A 82-year-old man was reportedly beaten to death by a 76-year-old man during a argument over a sunbed in a popular organized beach in Vouliagmeni in Athens Riviera on Sunday. According to initial information, the 76-year-old who was accompanied with a 21-year-old woman argued with the victim over the sunbed. Quickly the situation went out […]
An annual award has gone to one of the U.S. Air Force’s most secretive drone squadrons, offering a very rare window into its activities. The 30th Reconnaissance Squadron is one of two units known to operate the stealthy RQ-170 Sentinel, and it is unusual to hear anything about its operational exploits. Much about the RQ-170 itself remains highly classified 17 years after its existence was first officially acknowledged.
The General Atomics Remotely Piloted Aircraft (RPA) Squadron of the Year award for 2025 was presented to the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) 2026 Air, Space & Cyber Conference on Tuesday, at which TWZ was in attendance. The AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies works together with General Atomics’ Aeronautical Systems, Inc. division (GA-ASI) to recognize an Air Force drone unit in this way each year.
“The RPA Trophy is awarded annually at the USAF level for outstanding performance of active duty, Air Force Reserve, and Air National Guard … squadrons in achieving persistent attack and/or reconnaissance over the preceding calendar year,” the Mitchell Institute told TWZ in a statement. “Squadrons are judged on performance across their specified mission sets, exercise participation, and squadron and individual achievements.”
The RPA Squadron of the Year trophy seen at the 2026 Air, Space & Cyber Conference this week. The name and unit insignia of the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron are seen on a plaque on the front of the base. Air & Space Forces Association
The institute sent an additional statement regarding this year’s particular award to the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron, which is as follows:
“Through relentless combat support, operational agility, and enterprise leadership, the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron – known as the Blackbirds – has set the standard for the remotely piloted aircraft community and strengthened the Joint Force’s intelligence advantage. In 2025, the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron conducted intrusive intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions across three areas of responsibility, filling critical intelligence gaps and disrupting enemy networks. In the face of urgent deployment requirements, the squadron demonstrated exceptional agility, rapidly pivoting resources to establish forward operating locations and execute critical missions under severely compressed timelines. The Blackbirds’ accomplishments paved the way for future remotely piloted aircraft capability, distinctly identifying them as the Air Force’s most outstanding RPA squadron.“
Larry Stutzriem, the AFA’s Executive Vice President, while presenting the award to representatives of the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron ahead of a panel at the Air, Space & Cyber Conference.
“In 2025, the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron conducted 87 ISR [intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance] missions across three different AORs [areas of responsibility], filled critical intelligence gaps, and disrupted enemy networks,” Stutzriem said. “On the unit mobility side, the Blackbirds executed 7.2 million dollars worth of airlift in six movements across four combatant commands, moving 250 tons of personnel, top secret material, and equipment to provide low-observable RPA support for a critical Secretary of War-directed mission.”
“With their deployments, the Blackbirds demonstrated exceptional agility under extremely compressed timelines,” he added.
The official unit insignia of the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron, with its prominent blackbird motif. USAF
Furthermore, during 2025, the squadron “also executed six large force exercises to develop tactics, techniques, and procedures; validated joint force tactical objectives in land and maritime environments; and provided combat-relevant training,” according to Stutzriem. “Instructors and evaluators graduated the largest ever combat mission-ready class, 30 percent ahead of schedule, and accelerated mission-ready status 33 percent, while increasing total unit aircrew by 26 percent.”
Though Stutzriem noted that the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron provided “low-observable RPA support,” no explicit mention was made of the RQ-170. Whether or not the squadron may now operate other kinds of low-observable (stealthy) drones is unknown. As mentioned, to date, the Air Force has only confirmed that Sentinels are assigned to two units, the other being the 44th Reconnaissance Squadron. Both the 30th and 44th are assigned to the 432nd Wing at Creech Air Force Base in Nevada. Between 20 and 30 RQ-170s, in total, are understood to be in the Air Force’s inventory.
What three specific AORs the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron operated in during 2025 is also not known.
However, at least one, and possibly two, RQ-170s took part in the mission to capture Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro in January of this year, as you can read more about here. It’s very likely that the Sentinels were tracking Maduro ahead of the operation. In December 2025, Air Forces Southern (AFSOUTH) had also made a post on X that included a picture of an individual wearing a name patch with the silhouette of Sentinel and the sleeve insignia of the 432nd Wing, prompting questions about whether the drones were operating in the region. The post was subsequently deleted.
Further in the past, RQ-170s are also known to have been deployed to the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Pacific. The Sentinel first emerged publicly in Afghanistan in the late 2000s, prompting the U.S. military to confirm its existence in 2009. Sentinels are notably understood to have surveilled Al Qaeda founder Osama Bin Laden’s compound in Pakistan in the lead-up to the raid that led to his death in May 2011.
Later in 2011, one of the drones infamously went down in Iran while presumed to be on a mission to monitor aspects of that country’s nuclear program. With that in mind, it is possible, if not extremely probable, that RQ-170s likely played a role in relation to the Operation Midnight Hammer strikes on Iranian nuclear sites last year. Sentinels could have provided direct surveillance over the sites in question, as well as collecting post-mission bomb damage assessments and other intelligence. These are exactly the kinds of missions the drones were designed for and that operators have trained for.
A satellite image available through Apple Maps, seen below, also shows an RQ-170 at Naval Air Station Sigonella in Italy, likely in the 2023-2024 timeframe, based on the state of construction visible elsewhere at the base. It is not known how many Sentinels were deployed to Sigonella and for how long. The Apple Maps image does lend some credence to earlier reports that these drones may have flown missions in the Black Sea region, gathering intelligence on Russian forces on the heavily defended, occupied Crimean Peninsula, between 2022 and 2023.
Apple Maps
Overall, the RQ-170 does still appear to be a go-to for performing penetrating tactical reconnaissance missions, especially when there is a need to provide persistent surveillance in denied areas, resulting in extremely important intelligence collection.
Again, it is important to reiterate here that we do not know if the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron operates any other stealthy drones beyond the RQ-170, or has in the past. A very stealthy high-altitude, long-endurance (HALE) surveillance and reconnaissance drone commonly and unofficially referred to as the RQ-180, or an evolution thereof, burst into the public eye in March after it was spotted landing in broad daylight at a base in Greece. Much about the drone, including what units are involved in its operation and where the home base of the fleet is, as well as the reasons for its deployment to the region, has yet to emerge. It does seem unlikely that the 30th would have taken on operation of the RQ-180, which is a larger strategic reconnaissance-focused platform compared to the smaller, tactically-minded, and less exquisite RQ-170. This is also just one example of what could still be lurking in the classified realm.
American RQ-180 stealth drone landing in Greece, supporting US operations against Iran. pic.twitter.com/Go5YHBM1p8
Whether or not the awarding of the 2025 RPA Squadron of the Year trophy to the 30th Reconnaissance Squadron might now point to a new willingness to talk about that unit’s activities and/or the RQ-170 remains to be seen. Regardless, the award and its description are yet more reminders of just how important the Sentinel remains nearly two decades after it first appeared.
Margaret Chant-Papandreou, second wife of former Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou, and women’s rights activist, has died at the age of 103, media reported on Friday. The American-born women’s rights advocate played a prominent role in efforts to strengthen the legal and social rights of women in Greece. Chant-Papandreou was the wife of former prime minister […]
Keeping up with developments across the European Union can be a challenge. EU Reporter’s live EU institutions news feed makes it easier to stay informed and in touch with what is happening across Brussels and beyond.
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Olio del Colli di Bologna is an extra virgin olive oil from the Emilia-Romagna region, located in northern Italy. The area is part of the ‘Evaporitic Karst and Caves of Northern Apennines' natural site, which was added to the UNESCO World Heritage list in 2023. The Olio del Colli di Bologna is characterised by very low free acidity levels. It is a balanced oil with medium fruitiness, bitterness and pungency intensity.
This new designation joins the more than 3,900 protected names already listed in the eAmbrosia database. More information is available on the Quality Policy pages.
With the FIDE presidential election approaching in Samarkand, one of the candidates, Wadim Rosenstein (pictured), has become the subject of a formal appeal by a Ukrainian lawmaker. Oleg Dunda, a member of the Verkhovna Rada, is asking Ukrainian and German officials to examine whether Rosenstein and WR Group Holding may have violated sanctions rules.
The appeal was directed to Kyrylo Budanov, head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha and German Ambassador Boris Ruge. Dunda’s request goes beyond a general review: he wants the German side to consider a criminal investigation and has also asked for possible Ukrainian sanctions against Rosenstein.
At the center of the case described by Dunda are media investigations into LLC WR Rus. Ukrainian publications cited in the request say that Rosenstein controls the Russian company either directly or through his German business structure, WR Group. The company’s reported financial performance has expanded sharply. From 2023, revenue allegedly rose almost fifteenfold and reached €18 million, while net profit increased about three-and-a-half times to €1.8 million.
The same investigations pointed to the identity of some of the company’s customers. The reporting claimed that WR Rus worked with entities connected to Russian oligarchs already under sanctions. It also described a 2025 shipment of Italian footwear worth more than €500,000 that was allegedly imported for Anastasia Zadorina, identified as the daughter of Russian FSB Colonel General Mikhail Shekin.
Attention has also been drawn to a separate company belonging to Rosenstein’s brother Mikhail. His logistics firm, LLC 2R Integra, reportedly saw its revenue climb almost forty times after Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine began, reaching €21 million. The Ukrainian reports cited by Dunda alleged that the company continued sending industrial products to Russia through sanctions-avoidance channels, including dual-use goods from the Indian manufacturer Polycab.
The Ukrainian Chess Federation has taken a prominent position on sanctions within international chess. The source states that it was among those pushing for sanctions against former FIDE president Arkady Dvorkovich. After his inclusion on EU sanctions lists, Dvorkovich left the presidency.
More recently, the federation succeeded in excluding the Russian team from the World Chess Olympiad, which is scheduled for late September in Samarkand. FIDE’s presidential election is also expected to take place there.
Rosenstein is not the only candidate. The source identifies two other contenders: Timur Turlov, a businessman from Kazakhstan, and Jan Henric Buettner, a well-known German venture investor and multimillionaire. Yet the election may encounter logistical problems unrelated to the controversy. An official FIDE statement cited in the text says that some voting delegates have faced visa issues, raising uncertainty over whether the ballot can be held on schedule.
The European Commission is empowered by the EU Treaties to borrow from the international capital markets on behalf of the European Union to finance selected EU policy programmes. The Commission has raised €11 billion of EU-Bonds in its 8th syndicated transaction for 2026.
The dual-tranche transaction concerned a €6 billion new 3-year EU-Bond maturing on 12 March 2030 and a €5 billion new 30-year EU-Bond maturing on 12 October 2056.
Building on the pricing of recent syndications against the EU Bond curve, both maturities were priced against reference points in the EU Bond curve. The approach reflects the growing liquidity of the EU-Bond curve, which can be used more frequently as a reliable reference point for pricing of syndicated issuances when deemed desirable.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, while condemning the Israeli government’s plans to advance settlement construction in the E1 area of the West Bank (Judea and Samaria), stopped short of proposing a ban on trade with the Israeli communities in the area, in contrast with an initiative pushed by some EU member states and EU’s foreign policy Kaja Kallas, writes European Jewish Press, Yossi Lempkowicz.
She spoke on Wednesday (16 September) during her annual State of Union address to the European Parliament in Strasbourg.
Von der Leyen received a round of applause for condemning the Israeli government’s plans to advance construction in the E1 area, a strategi area between Jerusalem and Maale Adumim. ”The Israeli government’s decision to advance the illegal E1 settlement projects is unacceptable,” she said, after deploring the ”deep suffering in Gaza and unchecked settler violence in the West Bank” which, she said, ”have deeply affected Europeans.”
”It is painful for many Europeans that member states have been unable to build the necessary majorities for a unified response,” she added, noting that ”some member states have been unable to build the necessary majorities for a unified response. Some member states have moved ahezd. Others are considering doing so.”
A group of over 100 MEPs, mainly from S&D, The Left, the Greens and Renew groups, had written a letter to the President of the European Commission to make an “urgent appeal for a Commission legislative proposal to ban EU trade with illegal Israeli settlements”.
Until now, EU member states are divided about the proposal to ban trade from Judea and Samaria.. Countries like Slovenia and Czechia, but also Germany and Italy, have blocked such sanctions.
Von der Leyen highlighted the Commission’s efforts to mobilise funding for the Palestinian Authority and for the reconstruction of Gaza.
‘’We have delivered more aid than anyone else. Through the Palestine Donor Group and the Team Gaza Initiative, we have brought together 65 delegations. Together we have sanctioned nearly 1 billion Euro to rebuild Gaza and support a modern Palestinian Authority,’’ she noted.
She concluded her statement on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by stressing that ‘’ Europe supports the right to self-defense for Israel.’’
”The Palestinian people have an equal right to live in safety and in dignity. It is Europe’s role to keep the blame of the two-state solution alive,’’ the EU Commission President added.
Yossi Lempkowicz is Editor-in-chief of European Jewish Press (EJP).
The European Commission has adopted the Fair Labour Mobility package to guarantee clear social rights for everyone, everywhere in the EU, regardless of where they choose to live and work.
The package will enable workers to prove and claim their social security and health insurance rights, and have their qualifications understood everywhere in the EU and formally recognised where the profession is regulated. New rules and tools will better protect mobile workers from abuse and remove slow and complex administrative procedures that hinder companies from recruiting talent or providing services across the EU. National administrations will benefit from more efficient cooperation to enforce workers' rights and to fight fraud.
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said: “The single market must also become a genuine skills market with more opportunities for workers and businesses. And that is what this package sets out to do - tackling two of the Terrible ten barriers and making the most of the talent we have in Europe, and attracting more. Simplification and stronger enforcement go hand in hand - skills, recognition and protection will move seamlessly across borders. A win-win.”
The package includes a Communicationon fair labour mobility and five legislative proposals:
A Regulationestablishing a European Social Security Pass;
A “Skills Portability Act”, a Regulationon digital and comparable qualifications;
A Regulationto strengthen the European Labour Authority;
ADirectiveon qualifications of third-country nationals.
Once fully in place, the package will deliver an estimated €6 billion in benefits by 2040, by faster recognition of professional qualifications, real time verification of social security documents and other savings for business, workers and authorities, as well as by fraud avoidance.
Using digital documents across borders
The European Social Security Pass (ESSPASS) will enable people to request and receive social security documents fully online, including the European Health Insurance Card and portable document A1 for posted workers.
Through the EU Digital Identity Wallet, people moving to another EU country will be able to store and present these documents digitally, while administrations will be able to verify them quickly and securely. This digital space will be available to people and companies across the EU by the end of the year.
Over 12 years, digitalisation could save up to €64 million for businesses, €69 million for healthcare providers, and €72 million for labour inspectors through faster cross-border verification. Digital signatures could avoid up to €277 million in fraud over the same period.
Helping skills and qualifications travel across borders
Qualifications will be issued in a standardised digital format and be available in the EU Digital Identity Wallet. This will make it easier to verify the authenticity of qualifications. The Commission also proposes to provide a new EU qualifications comparison tool, drawing on information from national qualifications databases. This will give employers and workers a simple, free way to understand and compare qualifications across Member States.
The Commission has also proposed updating rules for recognising professional qualifications in regulated professions. A mandatory digital procedure will make cross-border recognition for professionals such as doctors, nurses, engineers and teachers faster (five weeks instead of three months), cheaper and more secure, while maintaining high public safety, consumer protection and professional standards.
Through common training frameworks, the Commission will extend automatic recognition to more regulated professions, notably those registering shortages based on a preliminary list of 10 additional professions. Today, the Commission adopted the first such framework for physiotherapists, one of the most mobile professions in the EU.
New rules will also set common standards for recognising qualifications obtained outside the EU for EU citizens and for third-country professionals working in the Single Market or applying from abroad. Such procedures take today 14 months on average, while the common standards will bring them to 4 months, cutting by as much as half the administrative costs of hiring for employers. For seven professions where EU-wide training standards already exist, qualifications delivered by accredited institutions outside the EU and reviewed by European quality assurance bodies will be recognised automatically. Member States keep full control over who is admitted to their territory and over the standards to practise a profession.
Strengthening the European Labour Authority
Once adopted, the Commission's proposed regulation will equip the European Labour Authority (ELA) with stronger tools to support member states inenforcing EU law. It will allow ELA to improve its capacity to provide risk assessment for inspections to help national inspectorates better target controls. It also proposes to reinforce cross-border cooperation and expertise with dedicated national inspection liaison officers. It will further improve access to information on rights and obligations by providing grants to organisations that support people working in other Member States and employers providing services or recruiting across EU borders.
The proposal further expands the mandate of ELA to tackling abuses against third-country nationals working in the EU and combatting illegal employment. It will also simplify ELA's mediation procedure, helping Member States resolve cross-border disputes more quickly and avoiding litigation, thus reducing costs and uncertainty, and improving administrative cooperation.
Next steps
People will see the first practical benefits once the initiatives are adopted by the European Parliament and the Council and the main measures enter into force.
Social security documents will be digitalised in stages, starting with the portable document A1 for posted workers one year after the ESSPASS Regulation enters into force, followed by the European Health Insurance Card and other documents within three years.
Changes to qualifications and skills portability will also be phased in: simpler recognition of non-EU qualifications within two years of adoption, while digital qualifications in the EU Digital Identity Wallet and easier recognition for regulated professions within three years.
Once the revised mandate is adopted, ELA can begin implementing changes, with improvements expected over 2028–2030.
At the March EU summit, EU leaders called for measures to enhance worker mobility by improving the mutual recognition of professional qualifications and strengthening the portability of skills, including through digitalisation. This package delivers on theOne Europe, One Marketroad map, which identified the fair labour mobility package and the skills portability initiative as priority deliverables for a more integrated Single Market.
“The European Union has decided that the textile and clothing sectors must become circular. But there is a gap – one that no one has yet measured – between the strategy set out in Brussels and the factory that has to implement it, and it is this gap that will determine whether or not the European textile and clothing industry will survive its own transition,” writes César Araújo, President of ANIVEC, the Portuguese Association of Clothing, Apparel and Fashion Industries, and Chair of the Executive Committee of the Lusitano Project Consortium.
The textile and clothing sectors are by no means minor players in the European industrial landscape. We are talking about a turnover of around 166 billion euros, nearly 1.2 million jobs and almost 200,000 companies – the overwhelming majority of which are micro, small and medium-sized enterprises. We are talking about an industrial sector which, according to the latest figures from EURATEX (the European confederation for the sector, of which ANIVEC is a member), exports €61 billion worth of goods and, in 2024 alone, invested a total of €5.3 billion in tangible assets.
This is an industry that has demonstrated truly exemplary resilience within the European Single Market, operating in a highly competitive and profoundly unequal environment; one that is open to all manner of external sources, whose requirements are applied relentlessly to domestic producers, but which, in practice, operates without any form of effective control or trade safeguards vis-à-vis external producers.
Without first rectifying the unfairness in the European Single Market, new requirements are now being imposed on the European textile and clothing industry, requiring it to absorb, simultaneously and within a short space of time, new eco-design rules, the introduction of the digital product passport and extended producer responsibility, amongst countless other demands.
The decision to move towards a circular economy is not in question. Indeed, this is probably the only way forward for an industry that Europe should wish to retain within its borders. The problem lies in the way this future is being shaped: with rules devised exclusively from the top down, aimed at a sector that continues to compete on a daily basis under conditions that no one else would tolerate. We are, moreover, well aware of the measures, support and initiatives from which the European automotive industry has benefited, precisely because it is now experiencing what the textile and clothing sectors have been facing for decades.
Let’s look at what happened a few weeks ago in Paris, on the fringes of Première Vision. The European textile and fashion federations have once again joined forces to denounce the competitive imbalance caused by fast fashion. The abolition of the customs exemption for low-value parcels and the introduction of a transitional customs duty of 3 euros were a first step. But that is just that: a first step. Now, the federations are calling for a more ambitious European handling fee, closer to 10 euros, capable of reflecting the real cost of customs control, market surveillance and the safety of the millions of products entering the EU every day. We continue to demand of compliant European brands what we do not demand of those who flood our market from outside. What is being called for is not protectionism; it is simply reciprocity.
That is why circularity cannot be treated as a mere exercise in documentary compliance. A factory that already complies with strict European environmental and social standards, operates under recognised certifications and ensures traceable supply chains, should embark on this transition with a real advantage. But this advantage will only translate into competitiveness if the EU is able to distinguish it – and reward it – from production that disregards circularity criteria and, consequently, does not internalise these costs in the final price of the product.
We have long known what needs to be done to ensure that, by 2030, we have sustainable and circular textiles and clothing in the EU. European industry is the right partner to drive the value chain forward, ensuring that products placed on the market are genuinely durable, repairable and recyclable; made largely from recycled fibres; free from hazardous substances; and produced with full respect for social rights.
However, whilst we must ensure fairness within the Single Market, the key question that remains to be answered in order to realise the 2030 vision is not a conceptual one, but a strictly operational one. Who collects? Who sorts? Who recycles? Who pays and on what scale? What is needed for textile recycling to move beyond the pilot project stage and truly become an industry?
It is to answer these questions, backed by data and practical experience, that ANIVEC, CENIT and the Lusitano Project are organising a meeting at the European Parliament in Brussels on 30 September. Under the patronage of MEPs Paulo Cunha (PT/EPP) and Bruno Gonçalves (PT/S&D) and under the theme “Making circular textiles work in Europe: Transparency, Recycling and Industrial Competitiveness” (https://shorturl.at/r8Ml4), the aim is clear: to bring together European institutions, industry and organisations that are already implementing circular solutions on the ground – with practical experience in extended producer responsibility and recycling – to discuss what is actually needed for textile circularity to work on a European scale.
At the end of the day, the question is not whether the European textile and clothing industry wants to be circular. The answer to that question is given in the affirmative, every single day, by our companies. The question on the table is whether Brussels wants to rely on the European textile and clothing industry as its chosen partner to make this circularity a reality within the European Single Market. To this end, it is imperative to ensure the industrial and commercial conditions that make circularity genuinely competitive. If the response continues to be regulation without reciprocity, we run the very real risk of being left with only the world’s most stringent standards whilst exporting whatever production we have left.
The Pentagon has reached an agreement with Lockheed Martin to lay the groundwork for stepped-up production and delivery of new AIM-260 Joint Advanced Tactical Missiles (JATM) to the U.S. military and allied air arms in the coming years. The AIM-260 is still in development, but the head of the Air Force Test Center also touted efforts to further accelerate that work just earlier this week. From the start, the U.S. military has presented JATM as especially critical for ensuring China, with its own growing array of longer-range air-to-air missiles, does not gain an edge in future air combat.
The new framework agreement announced today “is critical to ensuring long-term demand signals flow to key suppliers, allowing Lockheed Martin and the munitions supply chain to invest in manufacturing capacity, workforce, and production efficiencies,” according to a Pentagon press release. “It establishes a framework for future Multi-Year Procurement (MYP) of JATM, executing congressional authority to secure the nation’s highest-priority missile systems.”
“This agreement forms the foundational agreement for a multiyear procurement contract, pending Congressional approval, that provides long-term demand to strengthen and expand the defense industrial base for the program,” according to a separate release from Lockheed Martin.
A US Navy F/A-18F Super Hornet seen carrying an AIM-260 Joint Advanced Tactical Missile (JATM). Jonathan Tweedy/ @flightline_visuals
In response to questions from TWZ, the Pentagon declined to comment on the projected number of JATMs covered under this agreement, as well as estimated costs and delivery schedules.
A rendering depicting an F-22 Raptor firing an AIM-260 JATM. USAF
The releases today from the Pentagon and Lockheed Martin confirm that the new framework deal also includes planned foreign military sales of AIM-260s. Australia, one of America’s top allies, is the first confirmed international customer for the JATM, and plans to integrate the missiles on its F/A-18Fs, F-35As, and EA-18G Growler electronic warfare jets. The Royal Australian Air Force’s MQ-28 Ghost Bat CCA-type drones, initial versions of which are already capable of firing AIM-120s, might be another AIM-260 launch platform in the future.
The AIM-260 remains in development, with the Navy and Air Force test communities supporting that work.
“We are accelerating weapons development from high-end air dominance weapons like the JATM to hypersonic strike systems like the Hypersonic Attack Cruise Missile,” Air Force Brig. Gen. Mark Massaro, head of the Air Force Test Center (AFTC) at Edwards Air Force Base in California, told TWZ and other outlets at a media roundtable yesterday. The roundtable took place at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) 2026 Air, Space & Cyber Conference.
“We’re actively testing JATM, and it’s progressing along its program path. In test, we are working through the development stages there,” Massaro added. “So, we’re testing it in [sic] the ground with models, like I mentioned. We’re testing it in the air on aircraft. So, from a performance standpoint, I’ll hold on to that from an operational security perspective. But we’re happy seeing where it’s going, and we expect that to be a key piece of capability for our warfighters to have.”
“Just from a testing perspective, we’re always looking at making sure that we’ve got the throughput,” he added when asked if he could talk about challenges or other issues AFTC has run up against in work on the AIM-260. “So, from a test perspective only, infrastructure and throughput to make sure that we can get things out … and make the testing happen. But I’m not, from a capabilities perspective, worried about the system.”
Another look at the AIM-260 loaded on the Navy Super Hornet. Jonathan Tweedy/ @flightline_visuals
It is unclear when the first operational AIM-260s may begin entering the U.S. inventory. When the program was first disclosed to the public in 2019, the stated goal was to start fielding the missiles in 2022. There were also reports in late 2025 that funding issues had caused a three-month delay, based on a fact sheet distributed to some members of the U.S. House Committee on Armed Services. The committee later said that the information was incorrect.
Work to date on JATM has been conducted under a heavy veil of secrecy, with the existence of the program only being announced in 2019. The first public glimpse of the missile only emerged in May of this year. Beyond the aforementioned size requirement and that the new missile will offer significantly greater engagement range over the AIM-120, details remain limited. Readers can learn more about what we do know so far here.
The AIM-260 is not the only longer-ranged air-to-air missile known to be in development in the United States, either. In 2024, the Navy revealed it had begun fielding an air-launched version of the surface-launched Standard Missile-6 (SM-6), called the AIM-174B Gunslinger, at least on a limited level. Just in August of this year, the service disclosed the existence of another very long-range air-to-air missile, the AIM-424 Malice, which has already reached the flight testing phase of development.
A US Navy F/A-18F Super Hornet test jet with four AIM-174B missiles under its wings. point_mugu_skiesA US Navy Super Hornet test jet carrying a load of AIM-424 Malice missiles. USN
An Air Force spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine last month that the service was “closely following” the Navy’s work on the AIM-424. In June, the Air Force itself shared details about another potential future air-to-air missile, dubbed the Air Force Long Range Weapon (AFLRW), including a target requirement for a maximum range of at least 1,000 nautical miles.
Based on past experiences with public disclosures about the AIM-260, AIM-174B, and AIM-424 programs, additional work on advanced longer-range air-to-air missiles is certainly ongoing in the classified realm.
Today’s announcement about the new framework agreement, together with Brig. Gen. Massaro’s brief update yesterday, makes clear there is a continued commitment to JATM amid a still-growing field of new, longer-range air-to-air missiles.
Greece’s Health Minister Adonis Georgiadis has been reiterating since Monday morning that he will seek to enhance patients’ protection by installing an QR Code at the entrance of private doctors’ practices. Though his smart phone the apparently tech savy “patient will be able to confirm whether the practice is legal or not,” Georgiadis said. Surprise! […]
Le Parti communiste français condamne avec la plus grande fermeté l’arrestation et le placement sous mandat de dépôt de Justin Koné Katinan, quatrième vice-président du Parti des peuples africains — Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI) et ancien ministre. Cette arrestation fait suite à une conférence de presse du 3 septembre 2026, où Justin Koné Katinan dénonçait la responsabilité […]
The starting date for the mandatory payment of rent exclusively through a bank account has been postponed until July 1, 2027, following a decision signed by the governor of the Independent Authority for Public Revenue (AADE), Giorgos Pitsilis. According to an AADE announcement on Thursday, the extension was considered necessary in order to complete a […]
A decision by the Ministry of Infrastructure & Transport has raised the fixed taxi fares from the airports in Athens and Thessaloniki Taxi: New fares €50 for a trip from the ATH International Airport to downtown Athens. The fares change concerns, among others, the predetermined fares for routes from the airports of Athens and Thessaloniki, […]
Greek Parliament voted for lifting the parliamentary immunity of ruling New Democracy MP and former EU Commissioner Dimitris Avramopoulos on Thursday. The voting followed a relevant request by Belgian authorities investigating the so-called Qatargate and have issued an arrest warrant last June. Prior to the voting, 73-year-old Avramopoulos submitted a memorandum where he requested “the Plenary […]
Enterprise security departments have typically been presented with one of two options: either the use of unified threat management systems (UTMs) to achieve a unified perimeter or an IDS solution that can offer greater insight into network activity. However, when considering solutions for enterprise environments running on Microsoft Windows-based products, it appears that both sides are focusing on the wrong issue. The argument from UTM vendors, who market their product as the "one-stop shop" for IT personnel with limited time resources, is that a UTM device provides all necessary functions (firewall, VPN, antivirus, etc.) within a single unit. On the other hand, the vendors of specialized IDS devices argue that the inclusion of these additional functionalities reduces the effectiveness of the IDS function. As such, organizations providing protection for Windows networks continue to be at increased risk due to this way of thinking.
Cybersecurity engineer Samuel Bemi investigated this gap through a controlled comparative evaluation of Snort, an open-source intrusion detection system, and pfSense, an open-source unified security platform, within a virtualised Windows 11 enterprise environment. His evaluation goes beyond the conventional question of whether a security control detects an attack, examining whether that detection remains operationally valuable once false positives, latency, throughput, and resource utilisation are taken into account.
Detection alone doesn't tell the whole story
The experiment simulated three of the most common attack patterns organisations face: ICMP flood attacks, port and service scanning, and denial-of-service traffic. Both Snort and pfSense were configured to defend a Windows 11 host inside an isolated network built specifically for testing.
The results were clarifying, not comforting. Snort detected 100 percent of ICMP flood attempts and 100 percent of denial-of-service traffic, and identified the large majority of port scanning attempts. Within the controlled test environment, Snort achieved strong detection performance against the traffic patterns tested. But the more important finding was that detection performance came with operational trade-offs. Alongside that success sat a false positive rate high enough to be operationally significant, alongside a measurable increase in network latency and a meaningful drop in throughput once both systems were active.
Bemi's evaluation shifts the question from “which security control detects more attacks?” to a more consequential one: “does the security architecture remain effective when detection accuracy, false positives, and operational overhead are considered together?” Rather than assessing IDS and UTM controls independently, Bemi's approach examines how detection accuracy, false positives, resource consumption, and network performance interact when the controls are deployed within the same enterprise environment. This perspective provides security teams with a more practical basis for designing defence-in-depth architectures, where protection is assessed not only by what threats a control detects, but also by how effectively it operates within the wider network.
"A 100 percent detection rate cannot be evaluated in isolation," Bemi says. "If achieving that result introduces significant false positives, latency or throughput degradation, the security control has to be assessed as an operational system rather than simply as a detection mechanism."
What UTM alone Mmisses
Bemi’s argument is that IDS will never replace or outperform UTM. Instead, he says both tools solve two different layers of the same issue. Layer one is Perimeter Enforcement (Firewalling, VPN termination, Traffic Shaping, Blocking Known-Bad traffic) as long as you have the correct settings with your UTM devices such as pfSense. The Layer Two that IDS addresses is what happens after you allow something past the first layer. This Layer two provides a level of detail that can't be replicated by UTM alone. In particular, this was very evident during Bemi's testing and evaluation based on Detection Capability and Operational Impact.
" A UTM determines whether traffic should be admitted into the Network," Bemi states. " An IDS answers a completely different Question; namely, now that it is inside the Network, does it appear to be anomalous?" Bemi stated enterprises who use only UTM are typically making only one determination regarding allowing traffic past the Firewall/VPN termination device. Then they are simply relying on anything that passes through to be safe."
Resource cost is a design input, not an afterthought
One of the study's most important findings is that defence-in-depth is not operationally free. Running both controls increased CPU and memory utilisation and introduced additional network latency, demonstrating that security architecture cannot be evaluated solely through detection effectiveness.
He argues the practical barrier to hybrid defence is often less about whether the controls can work together and more about whether organisations have planned for the capacity, tuning and monitoring they require. "Nobody disputes that defence-in-depth is the right architecture on a whiteboard," he says. "The resistance comes at implementation, when a smaller IT team realises that running both properly means capacity planning, rule tuning to bring false positives down, and ongoing log review. That is a resourcing conversation, not a technology conversation. But skipping it does not remove the risk; it just moves the risk from the network into the business."
The practical path forward
For organisations still treating this as a binary purchasing decision, the practical implication of Bemi's evaluation is not that every organisation should deploy both controls indiscriminately. Instead, security architects should treat UTM and IDS as complementary controls, evaluate their combined performance under realistic traffic conditions, and size infrastructure and monitoring capacity around the resulting operational overhead.
Conclusion
The challenge for Windows enterprise security is not choosing between UTM and IDS, but designing an architecture in which both controls address different layers of the same threat landscape. Bemi’s evaluation demonstrates that detection rates alone do not determine security effectiveness; false positives, latency, throughput, resource consumption, and the effort required to operate the controls also matter. The industry therefore needs to move beyond product-versus-product comparisons and assess how security controls perform together under realistic enterprise conditions. In practice, UTM can provide the first layer of perimeter enforcement, while IDS adds deeper visibility into suspicious activity that may pass through that boundary. Organisations considering a hybrid approach should test the combined architecture against representative workloads and establish clear thresholds for performance, false positives, and resource utilisation before deployment. They should also plan for ongoing rule tuning, monitoring, capacity management, and analyst involvement rather than treating these as secondary operational concerns. Ultimately, effective defence-in-depth depends not simply on deploying more security tools, but on ensuring that complementary controls work together in a way that is measurable, sustainable, and aligned with the organisation’s operational needs.
How two fields that never talk to each other arrived at the same answer.
The same protocol, two fields
ACLS (Advanced Cardiovascular Life Support) and ATLS (Advanced Trauma Life Support) are the gold standard frameworks for managing physiological crise: systems built to keep trained professionals functional when every instinct says to react without thinking. Special Educational Needs support sits, professionally speaking, at the opposite end of healthcare, in the sustained work of accompanying children through dysregulation and meltdown, through the disorientation of a nervous system that won't reliably self-regulate. Different setting, different literature, different culture of practice.
But according to Dr. Adaugo Ijeoma Nwauwa, a physician who has instructed ACLS and ATLS and also worked directly supporting children with diverse learning and behavioural needs, the two fields are running the same protocol without knowing it.
Cognitive regulation, not just medicine
The claim is more precise than it first sounds. ACLS and ATLS are not, at bottom, medical protocols. They are cognitive regulation systems for the clinician, not only the patient. Under extreme stress, cognition degrades in predictable ways: attention narrows, sequencing collapses, and emotional reactivity overrides trained procedure. Resuscitation medicine doesn't assume a clinician's competence will survive that pressure intact; it's built around the assumption it won't.
The response is to remove the need for real-time judgement wherever possible: convert decisions into automatic sequences, spread cognitive load across a team, and give each person one narrow role so no single mind holds the entire crisis.
“This isn’t an accident of medical history,” Nwauwa says. “It’s applied psychology, and it works.”
Dysregulation is dysregulation
The same architecture, she argues, is needed and largely absent in SEN support because it's the same underlying problem. A child in sensory overload meltdown is not being difficult; the prefrontal cortex, the seat of language, reasoning, and sequence, has gone functionally offline, leaving the limbic system to run threat detection and fight-flight-freeze on its own. A trauma patient in haemorrhagic shock is a different system in a different kind of overwhelm, but the logic doesn't change: the environment has to supply, from the outside, what the person's own system currently cannot generate.
In both cases, the worst thing a responder can do is the thing that feels most natural under stress: escalate. Raise the voice. Add complexity to the demand. Let their own anxiety enter the room as a signal the other person's nervous system will pick up before any words do.
What works instead is almost boringly consistent: reduce arousal, impose sequence, communicate through calm rather than instruction, and wait for the window in which re-engagement becomes possible.
Calm Is a trained skill, not a trait
This is where the argument does its most useful work, not in the parallel itself, which is intuitive once stated, but in what she does with the word "calm". Calm, in her account, is not a personality trait or an emotional state the responder happens to be in. It's a trained physiological and behavioural posture, produced deliberately, that signals safety to everyone in the room regardless of what the responder actually feels.
Emergency medicine trains this explicitly and treats it as a technical skill worth simulating and rehearsing. SEN support demands the identical output, a support worker staying regulated through a full meltdown, with a fraction of the training infrastructure and almost none of the professional recognition that it is a skill at all rather than a personality quirk.
“A support worker who stays regulated while a child is in full meltdown isn't 'being patient'," she says. “They’re performing a skilled intervention.”
The distinction matters practically: naming it as a technical skill is what makes it teachable through simulation, scenario repetition, and deliberate practice under controlled stress, the same methods that already work in resuscitation training.
The shared failure mode
The two fields also share a failure mode, the same one emergency medicine spent decades designing its protocols around: skipping assessment in favour of immediate action. Faced with visible distress, the instinct is to do something. ACLS treats that instinct as dangerous enough to override by rule: assessment before intervention, every time, no exceptions for how urgent the moment feels, because acting on a wrong read during a cardiac arrest kills the patient.
The stakes in a classroom are different, but the mechanism is identical. A worker who responds to visible distress without first identifying its source — sensory overload, pain, an unmet need, a communication breakdown — will frequently intervene in ways that escalate the very thing they're trying to calm.
“The assessment step isn’t a delay,” she says. “It is the intervention.”
The missing cross-pollination
What she finds most frustrating is not that the parallel exists but that almost nobody has acted on it. The literature on acute crisis intervention and the literature on neurodiverse behavioural support don't cite each other, don't share conferences, and largely don't share a vocabulary, despite, in her assessment, running on the same underlying mechanism.
The traffic could move in both directions: emergency medicine has the deeper evidence base and decades of simulation science to offer SEN training, while SEN support has made real advances in co-regulation and trauma-informed practice with obvious, unexplored applications in the emergency room, where patients in crisis are often just as dysregulated, just as unreachable by instruction, as a child mid-meltdown.
Training programmes that treat physiological crisis response and behavioural dysregulation as categorically separate disciplines, she argues, are training people for a version of the nervous system that doesn’t exist. It doesn't draw that line. Neither, she'd argue, should the curriculum.
Investigamos o que importa para os brasileiros além do que passa na campanha eleitoral. Leia mais reportagens como essa clicando aqui.
Noite na Marginal Pinheiros, uma das principais artérias de São Paulo: dois jovens negros são abordados por três policiais militares numa viatura. Motivo? Eles caminhavam de forma suspeita, segundo a equipe. A abordagem é seguida por revista, interrogatório e xingamentos por parte dos PMs. “Tu é todo ladrãozão, né”, comentou um dos policiais.
Nada ilegal ou suspeito foi identificado na dupla. Mesmo assim, a ação foi exaltada em um vídeo publicado no YouTube pelo Diretor Elias Junior, candidato a deputado estadual pelo MDB. “O tamanho do viaduto ficou pequeno quando viram a ROTA”, diz o título da publicação. Um formato sensacionalista que se repete entre outros youtubers que disputam as eleições de 2026 e integram a lista dos que mais monetizaram explorando operações policiais. Alguns dos vídeos contêm deboche, humilhação e truculência, expondo, além dos próprios policiais, moradores e suspeitos, sobretudo em regiões periféricas de grandes cidades.
Apuração exclusiva da Agência Pública, em parceria com a plataforma Zeeng, mostra que um candidato com muitos seguidores pode ganhar até R$ 8 mil por mês no YouTube com vídeos sobre operações e abordagens das polícias. O levantamento considerou os 15 candidatos influencers com maior monetização sobre ocorrências policiais em 2026: eles podem ter ganhado até R$ 64,6 mil na soma dos vídeos (entre shorts e vídeos longos) postados no YouTube de 1º de janeiro a 25 de agosto deste ano.
Os valores podem ser ainda maiores, pois o levantamento considera o pagamento estimado por views do YouTube, o que não leva em conta outras redes sociais e possíveis patrocínios negociados diretamente pelos candidatos, a exemplo de divulgação de cursos e produtos.
Ao todo, sete partidos de direita e centro-direita compõem o levantamento: Podemos, MDB, PP, PL, Avante, União Brasil e Republicanos. Os nomes analisados possuem vínculo direto com a Polícia Militar, Polícia Civil, Polícia Rodoviária Federal e Guarda Civil Metropolitana de São Paulo. A exceção é Elias Junior, que é diretor cinematográfico, mas acompanha operações e explora a estética policial.
Por que isso importa?
As Polícias costumam ter normas de como seus agentes devem usar as redes sociais – muitas delas vedam o uso de palavras depreciativas ou de fardas e dispositivos.
Cerca de 6% de todos os candidatos destas eleições são ligados a forças de segurança.
Partidos de direita e extrema direita têm defendido medidas inconstitucionais de endurecimento da punição a crimes.
Dos 15 youtubers listados pela reportagem, 14 utilizam ocorrências policiais para divulgar a própria imagem, a maioria em condutas que não são condizentes com as normas das Polícias Civil e Militar de São Paulo sobre uso das redes sociais. Além disso, parlamentares licenciados dos cargos não têm prerrogativa para se apresentarem como autoridades policiais – e nem usarem distintivo ou equipamentos da corporação, conforme confirmado pela Secretaria de Segurança Pública de São Paulo.
O líder na estimativa de arrecadação é o deputado federal e candidato à reeleição, delegado Palumbo (PODE-SP), que pode ter faturado cerca de R$ 64,6 mil desde o início do ano, acumulando mais de 26 milhões de visualizações no período analisado. Mesmo licenciado do cargo de Policial Civil, Palumbo aparece nos vídeos participando de operações, sobretudo relacionadas ao tráfico de drogas.
Na maioria das ocorrências, ele caminha ao lado dos agentes, auxilia e até mesmo protagoniza interrogatórios. Os títulos utilizados nos conteúdos são majoritariamente chamativos e com palavras fortes. “São duas opções, c4deia ou caixão – dessa vez ele foi parar na c4deia”, descreve uma publicação de 20 de julho de 2026, que começa com policiais imobilizando de forma agressiva um homem na rua. “Não estamos te esculachando não, você está sendo tratado como tem que ser tratado”, diz um dos agentes. Depois de ter sido procurado pela reportagem, Palumbo retirou o vídeo do ar, mas não respondeu aos questionamentos.
Mesmo licenciado do cargo de Policial Civil, o deputado federal Delegado Palumbo (de marrom) participa de operações e posta no YouTube –este vídeo foi retirado após contato da reportagem
Delegado licenciado usa distintivo e participa de operações
O canal com maior número de inscritos pertence ao deputado federal delegado Da Cunha (União-SP), com 3,53 milhões de inscritos, embora tenha ficado em 10º lugar no ranking de visualizações. Ele publicou 237 vídeos num período de quase oito meses, podendo ter monetizado cerca de R$ 3,4 mil desde janeiro.
Da Cunha está licenciado do cargo de delegado da Polícia Civil, mas participa de operações policiais e se apresenta nas ocorrências como “deputado e delegado”. Em um dos vídeos, postado em 8 de julho deste ano, ele interrogou um homem linchado por populares após uma tentativa frustrada de assalto a uma loja de produtos importados, em Osasco (SP).
O deputado aparece no vídeo atendendo a ocorrência junto à Guarda Municipal de Osasco. Usando distintivo de delegado, o deputado também foi até o hospital onde o suspeito ficou internado após o espancamento. Com o homem com a cabeça enfaixada e deitado numa maca, o parlamentar é filmado dando sermão e ainda faz propaganda de um projeto de lei de autoria dele e dos deputados Kim Kataguiri (Missão-SP) e Marcos Pollon (PL-MS): “Sabia que aumentou a pena do 157 [crime de roubo]? Sabia que a lei é minha? Agora é dez anos a pena mínima. Vai ficar uma cotinha na cadeia, meu tio. Agradecer à polícia que salvou sua vida né, se não ‘tava’ com o CPF cancelado já”.
Da Cunha, que é deputado federal e candidato à reeleição, é filmado no hospital dando bronca em um suspeito de roubo que foi vítima de espancamento
Por lei, é considerada contravenção um policial civil usar publicamente distintivo de função que não exerce. Além disso, uma portaria editada em 2020 regulou, em São Paulo, o uso de redes por policiais civis. A norma proíbe, entre outros pontos, a publicação de fotos e vídeos com vítimas, suspeitos ou investigados; veda comportamento que busque “reconhecimento social” ou “promoção pessoal” e exige “decoro e discrição na linguagem”.
A Polícia Militar de São Paulo tem norma parecida desde 2021, que proíbe publicar ou compartilhar qualquer conteúdo que se relacione, direta ou indiretamente, com a PM, bem como divulgar operações ou investigações.
Ainda que o servidor esteja licenciado, um órgão de segurança pública pode adotar medidas administrativas pelo descumprimento de normas institucionais, explicou o professor de direito eleitoral da Faculdade de Direito de Sorocaba, Pedro Marques Neto. “Tem regras que evitam o uso de fardas, por exemplo, mas muitas vezes elas não são aplicadas”.
No Brasil, quase 30% dos órgãos de polícia não têm norma específica para o uso de redes sociais por parte dos agentes, conforme levantamento do Instituto Sou da Paz. Para a entidade, é preciso garantir a liberdade de expressão, “mas também vedar o uso da autoridade policial para autopromoção e engajamento político”.
O problema é que as normativas em geral não estabelecem o setor responsável e as formas de fiscalização dos agentes no ambiente virtual, frisou a diretora-executiva do instituto, Carolina Ricardo. “Falta em algumas normativas ter um fluxo claro de quem é o dono disso dentro das instituições, da função de fiscalizar. E isso torna muito mais difusa a implementação [das normas]”, comentou.
Procurada, a Secretaria de Segurança Pública (SSP) de São Paulo informou que o parlamentar licenciado por conta do mandato não tem a prerrogativa para usar distintivo e nem se apresentar como autoridade policial. “Não há, portanto, autorização para ações como as descritas pela reportagem”, disse, em nota, quando questionada sobre parlamentares licenciados e também sobre o caso do Elias Junior, que não é policial.
Sobre o uso de redes sociais, a Secretaria reforçou que portarias das Polícias Civil e Militar proíbem a criação de perfil vinculado ao trabalho policial, bem como a publicação de fotos e vídeos com vítimas, e que não compactua com desvios de conduta. “Casos identificados são apurados pelas corregedorias das corporações, mediante procedimento próprio, podendo resultar em medidas administrativas, disciplinares, civis e criminais”, diz a nota. A SSP, no entanto, não confirmou se os casos enviados pela reportagem serão apurados.
A Pública procurou também todos os 15 candidatos do levantamento. A Capitã Rebeca, em 12º lugar no ranking, respondeu que não monetiza com os vídeos. Porém, não comentou sobre os objetivos do canal e nem como se posiciona sobre as críticas de espetacularização da violência.
O Coronel Telhada, 14º no ranking, disse que nenhuma das suas redes sociais ganha dinheiro com monetização. “O YouTube com frequência manda mensagem para monetizarmos, mas nunca concordamos e nem aceitamos, nunca fizemos inscrição no programa de monetização de nenhuma rede social e nem faremos”, afirmou em nota.
O deputado federal Sargento Fahur e candidato à reeleição, disse que a gestão do seu canal é feita por uma empresa. “Os valores obtidos com monetização não são suficientes sequer para custear integralmente a operação”, afirmou, pois há custos com funcionários, edição de vídeos, aluguel de espaço e compra de equipamentos. “Não se trata de autopromoção, mas de divulgar aquilo que penso”, conclui nota enviada pelo policial militar reformado que está na 6ª posição no ranking (leia na íntegra).
Este espaço será atualizado em caso de manifestação dos demais.
Distintivo confiscado – e devolvido
Em julho de 2021, Da Cunha chegou a ter o distintivo e a arma confiscados após a abertura de uma sindicância contra ele por ter simulado operações policiais. Os objetos foram devolvidos em 2023, numa decisão do delegado-geral da Polícia Civil de SP, Artur José Dian. À época, a Secretaria de Segurança Pública de São Paulo (SSP-SP) informou que a competência sobre o processo era exclusiva da Polícia Civil e que não iria se manifestar sobre o tema.
O vídeo “Lincharam o ladrão em Osasco”, no canal de Da Cunha, foi publicado há dois meses e tem 51 mil visualizações
Os processos administrativos foram abertos após o deputado virar réu na Justiça por abuso de autoridade e constrangimento ilegal. Em julho de 2020, ele teria constrangido uma vítima de sequestro e o próprio sequestrador a simularem um resgate para que a cena pudesse ser gravada e repercutida nas redes sociais. Ele também é alvo da Justiça, após denúncia do Ministério Público, por violência doméstica contra a ex-companheira, em outubro de 2023. Ela acusou o parlamentar de ameaça de morte, lesão corporal, dano material e de bater sua cabeça contra a parede, além de tentar sufocá-la em um apartamento em Santos.
Em 3 de setembro deste ano, o processo por abuso de autoridade teve mais uma reviravolta: o anúncio da demissão de Da Cunha do cargo de delegado por parte do Governador de São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicanos), atendendo a uma recomendação feita pela Polícia Civil em 2022. No mesmo dia em que a demissão foi anunciada, no entanto, a Justiça de São Paulo concedeu uma liminar, a pedido do deputado, impedindo que a decisão fosse formalizada.
Monetizando a estética policial
Com 1,3 milhão de inscritos, o canal do Diretor Elias Junior teria arrecadado, em média, mais de R$ 40,8 mil na monetização dos vídeos só este ano. Na página inicial do perfil no YouTube, ele aparece com um colete à prova de balas marrom e uma roupa camuflada, nas características da farda do Exército brasileiro. Em alguns dos vídeos, ele usa boina e uniforme semelhantes aos usados pela PM de São Paulo.
Em vídeo postado neste ano, Elias Junior participa de operação policial usando o que aparenta ser uma boina da ROTA – mas ele não tem ligação formal com a instituição
Elias Junior vai às ocorrências dentro das viaturas, usa o discurso punitivista e expõe as abordagens policiais, ainda que nenhum crime tenha sido identificado. Entre outros formatos, os títulos sensacionalistas criticam o sistema legal brasileiro. Um deles foi intitulado “Mulher bandida teve o benefício da mãe cárcere”. No vídeo, publicado em 16 de junho de 2026, ele conversa com uma mulher que cumpria pena por tráfico de drogas em casa por conta de um benefício legal concedido a mães de crianças com menos de 12 anos.
Em outra publicação, em 23 de junho de 2026, o candidato acompanha o patrulhamento realizado por dois tenentes da Polícia Militar que decidem abordar dois homens que estariam andando com um “jeito malandro”, na Zona Leste de São Paulo. Os homens eram dependentes químicos e foram interrogados pelos militares sobre o consumo de drogas e crimes que teriam cometido; posteriormente, foram liberados. Mas o vídeo foi postado.
O diretor Elias Junior não respondeu aos questionamentos da Pública. A Polícia Militar não comentou o caso.
O tribunal midiático e o ‘policial herói’
Jurisprudências do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST) reconhecem o vínculo de integrantes da segurança pública com a iniciativa privada, desde que compatíveis com os horários e não conflitantes com a função exercida. O famoso “bico” de segurança particular, por exemplo, é proibido.
Em relação à figura do “policial youtuber”, há regras institucionais que deveriam limitar a atuação dos servidores na internet. Em São Paulo, por exemplo, é vedado o uso de qualquer elemento que se remeta à corporação em perfis pessoais, com exceção de solenidades, formaturas e eventos excepcionais. O que acontece na prática, no entanto, é a teatralização da atividade do agente de segurança, com discursos violentos que tendem a construir a imagem de “policial herói”, assim como na maioria dos programas policiais — explicou o pesquisador Dannilo Duarte, autor do livro Jornalismo Policial na Televisão Brasileira: Gênero e Modo de Endereçamento.
O autor destaca que a internet amplificou a exploração audiovisual das operações, principalmente em ações envolvendo populações mais vulneráveis. “Há um posicionamento de quem é a vítima e de quem vai ser o bandido. Recorrentemente esse bandido vai ser preto ou pardo, vai estar em regiões periféricas. Se constrói uma ideia de que está sempre vinculado ao tráfico e que são pessoas com o estereótipo do malandro, do espertalhão, que não cumpre as leis”.
Além disso, esse tipo de abordagem, conforme o autor, alimenta a ideia de “justiceiro” que, em meio a estímulos à violência e descredibilização do sistema judiciário, faz “justiça com as próprias mãos”, a exemplo do assassinato de Claudio Rafael Landeiro, em 12 de agosto, em Copacabana, Zona Sul do Rio de Janeiro. A vítima tinha 37 anos e foi espancada até a morte por cinco homens após ser acusada injustamente de roubar uma bicicleta.
“É um comportamento de certa forma estimulado, o ‘bandido bom é bandido morto’. Mas você não verá isso acontecer num condomínio de classe média, mesmo que o infrator tenha cometido uma infração grave. Jovens brancos de classe média, média alta, não são espancados na praia ou nos becos. A integridade física não é respeitada. Há um lixamento virtual e físico”, pontuou Duarte.
O policial rodoviário federal, Breno Faria, também candidato, não explora a estética policial, mas tem canal em que ataca leis de combate à violência contra a mulher
Dos 15 perfis analisados, há uma exceção para a estética policial. Trata-se do policial rodoviário federal, Breno Faria, candidato a deputado federal pelo PL no Rio de Janeiro. Dono do canal Café com teu Pai, perfil também popularizado no Instagram, ele aproveita o espaço na internet para a defesa de ideias misóginas e ataques a leis de combate à violência contra a mulher. Em um dos vídeos, afirma: “as leis feministas não protegeram a mulher em nada” e defende o “aconselhamento familiar” como mais eficiente do que a atual legislação.
Numa outra publicação, Breno Faria faz comentários pejorativos sobre as roupas da deputada Erika Hilton (PSOL-SP). “Mulher trans negra ou patricinha de Beverly Hills?”, publicou em 15 de junho. Estima-se que Faria tenha monetizado em torno de R$ 3,8 mil só no YouTube desde janeiro, somando mais de 1,9 milhão de visualizações em 401 vídeos.
METODOLOGIA
A Agência Pública começou o levantamento considerando os 100 youtubers e perfis no YouTube que têm maior número de inscritos na plataforma. Em seguida, cruzamos com os que são candidatos neste ano, usando a base de dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral.
Para estimar os valores monetizados pelos candidatos, foi considerada a soma de visualizações dos vídeos publicados em cada um dos 15 canais do YouTube entre 1.º de janeiro e 25 de agosto deste ano, separadas entre shorts e vídeos longos. Com isso, foi aplicado um modelo de receita bruta de anúncios que combina um parâmetro oficial do YouTube – a partir da divisão de 55% da receita publicitária com o criador e as estimativas de CPM (custo por mil impressões) e de RPM (receita por mil visualizações).
Eduardo Prange, pesquisador e CEO da Zeeng, afirma que os valores calculados são uma estimativa “moderada”, já que foi feito também um cenário otimista e conservador para as possíveis arrecadações. Prange destaca que a única forma de ter dados precisos de monetização seria com acesso ao YouTube Analytics de cada canal – que só o titular possui.
Os valores publicados não consideram outras redes sociais e também possíveis patrocínios negociados diretamente com o titular do canal, como divulgação de cursos ou de produtos.
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) will provide a long-term loan of up to 102 billion tenge (US$224.2 million) to Alatau Zharyk Company (AZhC) to modernize its electricity distribution infrastructure and expand digitalization,writes Dana Omirgazy.
The financing will help AZhC, a regional electricity distribution company supplying around 4 million people and around 50,000 commercial consumers in Almaty and the region, procure automated metering and telemechanic equipment and upgrade its low- and medium-voltage electricity transmission and distribution infrastructure, the bank’s press service reported on Sept. 7. The project is part of Kazakhstan’s National Project for the Modernization of Energy and Utility Sectors (MEKS), a government-led program to modernize heat, electricity, water supply and sewerage networks and facilities.
The EBRD-supported investment will further digitize AZhC by installing smart meters at substations and piloting smart grid technologies. It will also strengthen the company’s cybersecurity and support related efforts at Samruk-Energy, AZhC’s parent company. The modernization is expected to generate annual electricity savings of approximately 22 gigawatt-hours (GWh) and reduce annual CO2 emissions by around 12,000 tons. It is also expected to support renewable energy growth in the Almaty Region.
As part of the five-year enhanced partnership framework between Kazakhstan and the EBRD, the project will also support Alatau city’s development by reconstructing the Zhetygen electricity substation and an associated 110-kilovolt (kV) transmission line. The EBRD has invested almost $13.6 billion in Kazakhstan through 358 projects, making the country the largest and longest-running recipient of EBRD investment in Central Asia.
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