Three foreign frigates – Japan’s Mogami class, the South Korean Chungnam class, and the Istanbul class from Turkey – are reportedly included in a study of ships the U.S. Navy could procure. The Trump administration has been openly pushing to leverage ships designed in friendly countries to rapidly bolster the Navy’s fleet while also working to rebuild America’s shrunken domestic shipbuilding capacity. So, it is worth examining what each design brings to the table, as well as the broader opportunities and major hurdles procuring any of them would represent.

USNI News was first to report on Tuesday that the Japanese, South Korean, and Turkish frigates are included in an ongoing Navy study, citing anonymous sources. The review is in direct response to one of the provisions in a larger memo President Trump sent out last month, titled “Rebuilding the United States Navy and America’s Shipbuilding Industrial Base.” This also comes amid strong opposition in Congress to the basic idea of buying foreign warships for the Navy.

Per that memo, the Secretary of the Navy (currently Acting Secretary Hung Cao) was directed to “submit a plan to the President … that includes timelines and resourcing requirements, for a new competitive acquisition approach for surface combatants with sufficient inherent capabilities to perform anti‑submarine warfare, surface warfare, and convoy escort duties.” The memo also said the “plan should address meeting the requirements for Consolidated Cargo Replenishment at Sea (CONSOL) Tankers and — separately — Roll-On, Roll-Off Vessels.”

The study could lead to “an international warship competition [that] could include building up to two of the ships in foreign shipyards before transitioning to domestic yards as part of the Trump administration’s push to rapidly expand the fleet, three industry sources familiar with the deliberations confirmed,” according to USNI News‘ report. The outlet also said the Navy declined to “directly address the potential for an open competition for a new frigate” when asked.

The acquisition approach described here is in line with what the Trump administration is currently calling the “Finland Model,” which entails construction of an initial batch of ships overseas before moving further production to yards in the United States. The name comes from a partnership the U.S. and Finnish governments announced last year regarding the construction of new icebreakers for the U.S. Coast Guard. Canada’s Seaspan Shipyards is also involved in that plan.

Broader plans to explore foreign surface combatant designs for the U.S. Navy, and potentially more to acquire one of those ships, were mentioned in the Pentagon’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget request released earlier this year. President Trump, former Secretary of the Navy John Phelan, and other U.S. officials have also openly raised the possibility of cooperation with shipbuilders in Japan and South Korea, specifically, including with regard to surface combatants. USNI‘s report says that the Istanbul class was included in the current review after it came up in discussions between Trump and Turkish officials on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara in July.

Many questions remain, but there are clear signs the Trump administration wants to move in pursuing the acquisition of foreign naval vessels. The particular focus on frigates also aligns with a clear Navy need for new ships in that size class.

Why frigates?

Before exploring the specific designs the Navy is now said to be reviewing, it is worth taking a step back to understand why frigates are so important to the service’s shipbuilding plans, in general. The United States has not technically operated frigates since the retirement of its last Oliver Hazard Perry class type in 2015. The expectation had been that the Freedom and Independence class Littoral Combat Ships (LCS) would fill the resulting gaps. However, those ships struggled for years with a variety of major issues over the years and still have not lived up to their promised potential, despite certain strides having been made in expanding their operational employment in recent years.

The Navy’s announcement of a new frigate program in 2019, dubbed FFG(X), was widely seen as a rebuke of the core concepts behind the LCS. This, in turn, led to the Constellation class frigate, which became a debacle unto itself and was finally cancelled last year. It is important to point out the Constellation design was based on the established Franco-Italian FREMM frigate. The expectation was that only relatively minor changes would be made before putting the ship in American service. In the end, the U.S. derivative had only 15 percent design commonality with its European ‘parent,’ which directly contributed to the demise of the program.

A new FF(X) frigate program has since emerged. Through that effort, the Navy is now in line to get ships derived from the U.S. Coast Guard’s Legend class National Security Cutter (NSC), with the goal being to have the first one in the water by 2028. However, those frigates, at least the ones built in the initial tranche, will lack a Vertical Launch System (VLS) and certain other features that were seen as critical for the preceding Constellation class. This has immediately raised questions about the operational utility of these new small surface combatants, as TWZ has previously explored in detail.

None of this diminishes the Navy’s current desire for new frigates, and more of them, to provide smaller, lower-cost platforms that can be used to bolster larger surface action groups or operate more independently in roles that do not require larger, more capable designs. When fielded in sufficient volume, they can also free up other types of surface combatants for other, higher priority duties or similar help to relieve strain on those fleets.

Today, the Navy’s fleet of Arleigh Burke class destroyers “gets used with a very high demand signal combatant commanders. The Navy can’t operate with only one size of ship,” Rear Adm. Brian Metcalf, the Navy’s Deputy Portfolio Acquisition Executive Maritime for Combatants, said in an official video in June. “The [FF(X)] frigate will fill that gap. They can be used in less contentious waters. They can be used as high-value escorts. There are all kinds of things the frigate can fill the gap for and allow destroyers to execute the high-end mission set.”

With all this in mind, it is not surprising that the Navy would be seeking to further bolster its future frigate fleets on a shorter timetable by leveraging foreign shipbuilders. There are also clear benefits to taking advantage of capable, in-production designs, which leads us to the Mogami, Chungnam, and Istanbul classes.

The Mogami class

Japan’s Mogami class, with its stealthy design characteristics, has long been a standout among modern frigates currently in production globally. The ship is designed as a multi-mission platform with anti-air, anti-surface, anti-submarine, and mine warfare capabilities, the latter of which includes both mine-hunting and mine-laying.

TWZ has covered the ship in detail in the past, writing:

“The original Mogami class design (also known as the 30FFM), the first of which only entered Japanese service in 2022, is already a very modern design with its shape featuring some stealthy characteristics. The 436-foot-long, 53-and-a-half-foot-wide, 5,500-metric-ton displacement frigates have a combined diesel and gas (CODAG) propulsion system that allows for fuel-efficient normal cruising operations and an additional burst of speed in combat. The ships have an active electronically scanned array (AESA) main radar, as well as a host of other advanced sensors and mission systems. One of the Mogami‘s most distinctive features is its NORA-50 UNIted COmbined Radio aNtenna (UNICORN) mast on top of the main superstructure, which contains various antennas. The frigates also have especially futuristic-looking Combat Information Centers (CIC)…”

“Armament-wise, the baseline Mogami class frigate has two four-round launchers for Type 17 anti-ship cruise missiles, a SeaRAM close-in defense system loaded with RIM-116 Rolling Airframe Missiles (RAM), and a five-inch main gun in a turret at the bow. There are also two remote weapon stations, each armed with a .50 caliber machine gun, on top of the bridge for additional protection against close-in low-end threats.”

“The Mogami design was originally slated to feature a 16-cell Mk 41 launch system array, but the seventh ship in the class, the JS Niyodo, which was commissioned in May, was the first to be fitted with it. The first six of these frigates were delivered without this capability, but they are expected to be back-fitted with it in the future. Mk 41 cells on Mogami class frigates are expected to be primarily filled with domestically-developed A-SAM or U.S.-designed RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow Missiles. Four ESSMs can notably be loaded in a single Mk 41 cell.”

The Mogami class frigates also have a flight deck and hangar designed to accommodate a single Seahawk helicopter. The ships can also deploy uncrewed underwater and surface vessels (UUV/USV), as well as rigid-hull inflatable boats (RHIBs), via a ramp at the stern.

MHI in Japan has also developed an enlarged derivative that is close to 466 feet long, almost 56 feet at its widest, and displaces some 6,200 metric tons. This version also features a 32-cell VLS array, along with an upgraded radar, other improved sensors, and updated mission systems. Last year, the Australian government announced it would be acquiring a fleet of these ships with certain unspecified country-specific features as part of its SEA 3000 program.

The Australian deal is one of, if not still the most significant foreign arms sale for Japan since the end of World War II. It also helps ensure that the Mogami production line will remain hot for years to come. For the U.S. Navy, sharing a frigate with two of America’s highest-profile allies in the Pacific, and which could therefore be readily serviced in those countries, would be very advantageous.

The Mogami is also a contender to become New Zealand’s next frigate, and there have also been discussions about sales to Indonesia. The Japan Maritime Self Defense Force only has two more of these frigates on order, the last of which is expected to be commissioned into service by March of next year.

The Chungnam class

The Chungnam class (also sometimes referred to as the FFX-III or FFG-III) is the latest frigate for the South Korean Navy, and features a mix of anti-air, anti-ship, and anti-submarine capabilities. The first example entered service in that country in 2024. These ships are just over 423 feet long, approach 49 feet at the widest point in the hull, and displace some 4,300 tons with a full combat load. The design is based on the earlier Daegu class, which was itself an evolution of the preceding Incheon class that traces its roots back to the late 1990s.

As was the case on the Daegu class, the Chungnam class uses combined diesel–electric or gas (CODLOG) propulsion, which offers benefits for power management and efficiency, as well as when it comes to reducing maintenance requirements and operating costs. The design features a prominent integrated mast structure with four fixed-face arrays for the main multi-function AESA radar near the top. The ships have additional radars and other sensors, as well as an electronic warfare suite.

Each one of the Chungnam class frigates has a 16-cell K-VLS array. Domestically developed K-SAAM surface-to-air missiles and Haeseong I anti-ship cruise missiles (also called the SSM-700L or C-Star), as well as K745A1 Hong Sang Eo (Red Shark) vertically-launched anti-submarine rockets, can be loaded into these cells.

The armament package on these ships also includes a five-inch main gun in a turret at the bow, a pair of triple torpedo tubes, and a Close-in Weapon System II (CIWS II) armed with a seven-barrel 30mm Gatling-type cannon.

The Chungnam class frigates also have a flight deck and hangar for a single helicopter at the stern.

As it stands now, the South Korean Navy has two Chungnam class frigates in service and has plans to acquire four more over the next few years. The lead ship in the class was built by HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, which is also one of the principal designers of the ship. A different shipbuilder, SK Oceanplant, built the second ship in the class, ROKS Gyeoungbuk, and is now working on the third and fourth examples. Hanwha Ocean is reportedly in line to build the last two ships in the class for South Korea. Hyundai and Hanwha have pitched export designs based on the Chungnam class, with both firms notably in the running to supply new frigates to Thailand.

Hanwha has already been making steady inroads in the shipbuilding industry in the United States, including the acquisition of the Philly Shipyard in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 2024. Hyundai has reportedly been working to do the same. Just last month, Hanwha publicly announced a new $1.2 billion bid to buy out Australian shipbuilder Austal’s U.S. subsidiary, Austal USA. Austal notably built the Independence class LCSs for the U.S. Navy and continues to supply that service with other vessels. Austal subsequently said it was considering the South Korean offer.

The Istanbul class

Turkey’s Istanbul class (also known as the Istif class or just I class), developed under the country’s MILGEM national warship program, is not a design that has typically come up in previous discussions about potential foreign-made frigates for the U.S. Navy. It is described as a multi-role frigate with anti-air, anti-surface, and anti-submarine capabilities. The lead ship in this class, TCG Istanbul, entered Turkish Navy service in 2024.

At around 371 and a half feet long and with a beam of just over 47 feet, as well as a displacement of some 3,000 tons with a full combat load, the Istanbul class is notably smaller than either the Mogami class or Chungnam class. Like the Mogami, it uses CODAG propulsion. The Turkish design is understood to have leveraged lessons learned from the Project GENESIS program to upgrade the country’s second-hand ex-U.S. Navy Oliver Hazard Perry class frigates, as you can learn more about here.

TCG Istanbul is armed with a 16-cell MiDLAS VLS array, with past reports saying it is primarily configured to fire Hisar short-to-medium-range surface-to-air missiles. However, just in August, it was revealed that the second ship in the class, the future TCG Izmir, which is undergoing sea trials now, has a new 16-cell version of MiDLAS with visibly longer cells. This would allow the ship to fire larger weapons vertically, such as the Siper medium-range surface-to-air missiles, Atmaca anti-ship cruise missiles, and/or Gezgin land-attack cruise missiles. MiDLAS is a scalable VLS design developed in Turkey as an alternative to the U.S.-made Mk 41.

The initial Istanbul class design already had four deck-mounted launchers that can be loaded with up to 16 Atmaca missiles, in total. The frigates also have a 76mm cannon in a turret on the bow, a Gokdeniz CIWS with a twin-barrel 35mm cannon, two 25mm cannon-armed remote weapon stations, and a pair of twin torpedo tubes.

The main sensor on the Istanbul class is a rotating AESA radar mounted on top of the ship’s main integrated mast structure. It has additional radars and other sensors, as well as electronic support measures and electronic countermeasures systems.

The Istanbul class design also features a flight deck and hangar at the stern, sized around the Seahawk helicopter.

As mentioned, the second Istanbul class frigate for the Turkish Navy is now in sea trials, and the country plans to eventually acquire eight of these warships in total. They are being built through several shipyards in Turkey. Last year, Turkey’s TAIS Shipyards also secured a contract to build at least two Istanbul class frigates for Indonesia.

Growing U.S. roadblocks to any foreign warships

Much remains to be seen about how the U.S. Navy might proceed with the acquisition of new frigates, or any other naval vessels, via foreign shipbuilders. Whether any other relevant, in-production designs are being considered, or could be in the future, is unknown. USNI News‘ report says the current study is scheduled to wrap up in November.

Furthermore, what the Navy might want to do could well turn out to be moot. Members of Congress on both sides of the political aisle have been very vocally pushing back on any plans to acquire foreign warships amid concerns about negative impacts on the U.S. shipbuilding industry.

Current U.S. law would already require the Trump administration to issue a national security waiver to pursue foreign-made naval vessels. A draft of the annual defense policy bill, or National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), for the 2027 Fiscal Year now making its way through the Senate would eliminate the ability to issue such a waiver. In June, members of the House Armed Services Committee separately moved to outright block any spending on foreign-built warships in a separate draft NDAA.

The aforementioned Finland Model, as outlined in Trump’s August memo, is clearly intended to try to assuage Congressional concerns. Under the stated plan, foreign shipbuilders would be required to make major investments in U.S. shipbuilding enterprises and hire American workers as part of any future contract, even if an initial tranche of vessels is built overseas.

“The Administration strongly opposes section 1025, which would prohibit the use of funds for procurement of initial battle force ships to be built in a foreign shipyard, especially while, in accordance with the ‘Finland Model’ first employed with the Coast Guard’s medium icebreaker program, long-term investments are being made in an American brown or greenfield shipyard,” the White House’s Office of Management and Budget (OMB) wrote in a statement of Administration Policy in July, specifically in response to provisions in the the House’s NDAA draft. “This prohibition fails to seriously address the challenges posed by current shipbuilding backlogs across six major programs in our ‘prime’ shipyards.”

This latter point here speaks to an already worrisome and still-widening gap between U.S. shipbuilding capacity and that of chief global competitor China. The U.S. government has tried to take steps in recent years to revitalize the American side of the equation, but workforce retention and other factors have continued to present serious hurdles. There are additional concerns now about how the addition of work on the Trump class battleship program will affect America’s naval shipbuilding ecosystem, which the Trump administration has separately pushed back on.

Continuing U.S. shipyard capacity and quality issues raise their own questions about the viability of the Finland Model. The construct inherently limits the U.S. government’s ability to make use of yards overseas and is heavily contingent on the shipbuilding industry in the United States expanding at a rate where it will be able to absorb the additional production demands. With the naval shipbuilding deficit already becoming extremely problematic, buying examples of relevant classes with minimal changes and having them built where production is already established could arguably be the priority, especially in light of the failures of the LCS and Constellation programs.

Ensuring that any U.S.-specific changes to the design are minimal will also be critical for any such plan to be successful. As mentioned, the Constellation class was undone in large part due to a near-constant stream of changes ordered by the Navy, which negated the benefits of choosing a derivative of an in-production design. The service has stressed its intention to avoid any similar pitfalls with its existing FF(X) frigate program, which also has to be factored into the larger domestic shipyard capacity question.

“The President has directed the Navy to aggressively increase domestic shipbuilding capacity, including leveraging the proven shipbuilding skills and industrial expertise of our allies,” Navy Capt. Ron Flanders said in a statement on Tuesday, according to USNI News. “We are actively developing options to fulfill the President’s intent to deliver ships faster while ensuring long-term investment, technology transfer, and workforce expansion within United States shipyards.”

Signs are certainly growing that the Navy is moving closer to kicking off a formal process to acquire foreign-designed warships, which could include Mogami, Chungnam, and/or Istanbul frigates, to help grow its fleets, especially in the face of growing challenges posed by China.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

The post The Three Foreign Frigates Being Studied For Possible U.S. Navy Service appeared first on TWZ.

Dentro de oito meses, Emmanuel Macron deixará a presidência da República francesa. Seguindo a tradição do jornalismo político, como se uma hora de dissidência compensasse uma década de reverências, as críticas sucedem-se. A revista semnal The Economist ridiculariza um «pato coxo» depois de ter acreditado no «salvador da Europa». Dois cortesãos parisienses contam num livro «a história de um homem excecional… que falhou de forma excecional». Alain Minc, porta-voz das elites liberais, vê nele o (…)

• Kazakhstan has revised its oil production plan for 2026 from 98 million to 96 million tons due to the impact of attacks on the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), Qazinform News Agency quotes Energy Minister Erlan Akkenzhenov as saying.

According to him, Kazakhstan initially planned to maintain last year's production level of 99.5 million tons and approach the 100 million-ton mark.

"With the attacks in January and the continued attacks in June and July, we lost approximately 3.5 million tons. TCO shareholders decided not to conduct a major overhaul and postponed it until next year," Akkenzhenov said at a government briefing.

The ministry also decided to postpone planned maintenance at NCOC fields until next year.

"We planned to produce 98 million tons, but the adjusted plan is now 96 million tons. Production losses resulting from the attacks on the CPC will amount to 3.5 million tons," the minister clarified.

In July, the CPC was targeted in a series of drone attacks. On July 17, drones struck the oil tanker Nordic Zenith.

On July 19, two tankers carrying Kazakh oil were targeted in separate attacks.

Following the attacks, oil loading operations at the CPC terminal were suspended. The Ministry of Energy said that such attacks on civilian critical energy infrastructure facilities were unacceptable.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also condemned drone attacks on vessels transporting oil via the CPC.

On July 23, the Ministry of Energy announced a temporary suspension of oil loading at the CPC marine terminal and a reduction in oil production in Kazakhstan.

On July 27, the CPC resumed oil intake from shippers and loading operations at its marine terminal in the port of Novorossiysk.

On July 30, the CPC reported new attacks targeting two tankers, following which oil loading operations were suspended again.

Understanding the EU sustainable blue economy's structure, performance and challenges in comparison with international competitors is the objection behind a new study, which needs participants for a survey.

The study is on competitiveness of EU sustainable blue economy sector: focus on ocean observation technologies, and is conducted by Cogea srl on behalf of the European Commission. under Framework Contract CINEA/2021/OP/0011 (Lot 2). .

Input will help ensure that future EU policies, funding programmes and support measures reflect industry realities and priorities of the European ocean observation sector.

Participants of this survey (which takes 10-20 minutes) will receive a summary of aggregated findings of the study and will be considered for featured case studies highlighting relevant companies in the European ocean observation sector, if you consent.

Companies and organizations developing, supplying or working with ocean observation technologies are invited to participate by 15 September.

Survey

On 1 September in Brussels, Fisheries and Oceans Commissioner Costas Kadis and Intergenerational Fairness, Youth, Culture and Sport Commissioner Glenn Micallef jointly hosted the Youth Policy Dialogue ‘How to make Arctic youth participation more inclusive’.

The ten young participants were selected via the EU-funded project Youth Together for Arctic Futures, a workstream under the EU Arctic Youth Dialogue initiative. During the discussion, they will share their experiences and ideas on how the EU can better support the inclusive participation of Arctic youth in decision-shaping processes on issues that matter to young people. During the dialogue, the Commissioners will also ask for the participants’ opinions on the forthcoming Blue Generational Renewal Strategy, a flagship initiative under the European Ocean Pact aimed at making careers in the maritime sectors more attractive.

The Dialogue took place in the framework of the EU Arctic Forum and the Arctic Youth and Indigenous Peoples’ Dialogues, which took place on 1-2 September opened by International Partnerships Commissioner Jozef Síkela and Kadis. The Forum came at an important moment as the EU is updating its Arctic policy in the context of evolving geopolitical, economic and environmental developments.

The EU Arctic Forum, Arctic Youth and Indigenous Peoples’ Dialogues, which bring together a range of Arctic stakeholders to discuss developments in the region and the future of the EU’s engagement in the Arctic, are integral parts of the EU Arctic policy. Youth Policy Dialogues are part of the European Commission's commitment to mainstream the voice of young people in EU policymaking, as set out in President von der Leyen's Political Guidelines for 2024-2029.

Good afternoon,

I want to start with a simple message – thank you, this is a message for all of you, at my side or in the background. Dear Commissioner, dear Director-General, to the staff from the ERCC and ECHO, thank you for being here when Europe needs you most. As you have said – and I learned a lot in this hour here - day and night, 24/7, weekends and on holidays, whenever a crisis strikes, the team is there. The work you do protects people and most importantly saves lives. When a country asks for help, within hours, that call becomes action. Aircrafts take off, firefighters cross borders, and Copernicus maps reach responders on the ground. What we have seen today and what the ERCC lives everyday is European solidarity in action.

This summer has shown once again how much Europe relies on you. The wildfire season started exceptionally early in late April and put national services under enormous pressure. Since April, the EU civil protection mechanism has been activated 10 times for wildfires in 8 different countries, sometimes with several happening at the same time. When national capacities are stretched, Europe steps in, you can count on Europe. Firefighting aircrafts, helicopters, ground teams with all their expertise, vehicles, satellites, all of this is needed and all of this is mobilised across the continent. And because every single moment counts in an emergency, we are acting before the worst fires begin. Another impressive figure is the nearly 800 firefighters that were pre-positioned in high-risk areas. They stood ready to reinforce local teams from the first critical hours. And over the summer, teams were deployed from 25 countries – Member States and partner countries. And for the very first time, this also included firefighters from Ukraine, helping here in the European Union. Rescue teams have worked heroically. Some tragically lost their lives while bravely protecting others. We honour their courage, we honour their service. Their memory will stay with us, and it will inspire our action moving forward.

The work of this centre goes far beyond the fires, and far beyond Europe. I was impressed to hear that when there was a Hantavirus outbreak on a ship, you prepared repatriation flights and mobilised medical evacuation services. As the earthquakes hit Venezuela, you coordinated the deployment of 750 responders and experts from 18 countries. When Colombia was struck by an earthquake, Europe provided tents, water filters and essential supplies, as well as expertise on the ground. And after the devastating floods in Nepal just last week, we saw the images from Copernicus, you immediately supported the response with Copernicus mapping.

Fires, earthquakes, floods, health emergencies, hybrid attacks, you name it. Each crisis is different and requires a specific response. But most important is that the principle is the same: when help is needed, you can count on Europe. And these crises also paint a bigger picture. The risks around us are changing. They are becoming more frequent, more complex and more severe. Changing global climate patterns are adding to this volatility. Around the world, we see higher temperatures and disrupted rainfall. For emergency services, this is not an abstract warning about the future, it is already changing the emergencies they are facing today. Extreme events happen more often, in more places, and at the same time. This centre has shown time and again that Europe can respond when crisis strikes. But we must also learn from every single crisis and we must turn those lessons into action. So that we adapt faster, strengthen prevention and act before an emergency becomes a disaster. Our civil protection mechanism is pooling and sharing this expertise and the emergency capabilities. When one country comes under pressure, we step in, because as Europe, we are greater than the sum of our parts. That is what this centre demonstrates every day,

I thank you very much for presenting to me the essence of this centre. Of course the time was way too short to speak and see enough. But for me it is also very important preparation for the State of the Union. I thank you for giving me the time, sharing with me your expertise and knowledge. From the bottom of my heart, Europe is grateful for what you're doing.

Thank you.

The European Commission, on behalf of the European Union, has carried out an EU-Bonds auction on 31 August. The results of this auction are as follows:

* in millions of euros

If you are developing technologies that could shape the future of defence, this is your opportunity.

Registrations are now open for the 5th edition of the EUDIS Defence Hackathon, taking place onsite from 15 to 17 October 2026 across eight locations in Europe. Engineers, startups, researchers, developers and defence professionals are invited to join one of Europe's flagship defence innovation initiatives, work on real operational challenges and connect directly with experts, industry leaders and fellow innovators shaping the future of European defence.

This autumn, participants will tackle one of the most pressing topics in defence innovation: Autonomy on the Battlefield. From operating in GNSS-denied environments to enabling autonomous swarms for reconnaissance and logistics, teams will develop practical solutions with real-world relevance. Alongside these two challenges, each host location will also propose a third challenge reflecting regional priorities and expertise.

More than a hackathon

The EUDIS Defence Hackathon is designed for innovators who want to go beyond ideas. Over three intensive onsite days, teams will work side by side with mentors from the defence industry, research organisations and operational environments to develop solutions addressing genuine capability needs.

The onsite format is at the heart of the experience. It gives participants the opportunity to collaborate directly with fellow innovators, engage with defence experts and end-users, and build valuable relationships within Europe's growing defence innovation ecosystem. Whether you are looking for future collaborations, industry insights or your first step into the European defence market, EUDIS is designed to create meaningful connections.

But the experience does not end there.

Winning teams will undergo a Mentoring Programme, a two-month programme offering expert guidance on product development, business strategy and defence market positioning. Participants will also take part in dedicated defence innovation bootcamp, receive support to refine their solutions and have opportunities to pitch their projects to investors and other stakeholders. Together, these activities help accelerate promising ideas while opening the door to Europe's defence innovation ecosystem.

Join a growing European innovation community

Since its launch, the EUDIS Defence Hackathons has brought together more than 2,300 participants through 30 hackathons organised across Europe. Each edition strengthens connections between innovators, industry, investors, defence stakeholders and EU

institutions, creating new opportunities for collaboration and helping innovative technologies move closer to real-world deployment.

The Autumn 2026 edition will take place simultaneously in:

• Austria
• Cyprus
• Ireland
• Italy
• Latvia
• Norway
• Portugal
• Sweden

Ukrainian participation encouraged

The European Commission actively encourages Ukrainian citizens to participate across all locations, whether as competitors, mentors or jury members. Ukrainian expertise and operational experience continue to play an important role in developing innovative and deployable defence solutions.

How to participate

Registrations are now open for the Autumn 2026 EUDIS Defence Hackathon.

The programme is open to startups, SMEs, engineering teams, researchers and technology professionals from eligible countries who are ready to tackle real operational defence challenges and collaborate with Europe's defence innovation community.

Key dates

• Participant registrations: Open now
• Hackathon: 15–17 October 2026 (onsite)
• Locations: Austria, Cyprus, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Norway, Portugal and Sweden

Interested? 

Register today and find full details on the challenges, eligibility criteria and local hackathon locations here. 

For media enquiries, partnerships or additional information, please contact: contact@eudis-hackathon.eu

The U.S. Navy’s supercarrier USS Abraham Lincoln is now in Thailand for a much-deserved and highly publicized liberty port call. The carrier had gone 286 days without making such a stop, with much of that time spent executing grueling combat operations against Iran. The ship has been run very hard, relying on at times a rickety conveyor of sea replenishments to continue operating for months on end, and it has the scars to show for it. The Lincoln looks very much worse for wear, with so-called “running rust” and algae caked all along the sides of the hull, as well as around the edges of the flight deck and sponsons on either side. It’s something of a startling appearance for one of the most powerful ships on the planet and a major symbol of U.S. power projection, but it is also a reminder of what the vessel and its crew have endured for months on end.

The Lincoln arrived in the Thai port of Laem Chabang earlier today. The carrier did make a stop in Guam in December 2025 and reportedly made another one somewhere in the Middle East in July. However, in both cases, these have been characterized as brief logistical stopovers that did not offer any real opportunity for personnel onboard to disembark. Thai media reports say the carrier is expected to remain in Laem Chabang through the end of the weekend.

“Our arrival in Laem Chabang provides a well-deserved opportunity for our Sailors and Marines to rest and recharge. It also underscores the strong and enduring partnership and alliance between the United States and Thailand,” Rear Adm. Robert E. Loughran, commander of Carrier Strike Group 3 (CSG-3), said in a statement in a press release today. “What this strike group has accomplished is truly historic. I could not be prouder of the exceptional professionalism and expertise demonstrated by every member of this team during our operations in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility.”

Lincoln and its strike group had left port in San Diego in November 2025 for what was originally expected to be a routine cruise in the Pacific. The carrier, its air wing, and escorts were subsequently directed to the Middle East and arrived in that region in January 2026.

CSG-3 took part in the opening salvo of strikes on Iran on February 28 as part of what the U.S. military dubbed Operation Epic Fury. Lincoln and the rest of the strike group continued to support Epic Fury and subsequent operations against Iran for months thereafter. The decision was finally made to rotate the carrier out of the region last month following a raft of reports of severely flagging morale and mental health among the crew, which we will come back to later.

Two of the Arleigh Burke class destroyers assigned to CSG-3, the USS Michael Murphy and the USS Spruance, are still understood to be operating in the Western end of the Indian Ocean. A third destroyer in the strike group, the USS Frank E. Petersen Jr., accompanied the Lincoln to Thailand and is now docked in a separate port in Sriracha, near Laem Chabang. The Ticonderoga class cruiser USS Robert Smalls also helped escort the carrier, and that warship “also arrived in Map Ta Phut, Thailand for their own scheduled port visit,” according to the Navy.

As mentioned, Lincoln definitely looks like it’s been at sea more or less continuously for the last nine and a half months or so. Pictures and videos of the ship in Laem Chabang seen throughout this story plainly show big dark rust stains all around the hull and other similar signs of wear elsewhere. There is also a bright green ring of algae layered on the hull at the waterline. While carriers have very large crews and usually keep the ship’s appearance up relatively well while on cruise, there is only so much that can be done out of port on particularly long deployments, where all resources are focused on sustained high-tempo combat operations.

Running rust on U.S. Navy ships has been something of a lightning rod for criticism in recent years, including from President Donald Trump. This is in part due to the negative optics of such visible wear and tear on American naval vessels, especially during calls in foreign ports.

“It’s terrible. I think they should be ashamed,” John Phelan told members of Congress at a hearing last year after being shown pictures of a very worn-looking Arleigh Burke class destroyer, the USS Dewey, during a stopover in Singapore. “Would you want to go on that ship?”

Phelan was testifying at the time regarding his nomination to be Secretary of the Navy. At the time, he said that President Trump had already been texting him in the middle of the night regarding the issue. Phelan was subsequently confirmed and served as the Navy’s top civilian until he was unexpectedly fired in April, reportedly over disagreements regarding the new Trump class battleships and other more general friction within the administration,

Lincoln‘s current condition is, of course, an extreme case that is the result of very specific operational circumstances. The carrier has already been in the news for weeks now due to the aforementioned morale issues, which family members of those onboard have been very vocally calling attention to through the media. One sailor had to be rescued last month after deliberately jumping overboard. There were reports that at least one other individual onboard had attempted to do the same. President Donald Trump and Secretary Pete Hegseth, among others, have pushed back on concerns about mental health and other issues on the ship. In a statement shared on social media on August 16, Navy Adm. Brad Cooper, head of U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), acknowledged, but still downplayed, the seriousness of the mental health situation, in particular.

At the same time, the carrier’s marathon deployment is indicative of larger shipbuilding, readiness, and other issues that the Navy continues to struggle with. Strains on the service carrier fleets in particular have been steadily building for years and are now becoming a low-level crisis. The USS Gerald R. Ford wrapped up a historic 326-day-long deployment in May. The Navy has publicly said that the USS Theodore Roosevelt, which is set to begin its latest cruise soon, could be away from home for at least eight months. The longer the ships remain deployed, the longer they typically have to spend in port afterward, further compounding the situation with each passing day during months-long extensions. This all has very worrisome cascading impacts on even routine maintenance cycles, let alone deep overhauls and upgrade efforts, as well as personnel management matters, as we have explored in detail in the past.

“It’s my earnest attempt to really try to keep those [deployments] at seven months,” Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Daryl Caudle, the Navy’s top officer, said during a question-and-answer session at Fort Meade, Maryland, Monday, which was livestreamed. He also said he wanted a Navy “that can sustain a seven-month deployment and still give our combatant commanders the amount of naval force they need to accomplish their missions, solve their key operational problems, and make sure they have all the naval force necessary to do what they need to do.”

Caudle had notably acknowledged concerns about strains on the Ford while speaking to TWZ and other outlets at the Surface Navy Association’s annual symposium back in January.

The Lincoln‘s visibly worn state certainly draws new attention to the stress on America’s carrier fleets as personnel onboard are now finally getting a much-earned reprieve in Laem Chabang.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

The post USS Abraham Lincoln Looks Like It’s Been Through Hell After 286 Days At Sea appeared first on TWZ.

J’ai écrit Peau noire, Dieu blanc : Essai sur l’aliénation spirituelle des Noirs en sachant que son titre pourrait déranger certains. Je l’ai choisi en toute connaissance de cause. Je ne cherche pas à rassurer. Je cherche à réveiller. Je suis un Africain noir. Je connais les blessures de notre histoire. Je connais aussi les […]

L’article Peau noire, Dieu blanc : pourquoi ce livre devait être écrit est apparu en premier sur .

NPR's Steve Inskeep asks retired Rear Admiral and Biden administration National Security Council advisor John Kirby about the latest exchange of fire between the U.S. and Iran.

The European Commission has approved a €20 million state aid scheme for agricultural and fishing companies in the Italian region of Friuli Venezia Giulia that are facing increased fuel and fertiliser prices due to the Middle East crisis. The scheme was approved under the Middle East Crisis Temporary State Aid Framework (METSAF) adopted by the Commission on 29 April 2026.

The scheme, which will run until 31 December 2026, aims at mitigating the impact of the increase in agricultural fuel and fertiliser prices, as well as in fishery and aquaculture fuel prices. The aid will take the form of direct grants and subsidised loans. It will be determined on the basis of the size of land used for the primary production of agricultural products, and on the basis of estimates of fuel consumption in the primary production of fishery and aquaculture products, capped to €50,000 per beneficiary. The aid is paid by the autonomous region of Friuli Venezia Giulia.

The Commission assessed the scheme under EU state aid rules, in particular Article 107(3)(c) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, which enables Member States to support the development of certain economic activities subject to certain conditions, as well as Sections 1 and 2.1 of the METSAF. The Commission found that the scheme is in line with the conditions set out in the METSAF. In particular, aid will be granted based on a scheme with a clear estimated budget and will be provided to temporarily support the development of companies active in primary production of agricultural products. The Commission concluded that the scheme is necessary, appropriate and proportionate to facilitate the development of an economic activity and does not adversely affect trading conditions to an extent contrary to the common interest. On this basis, the Commission approved the Italian regional scheme under EU State aid rules.

For more information

Discover the new available training paths for taxation and for customs officers on the EU Learning Potal.

Two curricula modules for taxation and for customs officers from candidate and potential candidate countries have been released on the DG TAXUD Customs, Tax & CBAM EU Learning Portal. These modules are gateways that guide and provide direct access to targeted training resources designed for taxation officers or customs officers in candidate and potential candidate countries.  

The modules feature links to selected courses of the training catalogue of the portal, displayed in a pre-determined order, to provide an extensive knowledge on the EU customs and taxation acquis and its implementation. Taxation and customs officers can also select a specific course according to their competence and/or need. 

Access to the Courses 

• Training curriculum for taxation officers from candidate and potential candidate countries 
• Training curriculum for customs officers from candidate and potential candidate countries

AI is playing a bigger role in hiring, but laws protect you. Here is what you need to know.

Europe needs top talent, and employers want high-quality hires – the best person for the job – quickly and in a cost-efficient way. So, given this urgency, it’s no surprise that more and more companies are using AI in their hiring processes. From CV screening to interviews, AI can streamline each stage, reduce hiring times and make the whole process more cost-effective. 

But there’s a downside to AI-driven recruitment, as a recent Instagram post highlighted. It describes how a jobseeker from Vienna felt ‘dehumanized’ by an AI interview. 

The EU takes AI action

This concern isn’t limited to Austria, which is why the EU AI Act classifies using AI in employment decisions as ‘high-risk’. Given the growing AI adoption in HR by businesses across the globe (39 % by the end of 2025), the AI Act addresses risks by introducing rules that help make its use more transparent and accountable. 

Under the AI Act:

• No AI tool can make final hiring decisions without a qualified human in the loop. 
• Using AI to infer emotions, stress levels or personality traits and assign people numerical scores is banned.
• Starting 2 August 2026, companies using AI tools for hiring, evaluating performance or other employment decisions must check regularly for safety risks and bias, keep detailed technical records, ensure human oversight and transparency, and continuously monitor their systems.
• Obligations apply not only to the providers of these AI systems, but also the businesses that use them.
• These rules even apply to non-EU companies, if their AI system is used or affects people in the EU.

As for the Viennese candidate, here’s what went wrong during the AI interview process:

• It repeatedly interrupted the interviewee, jumped to the next question and moved on even when asked to go back.
• If the jobseeker paused even briefly during a response, it sometimes took it for a complete reply.
• There were errors in the interview transcript.
• Instead of answering the applicant’s questions, the AI just recited the company’s ‘About Us’ page.

Only about one in four companies had begun to prepare for the EU AI Act’s strict requirements for high-risk AI systems. As AI becomes increasingly common in recruitment, it is therefore important to remember that you have the right to:

• be informed beforehand on its use and the role it plays in the company’s hiring decision;
• ask that a human reviews the hiring decision; 
• not to have your facial expressions, voice tone or body language analysed by AI during an interview; and
• know what data is being collected and, in many cases, to have it deleted once the hiring process is over. 

In an increasingly AI-driven labour market, EURES continues to offer human support through its network of trained advisers, who can provide information and guidance on practical, legal and administrative matters related to living and working across Europe. 

In the meantime, online interviews are here to stay, so gear up for that final step by reading up on some tips for tackling remote interviews.
 

Related links

‘Daily Austrian News’ Instagram post

EU AI Act

The State of AI in HR 2026

AI Hiring Tools at Risk: 6 Critical EU AI Act Compliance Steps Every HR Leader Must Take (2026)

Chat with EURES Advisers

The new ‘rules’ of the remote interview

Read more 

European Job Days

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EURES Jobs Database

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Upcoming Online Events

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An August 2026 report on remote work destinations in Europe found that Palencia, Spain, is the best small town for digital nomads. A new study by the digital entertainment platform BC Game reveals the top 10 hidden gems where remote workers can spend this summer. 

• Palencia, Spain, is the best small town for working remotely in Europe, offering fast 267 Mbps Wi-Fi and safe neighborhoods. 
• With rent at just $525 a month, Le Havre is the cheapest way to spend summer on the French coast as a digital nomad.
• Akureyri is the best reason to finally make the Iceland trip happen, with close to 30 places to open a laptop and Arctic scenery all around.

The research examined 20 European towns with smaller populations to find which ones work best for remote workers. The report looked at factors like average Internet speeds, monthly rent for a one-bedroom city center apartment, and personal safety ratings. It also considered the number of cafes and coworking spaces, coffee prices, and the cost of a meal at an inexpensive restaurant. Each town received a final score out of 100, with higher scores meaning that the city is more suited for digital nomads. 

Here's a look at the top 10 European small towns for remote workers:

You can access the complete research findings here.

1. Palencia, Spain

• Safety Index: 94.12/100
• Broadband speed: 267 Mbps
• Monthly rent (1BR, city center): $698
• Coffee price: $1.75
• Meal at an inexpensive restaurant: $11.64
• Score: 100/100

Palencia is the best small town in Europe to work remotely this summer. The destination has a 94/100 safety rating, which matters a lot for anyone arriving in an unfamiliar city for the first time. The Internet is also fast at 267 Mbps, so video calls and file transfers are never going to be an issue. One-bedroom rentals in the city center go for around 700 USD a month, and staying fed and caffeinated while working from a local spot costs very little, with meals under 12 USD and coffee at 1.75 USD.

2. Soria, Spain

Soria is the most affordable hidden gem for remote workers looking to set up a base for a couple of months. Rents here average just 580 USD a month, and Internet speeds reach 277 Mbps, so there's no trade-off on connectivity. The safety score of 87/100 also means it's a comfortable place to be, whether walking home late or leaving a laptop at a cafe table. It's also a small city of around 41K people, quiet and easy to get around, which is exactly what a lot of remote workers are actually looking for.

3. Vaduz, Liechtenstein

Vaduz is for digital nomads who put safety and connectivity above everything else. The city’s safety rating of 91/100 is second only to Palencia, and Internet speeds exceed 285 Mbps, making it one of the best-connected small towns in Europe. The trade-off is cost: rent runs at around 1,440 USD a month, and a coffee is nearly 7 USD, so the daily expenses add up fast. But for anyone earning well and looking for a calm base with fast Internet in the middle of Europe, Vaduz is hard to look past.

4. Le Havre, France

Le Havre has the best Internet of any small town in Europe at 312 Mbps, faster than even the capital, Paris. That alone is a good reason to be here for anyone doing heavy digital work. Rent is also among the cheapest at around 525 USD a month, and a meal at a local restaurant costs under 14 USD. Beyond that, the city has up to 20 cafes and co-working spaces where remote workers can get the job done. 

5. Angers, France

Angers rounds out the top five small towns for digital nomads. Typical studios here get listed for under 670 USD a month, while the Internet is fast enough for stand-ups, deadlines, and everything in between, at 257 Mbps. Angers is also quite safe for a city this size, and there are plenty of cafes and coworking spaces (up to 20) to rotate between when working from home gets boring. With around 161K residents, the city also has an active social scene to make longer stays feel less isolating. 

The CEO of BC Game commented on the study: "Most remote workers pick their next destination based on photos on Instagram or a Reddit thread someone wrote two years ago. The problem is that those places are usually packed by the time you get there, and the rent has gone up. The smarter move is to look one step outside the obvious choices. If everyone is going to Lisbon, look at a smaller Portuguese city like Faro. If Madrid is getting expensive, look at a town two hours away. The infrastructure is usually the same, the costs are lower, and you actually get to feel like you live somewhere rather than just being another nomad in a queue for a coworking desk."

"Any citizen can get shot. This is not going to calm down," warned Julien Moinil, (pictured) the King's Prosecutor of Brussels, during a press conference on Friday, dedicated to the recent wave of violence linked to drug trafficking. Approximately 150 shootings have been recorded since the firearm attack on 5 February 2025 at Metro station Clémenceau. Accompanied by the head of the Brussels-Midi police zone, Jurgen De Landsheer, and the director of the Federal Judicial Police of Brussels, Eric Jacobs, the prosecutor outlined recent events, the judicial response, and several points of concern.

The current wave began on 20 August. It is believed to be related to a conflict between two groups involved in drug sales. Three individuals have been arrested in connection with the shootings over the past few weeks. Around a hundred shooters have also been detained since the violence started. No link has currently been established between this conflict and the shootings targeting the police station last weekend in Anderlecht. "They have touched a sensitive point: a police station," emphasized Julien Moinil. No one has been injured, but the prosecutor reminded everyone of the daily risks police officers face and assured them of the prosecution's support. He praised the work of both local and federal police but called for structural investment.

The current prosecutor's office staff includes 49 magistrates out of the 63 planned. He reiterated his requests for more investigators in the federal judicial police and the installation of jamming devices at Haren prison, noting that at least one mastermind operating from a cell has been definitively identified. "The solution must not only come from the Justice Department," insisted Julien Moinil, calling for mobilization of the social and health sectors as well. He advocates activating a task force led by the prime minister.

European Affairs Minister Thomas Byrne TD (pictured), has highlighted key policy objectives for the work of the Irish EU Presidency over the coming months as the EU institutions prepare to resume their normal programme of activities following the summer break. 
 
In his role as chair of the General Affairs Council, Minister Byrne will lead discussions at EU level on several areas of priority for the Irish Presidency, including the approach to the EU’s next long-term budget and the simplification of EU rules, an important aspect of the Union’s competitiveness agenda.

The Irish EU Presidency, which began its term on 1 July, is focusing its work on three core thematic priorities of competitiveness, values and security. Substantial progress has already been made in the opening weeks of the Presidency on policy and legislative initiatives across these three priority areas.

Minister Byrne said: “We have been very pleased with the results we have already been able to deliver early in our Presidency term. For example, in July I chaired four Inter-Governmental Conferences to advance the EU accession processes of Albania, Moldova, Montenegro and Ukraine - the largest number of accession conferences held in a single day in over two decades. Across many areas of policy, there is scope for us to achieve really significant progress between now and the conclusion of our term at the end of the year, and we are determined to ensure the Irish Presidency delivers meaningful outcomes for citizens across Europe.”

As part of Ireland’s Presidency meetings programme, nine informal Ministerial meetings will take place in Ireland during the month of September. Minister Byrne will host an informal meeting of Ministers for European Affairs (General Affairs Council) in Dublin Castle on 3 and 4 September. This meeting will provide an opportunity for wide-ranging discussions on three of the major strategic priorities for the EU during the Irish Presidency term: progressing enlargement, advancing negotiations on the next long term EU budget, and taking steps to strengthen democracy across Europe. 

Minister Byrne said: "I look forward to welcoming my counterparts from across Europe – including from nine candidate countries and potential candidates – to Ireland in early September to discuss our approach to a number of major issues on the European agenda. These discussions will help build a consensus on a shared approach to the key challenges facing the EU”.

A central aspect of the work of the Presidency is engagement on behalf of the Council with the other EU institutions as part of the Union’s legislative process. As Minister for European Affairs, Minister Byrne will participate in the regular plenary sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels throughout the autumn, representing the Council in debates on policy and legislative initiatives. 

Minister Byrne said: “The European Parliament is an important partner for us in delivering the EU’s legislative agenda. We have built very strong relations with the Parliament, and the priorities and policy objectives for the Irish Presidency were very well received by MEPs when the Taoiseach addressed the Parliament’s plenary session in Strasbourg in early July. Since then, I have been among 12 Irish Ministers to meet with European Parliament committees to discuss our Presidency priorities, and more of these meetings are scheduled for September. I look forward to working closely with MEPs from across all Member States and political groups as we take forward the ambitious legislative agenda for the remainder of this year.”

Details of the Presidency policy programme, the calendar of Presidency meetings and events, and other updates are available on the Irish Presidency website at www.eire2026.eu and www.ireland2026.eu. 

Chinese state-run shipping company COSCO has been using concealed systems on its vessels to gather signals intelligence around North American, European, and Asian coastlines for decades, it has been alleged. Similar claims have been made in the past, and overlap between nominally civilian enterprises in China and the country’s military and intelligence services is well established at this point.

Reuters first reported on the use of COSCO ships as discrete signals intelligence platforms earlier today, citing two unnamed officials within President Donald Trump’s administration.

“The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the U.S. assessment of the Chinese program, said COSCO has a decades-long intelligence-collection partnership with Beijing,” according to the report. “The arrangement allows China to collect communication signals from vessels ​and aircraft operating across Europe, North America and Asia, they said.”

It is worth noting here that China’s National Intelligence Law, enacted in 2017, includes a specific provision that requires all organizations and citizens within the country to support state intelligence work as required. It also obligates the state to protect entities that do so.

“The advanced equipment aboard the ships is intended to enable China ​to gather information about ‘military communications technologies and encryption developments,’ one of the officials said,” Reuters‘ story today added. “The officials did not detail the type of equipment COSCO ships were allegedly using, but said they were ‘sophisticated signals intelligence collection’ platforms, not routine communications hardware.”

Officials at the Chinese Embassy in Washington, D.C., unsurprisingly denied these assertions, according to that outlet.

Purpose-built signals intelligence suites can range widely in size and shape, as can their capabilities. They can be very small and basic or far more elaborate systems. Even the latter could be concealed as modern commercial ships, which already feature lots of antennas.

What might happen to intelligence collected by the ships is unknown. At the very least, systems onboard could record the data, which could then be batched out when safe to do so, either physically or via transmission. Basic passive signals suites can also run autonomously, or even be controlled from anywhere in the world if the ship is connected via satellite communications (SATCOM). High-bandwidth SATCOM is very common now on ships around the globe.

Personnel on the ship could also operate the systems, and even process receptions of interest. It might be possible to fit the ships with suitable datalinks to then transmit the collected data in near-real-time to other nodes, including ones back in China, for further analysis and exploitation.

Reuters‘ sources said scooping up data on “military communications technologies and encryption developments” was a priority for the commercial vessels turned spy ships. Signals intelligence can take many other forms, from emissions from radars to communications chatter. Depending on what is collected and how, specialists can use that information to glean details about how systems function, as well as insights into standard operating procedures and other details. This is especially true when multiple forms of intelligence are fused together. Generally speaking, signals intelligence is routinely used to help build out so-called ‘electronic orders of battle’ detailing the disposition and capabilities of an opponent’s forces, especially air defense and command and control networks.

As mentioned, this is not the first time claims in this general vein have emerged, either. At least some evidence has been presented in the past, through open-source analysis. Reuters‘ sources directed that outlet to a report published last year by the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College exploring exactly this topic in relation to China’s quasi-military maritime militia. The maritime militia is made up of ostensibly civilian fishing fleets, but has direct ties to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Chinese Coast Guard. It is routinely used to harass and intimidate foreign vessels in disputed waters, especially in the South China Sea.

“Undergirding these operations is a cadre of maritime militia intelligence specialists called ‘information personnel.’ Information personnel are organized into force contingents that support operational militia forces,” according to that report. “Most have day jobs in the fishing industry, but many hale [sic; hail] from other sectors, including marine shipping and even maritime law enforcement units.”

“It is more likely than not that PRC [People’s Republic of China] vessels operating overseas have already begun embarking information personnel to serve intelligence collection and reporting functions. In the case of China’s fishing fleet, serving this foreign intelligence collection function could be as simple as adding a new duty to the ‘information personnel’ that already embark aboard some distant-water fishing vessels,” that report added. “Aside from their primary responsibilities of tallying and reporting production numbers, serving as experts on international and national fisheries regulations that affect their work, and handling interactions with foreign officials while at sea and in port, they might also be tasked with collecting and reporting military and political intelligence while operating overseas.”

“Similar processes may already be in place in the commercial shipping industry,” it continued. “For instance, Guangxi province’s Beihai city has built up its ranks of maritime intelligence specialists by recruiting from among marine shipping personnel.”

No explicit mention is made in the report about signals intelligence gathering.

In the past year or so, there have been multiple reports that Russia is also using its so-called ‘shadow fleet’ of oil tanker ships in a secondary role as intelligence-gathering platforms. The primary job of those vessels is to help the Kremlin evade sanctions.

There is other tangential evidence that also lends credence to today’s report from Reuters. As mentioned, in the midst of still mysterious drone swarms that harassed U.S. Navy ships off the coast of southern California back in 2019, U.S. authorities at least explored the possibility that a Hong Kong-flagged bulk carrier, the M/V Bass Strait, might have been a launch point. It remains unknown, at least publicly, whether the Bass Strait or another nearby ship might have been the source of the harassment, or if it came from somewhere else, potentially further away. TWZ was the first to report on this detail as part of a deeper investigation into these incidents, which came amid a spike in news about claimed sightings of what are now commonly referred to as unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP). We have been saying for years now that, while some UAP sightings do remain unexplained, many more are likely to have been drones (as well as balloons), which foreign governments could be using for intelligence gathering and other malign purposes.

It’s also worth noting here that intelligence collection from international waters and airspace is a practice that nation state armed forces and intelligence agencies globally, including those in the United States, engage in regularly with varying degrees of openness. Leveraging nominally civilian ships, as well as aircraft, for these purposes is hardly new.

Despite the official denials to the Reuters piece today, it would be hard to imagine Chinese authorities not making use of commercial ships for this purpose, if possible, given that major deepwater ports worldwide are often dual-purpose civilian/military facilities. Radar sites and other critical facilities are often positioned along or near coastlines. Cargo ships and tankers often pass by major exercises and under major military operating airspace, where they could scoop up critical data.

With commercial ships already plying their routes, this would also just offer the Chinese government ways to readily bolster maritime intelligence-gathering capacity at low cost and low risk. China’s commercial fleets dwarf any other on Earth, making their presence commonplace and providing many opportunities to hide these operations.

A 2021 report published through the U.S. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency’s (NGA) Tearline Project also highlighted the possibility of Chinese-owned facilities at ports around the world being used for intelligence gathering or even for launching non-kinetic attacks, including electronic warfare jamming. It specifically noted how COSCO’s facility in Belgium’s Port of Zeebrugge is “in close proximity to a Belgian Naval Base and thus could fulfill additional militarized requirements.”

Concerns about land owned by Chinese companies and nationals being used to collect intelligence or for other purposes have become an increasingly hot topic of discussion in the United States in recent years.

Reuters‘ piece does not say what, if any, steps U.S. authorities have taken or may be planning to take now to monitor for or take more active countermeasures against Chinese-flagged ships being used for intelligence gathering, despite this being said to be a decades-old practice. The report does note that “the Pentagon put COSCO on its list of companies linked to China’s military in January 2025, a designation that carries serious reputational costs for companies ​as well as U.S. government procurement ​bans, but does not entail ⁠formal sanctions.”

Though no hard evidence has yet been provided, Chinese authorities using cargo ships as additional discreet signals intelligence-gathering assets is very plausible, and would certainly seem to be an issue that should be taken seriously, if it is not already being addressed.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

The post Chinese Cargo Ships Clandestinely Gather Signals Intelligence: Report appeared first on TWZ.

Soixante-quatorze ans après Peau noire, masques blancs, un nouvel essai déplace la question de l’aliénation noire vers le terrain religieux. Dans Peau noire, Dieu blanc : Essai sur l’aliénation spirituelle des Noirs, le journaliste ivoirien Axel Illary critique l’adoration, par les populations noires, de divinités étrangères, sans lien culturel avec leurs sociétés, dont les cultes […]

L’article Du « masque blanc » au « Dieu blanc » : Axel Illary veut décoloniser le spirituel est apparu en premier sur .

Greek Police is set to mobilize all possible modern means in order to solve the one problem that torments not only commuters twice per day but anyone trying to move within the 4-million-people capital Athens: the endless traffic jams. The new “integrated operational system for traffic management”, developed by the Hellenic Police and termed “Traffic […]

The post Drones, cameras and AI to help manage traffic across Athens appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.