Berlin; late August: when politics normally stirs into life after the holiday lull. But this year, the lull never came.

German chancellor Friedrich Merz is beset by approval levels plumbing the depths of the depleted Rhine and Danube. His governing conservative CDU party spent the summer at war with itself over pension reform (not helped by a botched cabinet reshuffle). Some of the chancellor’s staunchest supporters are even openly wondering whether he is still up to the job. To get out of the hole they are in, Merz and his ministers now want to project a sense of Aufbruchstimmung—a feeling of renewal and restart.

Whether they succeed will determine Europe’s future.

Germany’s economy has endured six years of paltry growth. Its traditionally strong industries are screaming for protection against China, US tariffs and energy price shocks (and against their own past decisions). Strong end-of-the-republic vibes suffuse dark political commentary, “mainstream” parties oscillate between panic and despair, and resignation has set in among voters. What until recently seemed little more than a media talking point on an “Andy Burnham moment”—meaning the possibility of Hendrik Wüst, North Rhine-Westphalia’s minister-president, succeeding Merz as chancellor this autumn—could yet become reality.

For decades, Germany was Europe’s byword for political stability and predictability. Today, it is hard to overstate how little is now unthinkable in German politics. All bets are off. Decision-makers elsewhere in Europe should get ready for the possibility of a new kind of Germany: no longer boring, no longer stable—and no longer rich.

Why the Angst is now real

Germany is days away from elections in three eastern states which could shake the government in Berlin to its foundations. First up is Saxony-Anhalt, where on September 6th the far-right populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) could rewrite German post-war history and turn the decades-long mantra of “never again” into “actually, maybe”. Polling suggests even an absolute majority for the party is within reach. The AfD, the CDU and the Left could be the only parties to clear the 5% threshold for the state parliament. Two weeks after that possible momentous result, the states of Berlin and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern will also elect new parliaments.

While the situation for the political centre looks a little less dire in the latter two places, complicated three-party coalitions are the likely outcome in both. This will have a compounding effect on the stability of the federal government. The CDU leadership under Merz remains adamant that the “firewall” must hold, ruling out any coalition or cooperation with the AfD. Yet this position is increasingly being questioned by local politicians and by conservative thinkers within and around the party. Many in the CDU are frustrated by what they see as the strategic price of the firewall. With their preferred coalition partner, the liberal Free Democrats, now struggling to clear the 5% threshold almost anywhere, ruling out the AfD leaves the CDU ever-more dependent on centre-left coalitions. In critics’ view, this deprives the party of options and leaves it hostage to the remaining potential coalition partners.

An AfD minister-president would be a brutal demonstration of the political establishment’s inability to provide a convincing vision for the country

An AfD minister-president in one of Germany’s states would be more than a striking political development. It would be a brutal demonstration of the political establishment’s inability to provide a convincing vision for the country’s economic, political and social future. In recent years, German leaders have made more reform announcements than actual reforms. The previous government tried to adapt to the Zeitenwende without imposing any hardship on Germans—and failed. Now, the Merz government seems equally unable to muster the political strength for major reform.

Instead, it has too often looked to the past for answers: back to the combustion engine, back to looser labour rights, back to family values. The only policy area where the government now seems readier to change course is on China, where it has said it will push through a more active European position on protecting markets and punishing China’s predatory economic behaviour. In a revealing commentary, however, Merz himself announced this was enabled, not by his decisive political leadership, but by the altered posture of the German car industry.

This vacuum in dealing with the implications of the changing global environment leaves huge room for the political fringes, especially from the far-right. The AfD’s offer is revisionist—drastically curb immigration and asylum, reverse key elements of the energy transition, challenge European integration, end the euro and pursue a distinctly nationalist approach to foreign policy. All this is deeply unsettling to the political establishment, but resonates with a growing constituency of voters united by restrictive stances on migration and cultural issues.  

The strength of the AfD is a symptom, not a cause. It did not rise to prominence overnight and has been part of Germany’s political landscape now for more than a decade. But the party is now within striking distance of actual political power at a time when the country’s political and economic foundations are starting to crumble. The war in Ukraine, volatility in America and conflict over the Strait of Hormuz are stretching the limits of German leaders’ attention as well as the country’s fiscal space. Germany’s long-term trade relationship with China is now a liability and an epic drought has shrivelled what little hope remained for Germany’s economic recovery. Berlin is not only forced to reckon with the failures and missed opportunities of the past decade on everything, everywhere, all at once; but the politicians seem unprepared either to put up a real fight for survival or even adjust to this new reality in a form of managed decline.

No time for Schadenfreude

Germany is hardly the first European country to experience a radical reshaping of its party system and the rise of the far-right; Italy and France have been through similar upheavals. And Germany itself, amid deep economic problems, was called “the sick man of Europe” back in 1999, only to recover and to become the continent’s exporting powerhouse. Why should the rest of Europe now worry so much about Germany’s malaise?

The answer is: because a German crisis is a European crisis. Germany is too economically and politically important to fail. Its economic weight, role at the heart of the EU and position as Europe’s most populous member state mean this would be more than just another episode of national political turbulence. A Germany that is oozing 15,000 industrial jobs each month, becoming even more dependent on technology imports and increasingly incapable of internal reform risks dragging Europe towards fragmentation and exploitation.

Unless political leaders come up with something new, a German pall will blot all major items on the EU’s agenda: the next multiannual financial framework; the future of the bloc’s industrial policy; European efforts to rearm and build resilience; a more autonomous capacity on emerging technologies and the economic muscle to create international leverage behind a new global trading agenda. That is not to mention the serious consequences of a German disengagement for Europe’s continued support for Ukraine.

“German leadership is not optional”, Sweden’s defence minister said at a public event this month, attended by one of the authors. German political elites seem to disagree. Theirs is the third largest economy in the world, sitting at the core of the world’s largest single market, boasting leading international companies and building up one of the largest defence budgets anywhere. Yet they appear to lack any sense of their own domestic, let alone global, agency. The three upcoming state elections may give them their last chance and some momentum to turn things around. But if Berlin becomes entirely enfeebled under the ensuing political fallout, the rest of Europe is likely to suffer in the same way.

Source

The blue economy is no longer limited to traditional activities such as fishing, shipping, or offshore energy. A new generation of startups is applying climate technology, AI, robotics, biotechnology, and advanced water treatment to make the use of oceans and water resources cleaner, safer, and more efficient.

EU-Startups’ 2026 coverage shows Europe’s blue economy attracting capital across a widening range of technologies and business models. Among the larger disclosed rounds were €17 million for cargo.one alongside its acquisition of ocean-freight platform Cargofive or €10 million for marine-biofuel developer Kvasir Technologies.

These deals form part of a broader funding landscape in which startups are tackling an increasingly diverse set of challenges linked to how Europe uses, manages and protects its water and marine resources.

From restoring coastal ecosystems and generating tidal power to removing hazardous pollutants, improving wastewater treatment, supporting aquaculture, automating maritime operations, and digitalising shipping workflows. The 10 startups featured below, founded between 2020 and 2026, show how innovation is reshaping the sector, in alphabetical order.

Apolownia is a Paris-based ClimateTech startup committed to making the world more environmentally responsible. It develops end-to-end coastal ecosystem restoration and blue carbon projects, including mangroves and seagrass, which help absorb carbon, reduce coastal flooding and erosion, improve water quality, and provide vital habitats for fish and other marine life.

Its projects use satellite imagery, drones, field data and AI to monitor ecosystem recovery, estimate carbon capture and verify environmental results in a clear, data-driven way. Founded in 2024, it has raised €1 million in funding.

Headquartered in Heidelberg, Blue Activity develops sustainable water treatment solutions for industrial cooling systems. Its technology replaces toxic biocides with natural microorganisms and uses biopolymer-based additives, supported by digital monitoring. This reduces chemical use, water and energy consumption, maintenance needs, and operating costs.

They promote cleaner industrial water use and reduce harmful substances discharged into the environment, contributing to healthier water resources and more sustainable industry. Founded in 2021, Blue Activity secured €8.5 million in funding.

Launched in 2024 in Oxford, Caudal Energy takes a bio-inspired approach to tidal power, using ocean currents to generate predictable renewable electricity. Its system replaces conventional rotating turbines with moving fins inspired by marine animals, offering a lower-impact solution with simpler installation and maintenance.

This activity matters because tidal energy provides a more predictable source of renewable power than solar and wind, which are more dependent on weather conditions. By harnessing ocean currents, Caudal Energy can support the transition away from fossil fuels while making sustainable use of marine resources. Its innovative approach has enabled them to raise €6.43 million in total funding.

Heidelberg-based Enzo focuses on preventing water damage before it becomes costly. Its one-drop sensor attaches to a building’s main water pipe. The startup uses AI to identify unusual water-use patterns and small leaks in real time, allowing homeowners, property managers, and insurers to act before major damage occurs.

Its activity is especially useful as early leak detection can prevent water waste, expensive repairs, and unnecessary use of materials and energy, contributing to more sustainable water management. Launched in 2021, Enzo raised €6.3 million in funding.

Lir Labs develops an AI-powered microscopy for wastewater treatment, turning microscopic activity in water into real-time operational insights. Its automated sensors use deep-learning models to identify changes in microorganisms and particles, allowing treatment plants to detect problems earlier and adjust processes before they become costly or disruptive.

Their approach to better wastewater monitoring can reduce pollution, unnecessary energy and chemical use, and the risk of poorly treated water reaching natural ecosystems. Founded in 2025 in London, Lir Labs raised €245k in funding.

Mirai Robotics is a Maritime Technology startup building AI-powered systems that allow boats and other maritime vehicles to operate with little or no human control. Its technology can guide vessels, process data from onboard sensors, and make real-time decisions during activities such as sea patrols, inspections, monitoring, and transport.

Its activity is relevant to the blue economy because it can make maritime operations safer, faster, and more efficient, particularly in remote or hazardous areas where deploying human crews can be costly or risky. Launched in 2025 in Bari, this innovative approach to maritime automation and safety has helped Mirai Robotics secure €3.6 million in funding.

Founded in 2023 in Ireland, Nernst Electric develops on-site oxygen generation for aquaculture. Its technology uses ceramic membranes to separate high-purity oxygen directly from the surrounding air, allowing fish farms to produce oxygen where it is needed instead of relying on costly deliveries. A reliable oxygen supply is essential for maintaining healthy fish and productive farming conditions, particularly at remote sites.

Its efficient way of producing oxygen can make aquaculture more reliable, cost-effective, and sustainable while reducing energy use and dependence on transported liquid oxygen. Nernst Electric has a total funding of €1.7 million.

NPHarvest has developed a new hardware solution for the collection and recycling of nutrients from wastewater, turning them into valuable ingredients for fertilisers. Installed at wastewater, biogas, and agricultural facilities, its system captures nitrogen and phosphorus that would otherwise be lost as waste and converts them into reusable resources. The technology can recover up to 90% of these nutrients while operating with relatively low energy use.

As excesses of nitrogen and phosphorus can pollute waterways and contribute to eutrophication, managing levels in the water is important. By recovering these nutrients before they reach the environment, NPHarvest supports cleaner aquatic ecosystems while creating a circular source of fertiliser. Founded in 2023 in Espoo, they raised €3.4 million in total funding.

Zürich-based Oxyle tackles some of the hardest-to-remove pollutants in water, particularly PFAS, also known as “forever chemicals”. Rather than simply filtering these substances out, the company’s treatment systems break them down at the molecular level, preventing them from being transferred into another waste stream. The technology is designed for contaminated groundwater and industrial wastewater across sectors such as chemicals, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, and waste management.

Removing hazardous chemicals from wastewater helps prevent them from reaching rivers, groundwater, and marine ecosystems, supporting cleaner and safer water resources. Founded in 2020, Oxyle has raised €19 million in funding.

Founded in 2021 in Berlin, Tilla is a MaritimeTech startup bringing greater efficiency to crew changes in the shipping industry. Its digital platform brings voyage schedules, crew information, port services, flights, and travel requirements into one place, allowing shipping companies to plan and manage crew movements with fewer manual tasks, lower costs, and better coordination.

By digitalising a process still heavily dependent on spreadsheets, emails, and manual coordination, Tilla supports more efficient maritime operations and improves the working experience of seafarers. The company raised €4 million in total funding.

Episode 12 of the DGT podcast: Languages and Technology is now available.

How does a European Commission document become 24 equally valid language versions of itself?

Anna Holmén takes us behind the scenes with Ivana Zeljković and Iva Vatova-Ivanova from DG Translation’s Demand Management Unit. They reveal how translation work is planned and coordinated, how tight deadlines are managed, and how technology and human expertise come together to keep multilingual Europe running — with deadline compliance above 99%.

Step inside the engine room of EU multilingualism and discover the people and processes that make 24-language communication possible every day.

Tune in to hear more

As negotiations enter their final phase in Brussels, the ECB's electronic money project for 2029 transcends the technical aspects. It is a geopolitical imperative in the face of American payment giants.

The European Union's financial landscape is poised for its biggest transformation since the introduction of banknotes in 2002. The European Parliament, the Council, and the European Central Bank (ECB) are intensifying their discussions to finalize the regulatory framework for the digital euro. If the draft legislation is adopted as planned by the end of the year, the first large-scale practical tests with financial institutions will begin in the autumn of 2027.

The goal? Official rollout to citizens by 2029.

This gradual rollout is not accidental. It is designed to guarantee the stability of an interconnected banking system. The digital euro will not be a private or speculative cryptocurrency, but rather an electronic extension of fiat money, issued and guaranteed directly by the ECB. It will function as a direct complement to coins and banknotes, without ever replacing them.

For European citizens, this innovation will represent a public and sovereign alternative to the private tech and credit giants. In practical terms, everyone will be able to use these services directly through their own commercial bank's app.

The major technical advance lies in offline use.

Money transfers between devices will occur simply by being near each other, even without an internet connection or in the event of a power outage. This option will also guarantee complete confidentiality, since peer-to-peer transactions will not pass through commercial servers.

To reassure the traditional banking sector and prevent a massive flight of deposits during the crisis, the ECB will impose a strict limit. The current holding ceiling is €3,000 per person. Any excess amount received in this public wallet will automatically be transferred to the user's regular commercial bank account.

Beyond the technical aspects, the issue is crucial for the real economy, particularly for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and the tourism sector within the single market. Currently, almost all European merchants rely on payment infrastructures controlled by American companies, such as Visa and Mastercard. With each transaction, the local economy relinquishes a portion of its profit margins in intermediation fees.

The digital euro aims to break this dependence.

The European Parliament is pushing for acceptance fees imposed on merchants to be significantly lower than current rates, or even completely free for microtransactions.

Intra-European tourism will also benefit from increased fluidity. A traveler will be able to pay for their expenses instantly in any member state using their home country's electronic wallet, without friction, without going through third-party networks and without hidden cross-border fees.

Despite the Commission's optimistic pronouncements, the European banking sector remains on the defensive. Banks are concerned about the operational costs associated with upgrading their technological systems, but above all about the risk of liquidity loss if clients choose to place their funds under the direct custody of the central bank.

The decisions made in the coming months will therefore be highly political. The challenge will be to define the necessary economic incentives for banks to agree to distribute this currency. For the European Union, the 2029 deadline provides the necessary time to orchestrate this new era of financial autonomy and strategic sovereignty.

A leading Belgian animal park is doing its bit to save a critically endangered species.

International Orangutan Day was recently celebrated (August 19) to raise global awareness about the status of orangutans and the urgent need to protect their natural habitats.

All three species—the Bornean, Sumatran, and Tapanuli orangutans—face a high risk of extinction due to rapid habitat loss.

Widespread deforestation for palm oil plantations, illegal logging, mining, and the illegal pet trade threaten their survival.

Orangutans mainly eat fruit and are essential for dispersing seeds across the rainforest, helping the wider ecosystem flourish. They are known as gardeners of the forest.

For every captive orangutan sold in the exotic pet market, up to 11 other orangutans are killed while trying to protect the poached ape. Many captive animals also don’t survive the journey.

Pairi Daiza,  privately owned zoo and botanical garden located in Brugelette, Hainaut, Belgium is playing its part in trying to save the species.

It is home to nine Sumatran orangutans living in two family groups in the park’s “Kingdom of Ganesha.”

Ujian, Sari, Berani and Mathaï live in the Flower Temple. Just opposite them, Kembali, Rosa, Indah, Yori and Bukit have found their home in the “House of the Artisan.”

The second family arrived at the park in November last year from Frankfurt Zoo as part of the European Ex Situ Programme coordinated by the European Association of Zoos and Aquaria.

Their arrival enabled the five orangutans to remain together while contributing to the responsible management of a healthy European population of this critically endangered species.

In July, both orangutan families were outside at the same time for the very first time, “a wonderful milestone for us,” said Niels Vandemeulebroucke, orangutan care taker at Pairi Daiza.

“For Kembali and his family, almost everything was new: trees to climb, ropes and branches to explore, birds, toys, places to rest, and an entire world of movement around them.

“You could really see how stimulating their new environment was,” added Niels.

“Their neighbours in the Flower Temple were just as intrigued. At first, the whole family climbed high into the trees to get a better look at the newcomers. Interestingly, there were no striking vocalisations or direct interactions, and the initial curiosity quickly settled down.

“Today, both families are once again mainly focused on the relationships within their own group.”

As “ambassadors” for their species, Pairi Daiza’s orangutans help visitors understand the “extraordinary intelligence” of these great apes, he added.

They also provide a powerful connection with their wild relatives and the rapidly disappearing forests on which their survival depends.

Niels went on: “Our role is to keep challenging them.

“We continuously create new enrichments and opportunities to explore, think and interact, because orangutans are exceptionally intelligent animals. I’m looking forward to sharing those observations, and some of their individual personalities, with visitors during this special weekend."

The 75-hectare large animal park is located on the site of the former Cistercian Cambron Abbey, and is home to over 7,000 animals.

This content is for members only. Visit the site and log in/register to read.

Tra le polemiche estive, una è interessante, benché trattata dagli interessati con il corto respiro della politica italiana. Il presidente del PD Stefano Bonaccini, tipico prodotto della nomenclatura di sinistra ma personalità equilibrata – potremmo chiamarlo Stefano Bonaccioni – ha affermato in un evento del suo partito che “il voto al primo e al secondo Trump, il voto per la Brexit qualche anno fa. Il voto in Germania a destra, quello alla Le Pen, quello in Italia alla Meloni, prima a Salvini oggi forse a Vannacci, è un voto che vede in maniera maggioritaria il voto di chi ha poco studiato di chi vive nelle aree interne o nelle periferie delle città e di chi sta peggio economicamente”. Contra factum non valet argumentum: è la verità accertata da ogni indagine sociologica e empirica.

Con grande velocità e maestria comunicativa, Giorgia Meloni – l’unico vero attivo della coalizione che capeggia – ha replicato così “Quelli che votano per loro sono cittadini colti, consapevoli e intelligenti, mentre quelli che votano per noi sarebbero ignoranti da compatire, quando non da rieducare.” Colpito e affondato. Il punto è che entrambi hanno ragione e torto allo stesso tempo. Soprattutto non riescono a cogliere l’importanza storica di quanto osservano da mestieranti della politica preoccupati più del consenso immediato che delle ricadute di quanto osservano. Ebbene sì, due spettri si aggirano per la terra del tramonto, la sinistra patrizia e la destra plebea. E’ una novità, ma non del tutto: la rivoluzione francese, madre di tutte le rivoluzioni, la fecero avvocati, intellettuali e nobilotti di città, l’opposizione venne dagli strati popolari e contadini, sterminati in autentici genocidi come in Vandea. Fu la liberalissima legge Le Chapelier (1791) ad abolire i corpi intermedi e a lasciare indifeso il popolo dinanzi alla forza impersonale della neonata “nation” (il potere legale) e dell’economia.

Per buona parte del secolo XIX, la sinistra fu liberale, nelle varie accezioni del termine. La violenza sfruttatrice del nuovo potere generò la reazione socialista e comunista; i liberali divennero la destra, egemonizzando i conservatori. Si torna alle origini. I vincenti da un lato, i perdenti dall’altro. Cambia la segnaletica, non la sostanza. Sfumata la mistica marxista del proletariato, leva della rivoluzione comunista, è rimasto ciò che i postmarxisti francofortesi – in particolare Adorno e Horkheimer – compresero un secolo fa: i proletari non sono affatto una classe rivoluzionaria. Lottano per uscire dalla loro condizione e diventare borghesi. Furono loro, con Marcuse, a individuare nuovi gruppi “rivoluzionari”: le donne, le minoranze etniche e sessuali, i giovani visti come classe a parte, le comunità prive di rilievo sociale.

La sinistra – diventata progressista e tornata in qualche modo liberale ( le parole generiche multiuso attraggono sempre) ha imparato la lezione e si è messa dalla parte dei vincenti. Quelli veri, le oligarchie economiche e finanziarie liberatesi a loro volta dai principi di ieri in nome del nuovo dio immanente, il mercato diventato globale, onnipotente. Conquistato potere dopo aver affollato determinate facoltà universitarie e aver conquistato le casematte del potere ( eterogenesi dei fini del pensiero di Gramsci!) è ovvio che questi ceti– molto numerosi e quasi sempre garantiti – non vogliano mollarlo: per questo votano a sinistra. Poiché la loro formazione è prevalentemente giuridico-amministrativa, sociologica, filosofica, psicologica, si considerano gli unici illuminati. E’ un ampio ceto snob, con una crescente percentuale femminile . E’ a suo agio nei centri commerciali, ama le novità di ogni genere, specie tecnologiche, è affascinata dai cosiddetti “ diritti” (dinanzi ai doveri si ritrae scandalizzata) e fa parte del tipo umano sradicato volontariamente, cosmopolita, che non si sente di nessun luogo (i nowhere della sociologia anglosassone). L’altra caratteristica è il narcisismo: guardano solo se stessi, si amano e si considerano, come avrebbe detto il Principe di Salina, il Gattopardo, il sale della terra. Naturale che abbiano orrore di tutti gli altri, esattamente come le classi alte del passato, “ i signori” che almeno sapevano trarre dai loro ranghi una classe dirigente.

Bonaccini nasce comunista, sa bene che la sua parte era formata prevalentemente dallo stesso popolo che adesso si è spostato altrove. Operai, le loro famiglie, lavoratori e lavoratrici manuali , abitanti delle periferie, generazioni intere sradicate dalla rivoluzione industriale, che in Italia arrivò a fine anni Cinquanta. Non avevano master, lauree o diplomi, ma volontà, capacità di lavoro, spirito di sacrificio, amore per la famiglia e per la loro terra, speranza nel futuro. I ceti parassitari – a sud incarnati dal notabilato, da possidenti agrari, da insegnanti, burocrati di ogni ordine e grado, a nord soprattutto dalla rampante borghesia imprenditoriale insofferente delle limitazioni e sospettosa dello Stato, stavano dall’altra parte. E’ una divisione rozza e assai parziale, ma rende l’idea.

Sempre alto contro basso, centro contro periferia, oligarchie e ceti tecnici e intellettuali di supporto contro popolo. I vincenti degli ultimi sessanta-settant’anni si sono posizionati a sinistra (il termine è puramente descrittivo) perché vi hanno trovato ciò che cercavano. Indifferenti ai principi dell’identità, della religione, della nazione, della famiglia, non più interessati ai temi sociali, attratti dal fantasma della libertà intesa come liberazione dai vincoli, hanno trovato in un certo tipo di studi la chiave per affermare alcuni valori e soprattutto elevare la propria condizione economica e il proprio peso sociale. Hanno occupato le burocrazie, aumentate di numero e importanza, sempre votate al controllo, alla gestione (due sostantivi centrali nell’universo mentale progressista) a una visione legalistica, formalistica della realtà: il ceto dei “protocolli” che esentano dal pensiero e soprattutto dalla responsabilità.

Si sono impadroniti della scuola, abbandonata da molti insegnati uomini per lo scarso prestigio economico. Egemonizzano professioni come la psicologia, l’assistenza sociale, i quadri amministrativi pubblici, la legione dei cosiddetti “esperti”. Sono istintivamente di sinistra non per progressismo, ma, paradossalmente per l’opposto: ce l’hanno fatta, ora guardano dall’alto in basso la massa sottostante, i penultimi, gli sconfitti del nostro tempo. Hanno sostituito il razzismo di ieri e la distanza di classe con la supponenza culturale, il suprematismo dei semicolti, semi riflessivi, semi abbienti, semi moralisti, sempre con il dito alzato e le sopracciglia inarcate nello sdegno mentre guardano in basso senza tentare di capire. Se non fossero i padroni del linguaggio, sarebbero la destra, termine caricato di ogni negatività. Perciò Bonaccini ha ragione quando segnala il disagio che induce i meno colti, i non garantiti, gli abitanti dei piccoli e medi centri, i superstiti ceti rurali, chi non ha potuto terminare gli studi, a ideali e scelte avverse alla sua parte. Ma sono i suoi ad averli abbandonati e innanzitutto ad avere screditato, vilipeso, ridicolizzato i loro principi e valori. Non può stupirsi se i perdenti non ci stanno.

Ha ragione la Meloni a difendere i suoi elettori, ma non può dimenticarsi di rappresentarli, come è accaduto nei deludenti anni di governo. Nulla di ciò che chiedeva il suo popolo è stato realizzato su temi centrali come immigrazione, ordine pubblico, guerra, riarmo, difesa dei ceti medi. Più ancora, dovrebbe prendere atto che il giudizio sommario della sinistra sulla destra non è del tutto infondato, specie sul piano culturale, e lavorare per rimuoverlo, evitando di affidare questi temi ad azzimati maestrini da salotto televisivo. Inutile indorare la pillola: un numero gigantesco di militanti è interessato a soli tre temi: i liberalconservatori alle tasse e al totem dell’impresa; gli altri all’immigrazione, in cui confondono il fenomeno, drammatico, con l’immigrato, che è una persona.

Chi ha lottato per decenni contro l’indifferenza culturale delle varie destre lo sa. A minoranze di grandissima qualità, vasti interessi e larghe conoscenze, frequentatori di blog, siti Internet, librerie di nicchia, animatori di circoli, lettori voraci, pubblicisti accaniti, si contrappone una maggioranza enorme di indifferenti, se non di ignoranti soddisfatti. Incapaci di approfondimento, infastiditi da ogni argomentazione che non riguardi il portafogli o gli stranieri, non hanno però ogni colpa. Sono diseducati da decenni: pensa a tutto il capo di turno. Nel passato leader politici come Almirante, Malagodi o Fanfani, poi Berlusconi, adesso Meloni e l’ultimo arrivato, il generalissimo.

Dobbiamo ammetterlo con il dispiacere, l’impotenza e la delusione di una vita: discutere con i progressisti può infastidire, far male, stupire per il rifiuto della realtà di alcuni, ma farlo con l’elettore medio di destra è spesso disperante. Epperò il motivo per cui la destra è così popolare presso i gruppi sociali citati da Bonaccini – che ha dimenticato di analizzare (non gli conviene!) la forte preminenza maschile – è elementare. Nella società contemporanea il conflitto non è più esclusivamente verticale, tra ricchi e poveri, sfruttati e sfruttatori, ma, come dicevamo , tra centro e periferia, popolo e oligarchie, ceti burocratici, tecnici, “esperti” garantiti e masse non garantite, tra identitari e cosmopoliti. Bonaccini lo ha capito, mentre dal lato opposto ci si limita a rispondere con slogan piccati, ancorché efficaci. E’ la differenza tra riflessione e approssimazione, approfondimento e pesca delle occasioni. Se la neo destra è plebea è perché è sconfitta. Talvolta vince sfruttando i madornali errori dell’avversario, ma non rappresenta un’ alternativa. Parafrasando il comunistissimo Dario Fo: il padrone del discorso sa mille parole, il perdente trecento. Per questo vince.

L'articolo Destra plebea, sinistra patrizia proviene da Blondet & Friends.

Foreign Affairs and Trade Minister Helen McEntee TD has provided an update on Ireland’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union, highlighting progress made during its first two months and the Government’s focus on delivering practical results for people, communities and businesses.

Since Ireland assumed the Presidency on 1 July, work has advanced across its three core priorities of competitiveness, values and security.

Early achievements include renewed momentum on EU enlargement, agreement on a further package of sanctions against Russia, progress on measures to better protect children from sexual abuse online, and advancing measures aimed at strengthening Europe’s competitiveness.

Over the coming months, Ireland will lead negotiations and discussions on some of the biggest issues facing Europe, including the next EU budget, reducing unnecessary regulatory burdens on businesses, supporting sustainable and competitive agriculture, strengthening communities and regions through cohesion funding, and improving road safety.

Minister McEntee said: “We began this Presidency with a clear objective: to use Ireland’s six months leading the Council to deliver practical results that make a difference to people’s lives.

“That means making it easier for Irish and European businesses to grow, invest and create jobs. We are committed protecting children online, supporting our farmers and rural communities, strengthening Europe’s security and standing firmly with Ukraine. And we are making every effort to ensure that the European Union remains competitive in a rapidly changing global economy.

“We have made real progress during our first two months. There is a great deal more work ahead of us, but Ireland is now in a strong position to secure important agreements before the end of the year.”

The Presidency meetings programme will return to full pace following the summer period.

On Monday and Tuesday (31 August-1 September), Minister McEntee will host EU Defence Ministers in Co. Wicklow for an informal meeting chaired by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas.

She will also host EU Foreign Ministers in Wicklow on Tuesday and Wednesday (2 SEptember) for the traditional informal “Gymnich” meeting.

These are among 16 informal meetings of EU Ministers being hosted in Ireland up to the end of November. Ministers will meet across the country to advance work in areas including energy, housing, health, consumer protection, competitiveness and security.

Minister McEntee said: “Measures at a European level have a direct impact here at home. They affect the cost of doing business, the security of our energy supply, the opportunities available to our farmers and exporters, and our ability to respond to challenges such as war, economic instability and technological change.

“The Presidency provides Ireland with an opportunity to shape these decisions and to push for solutions that deliver for people right across Ireland and the EU.

“We are also bringing these meetings beyond Dublin. Communities across Ireland are hosting thousands of visitors during our Presidency and are showcasing all that Ireland has to offer to our European partners.”

The Presidency is also providing opportunities for people across Ireland to engage directly with the European Union and Ireland’s role within it.

Through the Presidency County Pairings Programme, each EU Member State has been paired with an Irish county, with events and initiatives taking place throughout the autumn to strengthen links between communities in Ireland and across Europe.

New resources for schools will also be launched in September, including a children’s version of the Presidency Policy Programme for primary school pupils and a reading guide aimed at Transition Year students.

Minister McEntee said: “EU membership has transformed Ireland. It has helped create jobs and investment, opened opportunities for Irish businesses and our young people, supported our farmers and communities and given Ireland a much stronger voice in the world.

“Our Presidency is an opportunity to bring that European story closer to communities across the country.

“I want people, and especially our young people, to understand that Europe is not something distant that happens in Brussels. The decisions we make together affect our jobs, our economy, our security and the opportunities available to the next generation.

“The Presidency County Pairings Programme and our work with schools are about ensuring that people across Ireland can participate in this Presidency and strengthen the relationships with our European partners that have served Ireland so well.”

Details of the Presidency policy programme, the calendar of Presidency meetings and events, and other updates are available on the Irish Presidency website at www.eire2026.eu and www.ireland2026.eu.

The European Commission has approved, under the EU Merger Regulation, the acquisition of joint control of Eurowind Energy A/S by Norlys a.m.b.a. and EWE Holding ApS (‘EWH'), all of Denmark, and Blackstone Inc. of the US.

The transaction relates primarily to the development, construction, and operation of wind and solar farms in Europe, the wholesale of electricity, the provision of electricity balancing and ancillary services, as well as the development of renewable energy solutions.

The Commission concluded that the notified transaction would not raise competition concerns, given the companies' limited market positions resulting from the proposed transaction. The notified transaction was examined under the simplified merger review procedure.

More information is available on the Commission's competition website, in the public case register under the case number M.12473.

In the second quarter of 2026, the EU imported €701.8 billion in goods from non-EU countries and exported €680.0 billion. Compared with the previous quarter, both imports and exports increased, by 9.9% and 5.4%, respectively. Compared with the second quarter of 2025, imports increased by 11.7% and exports by 4.5%.

China was the EU’s largest supplier, accounting for €153.6 billion (21.9% of all imports). The United States came second (€98.7 billion; 14.1%), followed by the United Kingdom (€43.4 billion; 6.2%), Switzerland (€36.9 billion; 5.3%) and Türkiye (€25.5 billion; 3.6%). 

The EU increased imports from the United States (+11.5%), the United Kingdom (+8.8%), China (+7.9%) and Switzerland (+2.1%) compared with the second quarter of 2025, while imports from Türkiye declined slightly (-0.6%).

Click to enlarge

Source dataset: ext_st_eu27_2020sitc

The EU exported €127.7 billion of goods to the United States, making it the EU’s main export destination (18.8% of all exports). The United Kingdom came second with €92.7 billion (13.6%), followed by Switzerland (€60.5 billion; 8.9%), China (€50.3 billion; 7.4%) and Türkiye (€27.3 billion; 4.0%).

Exports to Switzerland rose sharply (+16.1%) compared with the same quarter of 2025. Exports to the United Kingdom (+5.6%) and China (+2.8%) also increased, while those to the United States (-5.6%) and Türkiye (-4.9%) decreased.

For more information

• Statistics Explained article on extra-EU trade in goods - latest developments
• Statistics Explained on the EU trade with the US – latest developments
• Statistics Explained on the EU trade with China - latest developments
• Thematic section on international trade in goods
• Database on international trade in goods
• International trade in goods – a statistical picture

On 26 August, Romania received its first payment of €2.5 billion under the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) defence instrument, representing 15% of its total allocation of €16.7 billion.

SAFE is a €150 billion financial instrument providing loans to member states. It primarily funds joint procurement of ammunition, missiles, air defence, and ground combat systems produced within the EU. It is part of the European Commission's ReArm Europe/Readiness 2030 plan, which aims to unlock over €800 billion in defence investment across the European Union.

The pre-financing will help Romania accelerate priority defence investments, strengthen resilience, and modernise its military capabilities in line with shared European goals. SAFE is designed to enable swift, co-ordinated action, improve the ability of European forces to work together, and strengthen Europe's defence industry, including through joint procurement and closer cross-border co-operation.

Defence and Space Commissioner Andrius Kubilius (pictured) said: "Today's €2.5 billion payment to Romania under SAFE is a major milestone for European defence and a more sovereign Europe. This funding will strengthen Romania's defence capabilities and industrial base, while contributing to Europe's overall security. SAFE is a clear demonstration of our strong commitment to European security, and to the resilience and to defence of our Eastern Flank."

This payment follows the completion of all required procedural steps and reflects the EU's commitment to providing timely, practical support through SAFE. Further payments will follow, as agreed milestones and implementation are met.

The SAFE instrument is financed by EU borrowing on the financial markets. This enables competitively priced and attractively structured long-duration loans to requesting Member States. The terms of the SAFE loans benefit from the EU's strong credit rating.

The recent decision of the Lukashenka regime to designate the websites and social media of EUvsDisinfo, of the EU-supported SALT and “Education for Belarusians” programmes, and of Lithuania’s Central Project Management Agency (CPVA) as “extremist information sources” is yet another example of the regime’s systematic efforts to suppress critical thinking, restrict fundamental freedoms and shrink civic space. The European Union strongly condemns such actions.

This unjustified decision seeks to restrict Belarusians’ access to independent information and educational opportunities. EUvsDisinfo works to raise awareness of disinformation and information manipulation, while the SALT and “Education for Belarusians” programmes have enabled Belarusian students and researchers to study and advance their work in Europe. These initiatives reflect the EU’s commitment to supporting the Belarusian people and maintaining people-to-people contacts. 

We call on the Belarusian regime to reverse this decision without delay and end their ongoing repression of the Belarusian people. 

The EU will continue to stand with the Belarusian people and support their right to unbiased information and opportunities for them to study, learn and work in an environment of academic freedom.

The European Commission has approved a €20 million state aid scheme for agricultural and fishing companies in the Italian region of Friuli Venezia Giulia that are facing increased fuel and fertiliser prices due to the Middle East crisis. The scheme was approved under the Middle East Crisis Temporary State Aid Framework (METSAF) adopted by the Commission on 29 April 2026.

The scheme, which will run until 31 December 2026, aims at mitigating the impact of the increase in agricultural fuel and fertiliser prices, as well as in fishery and aquaculture fuel prices. The aid will take the form of direct grants and subsidised loans. It will be determined on the basis of the size of land used for the primary production of agricultural products, and on the basis of estimates of fuel consumption in the primary production of fishery and aquaculture products, capped to €50,000 per beneficiary. The aid is paid by the autonomous region of Friuli Venezia Giulia.

The Commission assessed the scheme under EU State aid rules, in particular Article 107(3)(c) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, which enables member states to support the development of certain economic activities subject to certain conditions, as well as Sections 1 and 2.1 of the METSAF. The Commission found that the scheme is in line with the conditions set out in the METSAF. In particular, aid will be granted based on a scheme with a clear estimated budget and will be provided to temporarily support the development of companies active in primary production of agricultural products. The Commission concluded that the scheme is necessary, appropriate and proportionate to facilitate the development of an economic activity and does not adversely affect trading conditions to an extent contrary to the common interest. On this basis, the Commission approved the Italian regional scheme under EU state aid rules.

For more information

Fancy a novel way of dining out – one that provides a delicious meal while viewing the sights of the “capital of Europe”?

If so, the Tram Experience in Brussels could be just for you.

The Tram Experience is a unique rolling gourmet restaurant set inside a beautifully converted historic STIB-MIVB tram.

Diners enjoy a multi-course meal while slowly cruising through boulevards and scenic neighbourhoods of southern and eastern Brussels (such as Louise, Merode, and the Tram Museum).

Menus are designed by renowned and Michelin-starred Belgian chefs, featuring high-end reinterpretations of local cuisine. Dishes are prepared and served fresh on board.

A new season of the Tram Experience returns this week, on Friday 28 August. The menus for the new season will be created by some of the biggest names in Belgian gastronomy.

Among them are the promising David-Alexandre Bruno (Quartz), who will join Michelin-starred chefs such as Olly Ceulenaere (Publiek*) and Ricarda Grommes (Quadras*).

To mark 100 years of Comme Chez Soi*, three generations of chefs from the country’s most iconic restaurant, will be offering a celebratory menu especially for the occasion.

This season also sees the introduction of a new lunch package designed for large groups.

A spokesman said, “A trip aboard the Tram Experience is an unforgettable culinary experience.

“Whether as a couple, a group of four or a larger party, guests savour a menu created by a renowned chef whilst touring the capital’s most beautiful neighbourhoods.

“It’s the perfect choice for a romantic dinner in Brussels, a unique evening out with friends or an exclusive team-building event.”

The first names in the line up for the new season (running through early 2027) offer a wonderful glimpse of Belgian culinary excellence.

Building on the Tram Experience's popularity, this year visitors will also be able to enjoy a brand new lunch package designed especially for large groups looking to book the whole tram for a private event.

Belgian gastronomy’s leading names take centre stage and a number of iconic figures from the country’s three regions will feature this season.

David-Alexandre Bruno, from Brussels, opens  proceedings. 

At the helm of the Quartz restaurant in Ixelles, chef Bruno captivates diners with cuisine that combines technical precision and elegance. This approach earned him the title of Young Chef of the Year 2026 for Brussels in the latest edition of the Gault & Millau guide.

He has devised the menu that will be served on board the tram until 11 October.

Other renowned chefs have been announced.

Olly Ceulenaere, from Michelin-starred Ghent restaurant Publiek*, will be designing the menu to be served from 2 February to 21 March.

His exciting and unpretentious approach is sure to leave a lasting impression on diners.

From 23 March to 9 May, the spotlight turns to Ricarda Grommes, head chef at another Michelinstarred establishment, the highly acclaimed Quadras* in Saint-Vith.

Famous for her creativity, which draws on influences from a wide range of sources, she will be serving up cuisine as inspired as it is innovative.

The centenary of Comme Chez Soi December and January will also be marked.

A true institution on the Brussels gastronomic scene, the restaurant on place Rouppe has held Michelin stars without interruption for over 70 years.

To celebrate this exceptional anniversary, Pierre Wynants, the “godfather” of Belgian gastronomy, will join forces with his son-in-law and current head chef, Lionel Rigolet, as well as his grandson and future head chef, Loïc Rigolet, to create a unique festive menu.

Every year, the Tram Experience serves around 8,500 guests.

In light of the concept’s growing success, an additional set menu will now be available on weekdays.

In addition to the 6- or 7-course dinner menus, a 4-course lunch menu is being introduced.

This option is exclusively for large groups booking the entire tram for private use.

The menus are prepared on board, with the utmost care, by Thibault Granville (Taste Great) and his team.Bookings are for 2 or 4 people. It is also possible to book the entire tram (36 seats) or a single carriage (16 or 20 seats) for an event or a team-building activity.

More info

---

On Ukraine Independence Day (24 August), the European Commission approved €6.1 billion in new defence procurement for Ukraine. This funding covers air and missile defence systems, missiles, ammunitions and radars, reaffirming Europe's commitment to supporting Ukraine's defence and resilience against Russia's ongoing aggression. 

Ursula von der Leyen, president of the Commission: “On Ukraine's Independence Day, Europe shows our support is unfaltering and concrete. Today, we have approved €6.1 billion for the air and missile defence systems, missiles, ammunition and radars that Ukraine urgently needs. As Russia intensifies its attacks, we are stepping up to help Ukraine protect its people and defend its skies. Europe stands with Ukraine and we will deliver what it needs, when it needs it.” 

The funding, part of the €90 billion Ukraine Support Loan (UASL), comes as Russia escalates attacks with ballistic missiles and drones. With 376 missile strikes recorded in July alone, reinforcing Ukraine's defences has become increasingly urgent.  

The approval adds to €16 billion in already approved procurement plans, of which €8.35 billion has been disbursed, ensuring Ukraine receives critical supplies on time and at the required scale. 

Most procurements will source products from EU defence companies. Given Russia's intensified use of ballistic missiles and jet-engined drones, the Commission emphasises the need for a significant increase in EU deliveries through destocking, reprioritising orders and ramping up the production. 

Ukraine's ability to defend itself depends on the rapid availability of critical defence products. The UASL provides €30 billion for budgetary aid and €60 billion for defence across 2026-2027, including €28.3 billion in 2026 to strengthen Ukraine's defence industrial capacity. 

Next steps 

Ukraine can request payments by submitting contracts signed with defence companies. The Commission will review these contracts before disbursing funds to ensure the financial assistance is used for the procurements agreed with Member States and the Commission. 

Background 

In February 2026, the European Parliament and the Council adopted Regulation (EU) 2026/467, establishing the Ukraine Support Loan, providing up to €90 billion in support to Ukraine. This support has two complementary components: strengthening Ukraine's defence capabilities and defence industrial capacities, and support to maintain essential state functions, public services and economic resilience. 

Following Ukraine's submission of its Financing Strategy in March 2026, the Council adopted an implementing decision on 23 April 2026, allocating up to €45 billion for 2026. This includes €16.7 billion in budget support, split equally between the Ukraine Facility and Macro Financial Assistance, with each amounting to up to €8.35 billion, and €28.3 billion for defence industrial capacities. 

The defence component focuses on reconstructing and modernising Ukraine's defence technological and industrial base, while supporting its gradual integration into the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base. 

All funding decisions respond to Ukraine's evolving needs and are subject to agreed conditions and monitoring. Since 2022, the EU and its Member States have provided €220.2 billion in overall support to Ukraine, including €3.8 billion from the proceeds of immobilised Russian assets. 

For more information 

Ukraine Support Loan 

Regulation (EU) 2026/467 - Ukraine Support Loan for 2026 and 2027  

Commission implementing decision validating the use of derogations for drones in Ukraine 

Macro-Financial Assistance 

Macro-Financial Assistance to Ukraine 

Ukraine Facility  

Factsheet - EU solidarity with Ukraine 

Defence

Ukraine

On 24 August, the Commission adopted its proposal for the 2027 fishing opportunities for the Baltic Sea. The proposal sets the total allowable catches (TACs) and quotas for the ten EU-managed fish stocks in the Baltic Sea: Bothnian herring, central Baltic herring, Gulf of Riga herring, sprat, plaice, Main Basin salmon, Gulf of Finland salmon, western Baltic cod, eastern Baltic cod, and western Baltic herring. 
 
It responds to scientific assessments that highlight the critical state of several fisheries and allows for continuing the rebuilding trajectories for relevant stocks. 

The Commission proposes to increase fishing opportunities for Bothnian herring (+3%), central Baltic herring (+49%), Gulf of Riga herring (+11%) and sprat (+44%). Catches of plaice, salmon in the Main basin and in the Gulf of Finland would remain unchanged compared to this year. In addition, based on the latest reporting by Member States, the Commission proposes to reduce the allocations of unavoidable by-catches – fish unwantedly caught by fishers - of western Baltic cod (-88%), eastern Baltic cod (-51%) and western Baltic herring (-45%).  

These proposed TACs are based on the best available scientific advice from the International Council on the Exploration of the Seas (ICES) and follow the Baltic Sea multiannual management plan adopted in 2016 by the European Parliament and the Council. 

Cod 

For eastern Baltic cod, the Commission has proposed to keep a catch limit for unavoidable by-catches and all the accompanying measures in place already for several years. However, since the stock continues to be in bad condition, the by-catch limit should be adjusted, based on the number of by-catches reported by each Member State in 2025. Despite the measures taken since 2019, when scientists first warned about the poor status of cod, the situation has not improved. 

The situation is similar for western Baltic cod. The Commission therefore proposes to adjust the by-catch TAC to address a deteriorated condition of the stock, and to keep all the accompanying measures. 

Herring 

The stock size of western Baltic herring remains significantly below minimum levels. The Commission proposes removing the exemption for small-scale coastal fisheries and adjusting the TAC to unavoidable by-catches only. 

The stock size of Bothnian herring is larger than previously estimated but still below sustainable levels. With the maximum catch levels contained in the ICES advice, the stock size would continue to decrease. In order to continue the rebuilding trajectory, the Commission proposes a TAC level which keeps the fishing mortality rate stable and increases the stock size. The Commission also proposes to keep the three-month spawning closure – restricting fishing during reproduction periods - in shallow coastal waters.  

The stock size of central Baltic herring has increased but remains below sustainable levels. ICES forecasts a positive stock development due to high estimated recruitment. In order to continue the rebuilding trajectory, the Commission proposes a cautious approach and to set the TAC at the level which keeps the fishing mortality rate stable. In addition, the Commission proposes to keep the three-month spawning closure in shallow coastal waters. 

Herring in the Gulf of Riga is healthy, and the Commission proposes to set the catch limits according to the maximum advised by ICES. 

Plaice 

Scientific advice recommends a slight increase, but the Commission proposes to keep the TAC unchanged due to the bad condition of individual fish. In addition, new measures for flatfish fisheries, including plaice, entered into force last year. These measures will help improve the sustainability of flatfish fishing, notably by reducing unwanted cod by-catches – which still occur frequently. 

Sprat 

After several difficult years the size of the sprat stock has increased significantly due to recent very high reproduction rates. ICES estimates that the stock will continue to increase. The Commission therefore proposes setting the TAC at the advised maximum and to discontinue the three-month spawning closure.  

Salmon 

ICES did not publish a new advice for 2027. The Commission therefore proposes to maintain the (by-catch) TAC levels and the accompanying conditions for the two salmon TACs, with the exception of recreational fishing on reared salmon which should stop.  

Next steps 

Based on these proposals, EU countries will take a final decision to determine the maximum quantities of the most important commercial fish species that can be caught in the Baltic Sea. The Council will examine the Commission's proposal in view of reaching a political agreement during its meeting on 26-27 October 2026. The formal adoption by the Council will follow later in the course of November. 

Background 

The fishing opportunities proposal is part of the European Union's approach to adjust the levels of fishing to long-term sustainability targets, called maximum sustainable yield (MSY), as agreed by the European Parliament and the Council in the Common Fisheries Policy. The Commission's proposal is also in line with the Multiannual Plan for the management of cod, herring and sprat in the Baltic Sea and with the policy intentions expressed in the Commission's Communication 'Sustainable fishing in the EU: state of play and orientations for 2027'. 

The current situation is difficult for fishers as stocks are subject to various pressures which have led to the degradation of the Baltic Sea's biodiversity, such as high nutrient inputs and persistently high levels of contaminants. These stressors, in part, stem from failures to implement EU legislation. Furthermore, the scientific advice also recognises the impact of misreporting of fishing, without being able to quantify it. Misreporting potentially leads to hidden overfishing. 

The Baltic Sea is the most polluted sea in Europe. It is affected by biodiversity loss, climate change, eutrophication, past and probably current hidden overfishing, and elevated levels of contaminants such as pharmaceuticals and litter. Concerned about this dire situation, the European Commission organised several editions of the Our Baltic Conferences in 2020, 2023 and 2025 to bring together Ministers from the eight EU countries surrounding the Baltic Sea (Denmark, Germany, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Finland and Sweden). 

For more information 

Questions and answers

Proposal fishing opportunities Baltic Sea 2027

Table: Overview of TAC changes 2026-2027 (figures in tones except for salmon, which is in number of pieces)

	2026	2027
Stocks and ICES fishing zones; subdivision	Council agreement (in tonnes & % change from 2025 TAC)	Commission proposal (in tonnes & % change from 2026 TAC)
Western Cod 22-24	266 (0%)	31 (-88%)
Eastern Cod 25-32	430 (0%)	211 (-51%)
Western Herring 22-24	788 (0%)	437 (-45%)
Bothnian Herring 30-31	55 869 (-16%)	57 308 (+3%)
Central Herring 25-27, 28.2, 29, 32	96 463 (+15%)	143 860 (+49%)
Riga Herring 38.1	34 367 (-17%)	28 183 (+11%)
Sprat 22-32	201 975 (+45%)	291 590 (+44%)
Plaice 22-32	10 973 (-3%)	10 973 (0%)
Main Basin Salmon 22-31	25 537 (-27%)	25 537 (0%)
Gulf of Finland Salmon 32	10 232 (+1%)	10 232 (0%)

* Updated on 25 August 2026, at 14:16 CEST

Related topics

Maritime affairs and fisheries

In 2025, the EU’s value of sold production in constant prices increased by 2.9% compared with 2024. This is the first time since 2022 and comes after 2 successive declines in 2023 (-1.5% compared with 2022) and 2024 (-1.9% compared with 2023).

Constant prices are adjusted for inflation by using the prices of a fixed base year (in this article the year 2021) to reflect value changes over time. Current (nominal) prices are measured using the actual prices of goods in the year they are produced.

The EU’s production increased gradually every year in the period 2015-2018. In 2019, the value of sold production registered a small decrease and dropped sharply in 2020 due to the effects of the global pandemic. However, 2021 and 2022 showed increases in production in all the industrial activity groups.

Click to enlarge

Source datasets: DS-059358, DS-059367 and sts_inpp_a 

In nominal terms, the EU’s value of sold production rose from €5 869 billion in 2024 to €6 090 billion in 2025.

This information comes from data on the production of manufactured goods published by Eurostat. The article presents a handful of findings from the more detailed Statistics Explained article on industrial production, which also includes analysis by country and sector. 

Highest increase in value of sold production for food products

Looking at the top 5 groups of manufacturing activities, the biggest rise in sold production value in constant prices was recorded in food products; +3.8% compared with 2024 and +11.2% since 2015. 

Machinery and equipment recorded the second-highest increase (+3.3%), ahead of motor vehicles, trailers and semi-trailers (+0.6%). Meanwhile, chemicals and chemical products, and fabricated metal products (except machinery and equipment) registered small decreases compared with 2024 (both -1.4%).

Chemicals and chemical products and fabricated metal products (except machinery and equipment) were the only manufacturing groups that observed a decline over the past decade.

Click to enlarge

Source datasets: DS-059358, DS-059367 and sts_inpp_a

For more information

• Statistics Explained article on industrial production
• Thematic section on prodcom - statistics by product
• Database on prodcom - statistics by product

Methodological notes

The analysis of the manufacturing activities refers to the division breakdown (first 2-digit level) of the Statistical classification of economic activities in the European Community (NACE). Full names of NACE categories listed in this news item are as follows:

• Manufacture of food products
• Manufacture of chemicals and chemical products
• Manufacture of fabricated metal products, except machinery and equipment
• Manufacture of machinery and equipment n.e.c.
• Manufacture of motor vehicles, trailers and semi-trailers

In the second quarter of 2026, the EU recorded a trade deficit of €21.8 billion, as goods imported from non-EU countries (€701.8 billion) exceeded exports (€680.0 billion). This is the first trade deficit registered since the second quarter of 2023, the last of a series of deficits fuelled by soaring energy costs observed between late 2021 and mid-2023.

The deficit in the trade balance was primarily due to an increase in the deficit on energy products (from -€71.3 billion in Q1 2026 to -€101.1 billion in Q2 2026), raw materials (from -€7.9 billion to -€9.4 billion) and other manufactured goods (from -€8.3 billion to -€9.1 billion). Additionally, there was a reduction in the surplus of machinery and vehicles (from €24.9 billion in Q1 2026 to €23.2 billion) and other goods (from €11.6 billion to €9.1 billion). 

On the other hand, there were surplus increases for chemicals (from €47.1 billion to €54.0 billion) and food and drinks (from €10.7 billion to €11.5 billion). 

Click to enlarge

Source dataset: ext_st_eu27_2020sitc

Overall, exports increased by 5.4% (+€34.9 billion) and imports by 9.9% (+€63.4 billion) compared with the previous quarter. 

Exports and imports had been declining since the second quarter of 2025, a trend that halted in the first quarter of 2026. Those declines had been partly attributed to tariff tensions. 

Click to enlarge

Source dataset: ext_st_eu27_2020sitc

For more information

• Statistics Explained article on extra-EU trade in goods - latest developments
• Thematic section on international trade in goods
• Database on international trade in goods
• International trade in goods – a statistical picture

Methodological note

Products are defined according to the standard international trade classification (SITC). The main categories are:

• food, drinks and tobacco (Sections 0 and 1 - including live animals);
• raw materials (Sections 2 and 4);
• energy products (Section 3);
• chemicals and related products (Section 5 - including pharmaceuticals and plastics);
• machinery and transport equipment (Section 7);
• other manufactured goods (Sections 6 and 8);
• other goods (Section 9).

Persistent heat and lack of rainfall in the past two months are affecting summer crops and fodder supply across western and central Europe, according to the latest MARS bulletin of the European Commission's Joint Research Centre (JRC).

The strongest impacts are being reported in France, southern Germany, northern and central Italy, Austria, Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary and western Romania. High temperatures combined with a lack of rain have affected crops and fodder supply, and limited irrigation water has further intensified the stress in several regions.

In Benelux countries, Slovenia and Croatia, hot and dry conditions reduced yield expectations for summer crops, particularly maize. Meanwhile, fodder supply is a concern across large parts of western and central Europe, with persistent heat and drought having reduced pasture availability and biomass accumulation.

Published every month, the JRC MARS bulletin assists the Commission in monitoring agricultural conditions and responding to the difficulties farmers are facing. The Commission remains committed to supporting farmers so they can continue to provide affordable, high-quality food. This is where the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) plays a key role to make agriculture more resilient and better adapted to climate change by supporting farming practices that strengthen resilience and more sustainable methods. The CAP supports investments in efficient irrigation, climate-resilient infrastructure, water-saving technologies and better water management, and supports the shift to more climate resilient crops. More information on how the Commission is helping farmers can be found online.

Agriculture and Food Commissioner Christophe Hansen (pictured) said: “This summer has been particularly difficult for farmers across the EU. Drought and extreme heat are putting crops, fodder, livestock, and farmers' incomes under increasing pressure. We are closely and actively monitoring the developments, gaining insights of the impact directly from the ground. These events are a reminder that we must prepare for a future in which extreme weather becomes more frequent. We need to support farmers today while making European agriculture more resilient for tomorrow.”