to the use of artificial intelligence.
Ubiquitous AI tools such as ChatGPT, Claude, and Google Gemini are increasingly changing user behavior and often replacing traditional search engines. To remain visible with your own content, classic SEO principles alone are no longer sufficient.
The main takeaway? SEO is not dead – to the contrary, it remains the most important foundation for GEO and search engines will continue to be highly relevant.
The second and final session focused on so-called E-E-A-T factors, demonstrating the steps needed to be recognised as a reliable source by both search engines and AI systems.
The acronym E-E-A-T stands for a Google quality concept covering Experience, Expertise, Authoritativeness, and Trustworthiness. It is used to assess the quality and credibility of website content. E-E-A-T factors are a standard in search engine optimization.
The EU has a defence clause. But does it have a plan? That was among the questions raised during an interview with Andrius Kubilius, European Commissioner for Defence and Space, for the European Newsroom (enr) in Brussels.
Kubilius urged the European Union to strengthen its domestic defence capabilities and reduce reliance on external suppliers – particularly the United States – for critical military equipment and technologies.
He also cautioned that the EU prepare for a potential reduction of US military presence in Europe, underscoring the urgency of building greater strategic autonomy. At the same time, the former Lithuanian prime minister warned that Washington may struggle to sustain its level of military support for Kyiv, as global attention is shifting from Russia’s war against Ukraine to the war in Iran.
The EU defence chief also called for a stronger role of the EU’s mutual defence clause – known as Article 42.7 of the Treaty on European Union – which stipulates that when activated by an attacked EU country, all other member states must respond to provide assistance. According to Kubilius, the bloc needs a “playbook” to make the clause more workable and effective in practice.
The Commissioner also acknowledged the importance of EU enlargement as a strategic investment in Europe’s security and defence. Recalling the example of his home country Lithuania, which became an EU member state in 2004, he said that joining the EU enables economic and social development, prosperity, and stability, which he considered essential for the future of European defence.
The interview was conducted by journalists from European Newsroom partner agencies dpa (Germany), ANSA (Italy), EFE, Europa Press (both Spain), Lusa (Portugal), and STA (Slovenia.) Audiovisual support was provided by TotalEU Production.
More impressions from the interview. Photos: ANSA/European Newsroom (left) / Iván Zambrano/Europa Press (right)
Across every corner of the internet, EU kids deserve a safe digital playground. That was the message of Henna Virkkunen, European Commission Executive Vice-President for Tech Sovereignty, Security and Democracy during an interview with the European Newsroom (enr) in Brussels focusing on the protection of minors online.
The European Commission has taken aim at some of the world’s biggest adult websites, announcing preliminary findings that Pornhub, Stripchat, XNXX and XVideos breach the EU’s landmark Digital Services Act (DSA). After opening proceedings in May last year, Brussels now says the platforms are failing to shield minors from explicit content, pointing in particular to weak or ineffective age verification systems that leave underage users exposed.
The Commission also turned its attention to Snapchat, opening an investigation to determine whether the social media platform is complying with the DSA. The probe comes amid concerns that minors could be exposed to serious risks on the app, including grooming and the illegal sale of drugs, vapes, and alcohol.
Journalists from European Newsroom partner agencies ANSA (Italy), CTK (Czech Republic), dpa (Germany), EFE (Spain), TT (Sweden), and other media were given an exclusive first look, getting the chance to quiz Virkkunen directly about her latest announcements on child safety and online platform regulation under the DSA.
In addition, journalists also asked questions about the EU’s age verification app – which is currently in a testing phase – as well as broader issues including addictive platform design, the responsibility of social media companies to protect minors, and the proposed “chat control” measures, which have raised significant privacy concerns across Europe.
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