Moussa Kaka est une figure du journalisme au Sahel. Celui qui a disparu depuis le 31 août raconte le Niger depuis près de 40 ans, notamment au sein de la radio qu’il a lancée, Radio Saraounia. C’est un témoin privilégié de la vie de son pays et du Sahel. Reporters sans frontières (RSF) retrace le […]
This story originally appeared in Panamerican Dispatch on Sep. 23, 2026, and is shared here with permission.
On September 22, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva gave the opening speech of the 2026 U.N. General Assembly in New York City. He discussed the concerning state of the world, demanded diplomacy to resolve conflicts and said, “this is the most critical moment of the United Nations.”
He also denounced attempts to influence upcoming Brazilian elections.
“Brazil does not fit into anyone’s backyard,” he said. “We need partners with a positive agenda that promotes development.”
Full Speech by Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in English.
My compliments to the President of the General Assembly, Ambassador Khalilur Rahman from Bangladesh.
I greet each of the Heads of State and Government and the delegates present. I address in particular the Secretary-General of the United Nations. During his two terms, António Guterres was a direct witness to the growing mismanagement of the superpower.
Mr. President, this is the tenth occasion in which I open the General Debate of this Assembly. Since I stood at this podium for the first time in 2003, this is the most critical moment of the United Nations. The feeling that moves me today is that of indignation.
The United Nations is failing in one of its highest missions, to free humanity from the fray of war. Its credibility has never been so low. Its ability to protect the most vulnerable, those who have no army or arsenals, has never been so small.
We are all victims of the immobility of a Security Council that does not fulfill its role. In 1946, already in the first session of this assembly, Brazil warned of the high price that the international community would pay for the right to veto. This vice, which gave rise to the U.N. Charter, conferred the great powers the privilege of insensitivity.
This original sin is now added to a profound crisis of leadership. The year 2025 recorded the highest number of armed conflicts since World War II. Trillions of dollars financed a new arms race.
Geopolitical tensions threaten to turn regional disputes into a conflict of global proportions. Those who hold the reins of crucial decisions must act responsibly and in a sense of urgency. The leaders of the countries that make up the Security Council must come together.
I know the realities of power, but the concessions to the law of the strongest have already crossed the limits. This is not idealism, it is pure realism. War is not the continuation of politics by other means, it is the total failure of politics.
In an interdependent world, to lead is to reconcile the interests of the homeland with that of humanity. This is the statement of someone who represents a nation that loves peace and freedom. Someone who fought against a military dictatorship and defended his country against a coup d’état. It is the conviction of a factory worker, who was elected president three times and who won the fight against hunger in Brazil.
This assembly has recently corrected historical distortions. It has recognized the trafficking of enslaved Africans as the most serious crime against humanity. It has approved the most precise representation of the world map. Now we must debate about determining themes for the future of humanity. We are called to choose between multilateralism and unilateralism, democracy or extremism, sovereignty or subordination.
These choices demand courage, political will and clarity of objectives. This is what is expected of a statesman. Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin were statesmen.
They challenged the past to design a future of peace. They were defeated by hatred. Generations of Palestinians will carry the pain and trauma left by the genocide practiced by the Netanyahu government against women and children in Gaza.
Israeli civilians paid the price of radicalism and intolerance of the terrorist acts of Hamas. Pursuing the International Criminal Court and its members is an incentive for these crimes to be punished. The U.N. Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese cannot be silenced for telling the truth.
Illegal settlements in the West Bank are becoming less and less viable. The two-state solution is essential so that Israelis and Palestinians can live in peace. Threatening the extinction of a civilization will not bring stability to the Middle East.
The Strait of Hormuz became a trench of war when it should remain a vital passage for international trade. Families all over the world pay for the increase in the price of fuel, fertilizers and food.
The war between Russia and Ukraine has dragged on for five years in a humanitarian drama that continues to save lives.
We all know that there will be no winners on the battlefield. Diplomacy is the only option. Initiatives such as the Group of Friends of Peace, created by Brazil and China, reveal the strength of the international community willing to work for dialogue.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, the geographical proximity to the world’s largest military power is inescapable, especially in the context of the worsening of hegemonic temptations. Brazil does not fit into anyone’s backyard. We need partners with a positive agenda that promotes development.
Ideological differences should not be an obstacle to greater integration between neighbors. Countries in the region have recognized the horrors of regimes of exception. We have come a long way to restore popular will.
Democracy is once again in check. We are once again witnessing foreign interference in electoral processes. The division of the world into areas of influence and neocolonial attacks for strategic resources constitute anachronistic gestures.
The Venezuelan people deserve to define their own destiny. Nicaragua will not solve its problems by preventing the opposition from running for office. The crisis in Haiti continues to test the limits of the indifference of the international community. In Cuba, the world is suffering. The collective punishment imposed on 10 million people by an illegal economic embargo and energy blockade.
Mr. President, Brazil does not underestimate the challenge posed by organized crime. We are prepared to face criminal organizations that terrorize our communities. Workers are robbed, mothers lose their children, police officers do not return home. People are tired of violence.
But we will not outsource the responsibility of defending our borders and guaranteeing the population the right to live without fear. We do not need aircraft carriers guarding our waters. We need cooperation to stop the flow of weapons and money that supplies organized crime.
This is the spirit of the proposal that I personally delivered to the president of the United States. We want to fight the money laundering carried out by Brazilian criminals abroad.
For a long time, Brazilian states have acted in their own way. Criminals took advantage of the lack of coordination. But this is changing. In Manaus we created the International Police Cooperation Center of the Amazon, bringing together the public security officials of the nine Amazon countries.
In 2025, we carried out the largest organized crime operation in the history of Brazil. We broke records in the seizure of drugs, goods and illicit resources. We are confronting all levels of organized crime, including crime magnates.
The Anti-Faction Law, which we have just passed, imposes more severe penalties on organized crime than those stipulated for terrorism. Organized crime and corruption go hand in hand. The fight against corruption will continue to be relentless, no matter who may be hurt. No one is above the law.
Ladies and gentlemen, the pillars of multilateralism are being corroded. The World Trade Organization is on life support. When governments capitulate in the face of those who use tariffs as a weapon of coercion and blackmail, the consequences are disastrous. In the age of disinformation, those who fight progress and knowledge resistthe evidence of science. We will never forget the millions of lives lost by negligence in the fight against COVID-19. Campaigns against vaccines are bringing back diseases that we considered eradicated. Weakening the World Health Organization makes everyone more vulnerable.
Until recently, the response to climate change was consolidated in the center of the international agenda. This year, the issue disappeared from the G7 debate and the G20 debate, forums that bring together the largest carbon emitters in the world. It is time to resume the offensive and impose a defeat to negationism. Nature reminds us every day that we have but one planet.
The Himalayan glaciers are melting. A super El Niño can cause torrential rains, droughts and forest fires in different parts of the globe. Its effects will impact, above all, the most vulnerable.
Brazil has been demonstrating that it is possible to combine economic growth with emission reduction. We have achieved our self-sufficiency in oil and we will continue to research the potential of new reserves such as the Equatorial Margin.
We will not renounce the environmental agenda. We will carry forward the roadmap for the decarbonization of the Brazilian economy. The Forever Tropical Forest Fund, launched at COP30 in Belém, shows that it is possible to change old paradigms. The forest is worth more standing than destroyed.
We will continue to reduce deforestation, which fell by half in the Amazon and reached the lowest level of deforestation in 11 years. We have the moral authority to reject protectionist measures disguised as embracing the environmental cause.
Brazil is a global leader in green energy. We have the critical minerals and rare earth minerals that the world needs to carry out the energy transition. Our natural wealth belongs to the Brazilian people and it is for their benefit that they will be exploited. Access to our minerals will be a mandatory counterpart to the generation of value in our territory, the transfer of technology and the supply of national strategic sectors.
Mr. President, we live in an unprecedented technological revolution, with great risks and opportunities. It would be an unforgivable historical omission not to face the challenge of regulating big tech and artificial intelligence. A handful of oligarchic technicians want to revive a version of digital neoliberalism without rules or transparency.
They are promoting a race without ethical restraints, beyond the backs of the U.N. and the Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence. As Pope Leo XIV warns, decisions on technology should never be separated from conscience and responsibility. Companies that know the risks of their products transfer to families the impossible task of facing algorithms.
The millionaire industry of betting apps turns addiction into profit. Its dizzying dissemination is indebting and destroying millions of homes. Brazil will not tolerate this business model. We approved one of the most advanced laws in the world to protect children, teenagers and women in the digital environment. We will ensure the joint remuneration of artists, musicians and audiovisual content creators. We will not give in to the pressure of multinationals who want to privatize our Pix, a public and free payment infrastructure that has made financial inclusion a reality for millions of Brazilians.
Ladies and gentlemen, sustainable development goals are the target of attacks from reactionary forces that want to naturalize injustice. Inequality and underdevelopment result from political choices. It is possible to put the poor in the budget and make the rich pay their share.
It is necessary to roll back privileges and invest in free, quality education and healthcare.
There is a legitimate desire for change in the world. But changing is not going backwards. Changing is not taking away rights. It is not rehashing theories of racial supremacy or of female submission. It is not recolonizing the Global South.
Changing is advancing to a future of more participation and more achievements. It is creating and sharing effective public solutions for the challenges of development through a democratic, strong, efficient and capable state. It is betting on the spirit of solidarity and cooperation with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean.
Initiatives such as the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty and the International Panel on Inequality are born from this political will. Brazil is in a hurry to become a developed and socially just nation. We have adopted an economic model that focuses on income distribution, creating jobs and wage increases.
We are betting on improving productivity, on increasing credit and on building a robust social protection network. Brazil has grown again in a sustainable way. We are the third largest destination for foreign foreign direct investment.
Despite the U.S. tariffs against our economy, this year we will hit a new record of exports. There is still a lot to be done. The labor market is transforming.
Older people want to remain active. Young people want to start a business. Workers need time to rest, to improve their skills and be with their families.
In Brazil, achieving this goal means ending the so-called 6×1 scale to guarantee workers two days off a week. This change is essential to alleviate the domestic overload that still falls on women.
We are building a Brazil where women don’t have to ask for permission to occupy positions of power or enter the labor market.
A country free of femicide where no woman, in or outside the home, lives under the threat of violence. This is a cause that the world needs to embrace.
Mr. President, upon receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, Mr. King said, “I believe that what self-centered men have torn down, other-centered men can build up.”
The UN was born under the symbol of hope. Over eight decades, it has contributed to decolonization, promoted human rights and supported sustainable development. It protected immigrants and refugees. It condemned racism, anti-Semitism and religious intolerance.
These were the achievements of leaders who stood at this podium, moved by indignation in the face of the injustices of their time. Men and women who refused to accept war as their destiny, colonialism as their right, apartheid as their legitimate system. This ability to say “no” to the inequalities gave birth to some of the greatest transformations that we have lived.
Faced with the paralysis of the United Nations, we need to rediscover the political will so that it can, again, be a temple of peace.
I want to conclude with a message about my country to all who listen to us.
On October 4, millions of Brazilians go to the polls to decide their destiny. They will not just elect the President of the Republic, state governors and representatives of the legislative power. They will decide between democracy and negationism. If Brazil is going to move toward a future of more opportunities or return to a past of exclusion.
We will have a transparent and competitive election where candidates enjoy the broadest freedom of expression. We know that some abuses of this freedom seem to be associated with the interests of foreigners, contrary to those of our country.
We do not underestimate the challenge of the disinformation network that intends to disrupt the public debate during the campaign.
But we have a modern and robust electoral system. Under the watchful eye of a plural citizenry and a free press, we will not allow the enemies of democracy, both internal and external, to attack the popular will.
Brazilian democracy belongs to Brazilians.
Brazil will continue to be a sovereign country.
No one, no one will take us away from this path.
May God bless us all. Thank you.
This speech was translated into English by Michael Fox at Panamerican Dispatch. You can read the original in Portuguese, here. You can watch his speech, below.
"Brazilian democracy belongs to Brazilians. Brazil will continue to be a sovereign country. No one, no one will take us away from this path," President Lula said.
A visitor experiences an artificial intelligence health screening system at the 2026 Ningxia Elderly Care Service Expo on August 28, 2026 in Yinchuan, China.
Cet été, dans les hôpitaux français, l’attente sur brancard a parfois dépassé 48 heures et même trois jours. Le bilan de Samu-Urgences de France fait état de décès de patients pris en charge ou en attente sur brancard, alors que la France consacre des moyens considérables à sa protection sociale et que les épisodes de chaleur étaient prévisibles.
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L’été 2026 n’a donc pas seulement mis les urgences sous tension : il a révélé une nouvelle fois la difficulté du système hospitalier à absorber les crises pourtant annoncées.
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Mi-septembre, Samu-Urgences de France a publié son bilan estival, établi auprès de 143 responsables dans 80 départements. Parmi les 58 services ayant recensé les patients en attente sur brancard, la moitié ont connu au moins un patient resté 48 heures ou davantage. Dans 32 structures, l’attente a dépassé trois jours.
Plus grave encore, 26 structures déclarent au moins un décès concernant un patient pris en charge ou en attente sur un brancard. Le document ne permet pas, à lui seul, d'établir une causalité directe entre la durée d'attente et chacun de ces décès. Mais il décrit une situation où l'engorgement devient une donnée durable du fonctionnement des urgences.
La chaleur a ajouté une contrainte supplémentaire. Plus de la moitié des services interrogés déclarent manquer de climatisation et 21 n'en disposent d'aucune. Quant aux Samu, 86 % indiquent que les médecins régulateurs n'ont pas pu être renforcés, ou seulement partiellement.
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Durant cet été, les épisodes de chaleur avaient été annoncés, et leurs conséquences sanitaires sont désormais bien documentées. Pourtant, les capacités d'adaptation restent limitées : manque de personnel, régulation sous tension, locaux inadaptés et patients maintenus sur des brancards faute de lits disponibles.
Alors que le pays finance une protection sociale parmi les plus coûteuses des économies développées, elle peine à garantir, dans certains établissements, des conditions élémentaires de prise en charge lorsque la demande augmente.
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Le problème n'est donc pas simplement celui du montant dépensé. Il est celui de l'allocation des ressources, de l'organisation administrative et de la capacité de l'État à transformer des milliards de dépenses publiques en capacités hospitalières disponibles.
The main task of BRICS in the financial sphere is not to create a single currency, but to shape a pragmatic and interoperable payment architecture that provides businesses with reliable, fast, and cost-effective cross-border settlements while preserving the monetary sovereignty of member states. Pragmatism Instead of Financial Confrontation The BRICS economic agenda should be approached […]
Le Conseil d'État a rejeté les recours d'une quinzaine de syndicats et d'associations contre le décret « sanctions » du 30 mai 2025. Ce texte autorise l'organisme payeur à suspendre le RSA d'un allocataire jugé défaillant, sans passer devant un tribunal. La haute juridiction administrative vient de considérer que cette confusion des rôles ne pose aucune difficulté.
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Le dispositif, baptisé « suspension-remobilisation », marque une évolution importante du rapport entre l’administration et l’allocataire. Le pouvoir de déterminer l’obligation, de constater son non-respect et de décider de la suspension du revenu est désormais confié à la sphère administrative.
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Le décret n° 2025-478 du 30 mai 2025 encadre les sanctions applicables aux demandeurs d’emploi, notamment aux bénéficiaires du RSA. En cas de refus d’élaborer ou d’actualiser le contrat d’engagement, ou de non-respect de certaines obligations, la suspension peut représenter au moins 30 % du revenu, pendant un à deux mois lors d’un premier manquement. En cas de persistance ou de réitération, elle peut durer jusqu’à quatre mois.
Mais lorsque l’intéressé se remet en conformité avant la fin de la suspension, celle-ci peut prendre fin et les sommes temporairement retenues peuvent être restituées. La décision reste donc administrative, même si elle produit immédiatement un effet financier sur le ménage concerné.
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Syndicats et associations contestent, le juge administratif valide
Une quinzaine d’organisations, parmi lesquelles la LDH, la CFDT, la CGT, le Secours catholique, ATD Quart Monde, Emmaüs France et Solidaires, ont contesté le décret. Elles invoquaient notamment la proportionnalité des sanctions, les droits de la défense, le principe d’individualisation et le risque de priver les intéressés de moyens convenables d’existence.
Le Conseil d’État, dans sa décision du 21 septembre 2026, n° 506563, a rejeté ces recours. Il valide ainsi le cadre réglementaire adopté après la loi du 18 décembre 2023 pour le plein emploi. L’enjeu dépasse le seul RSA. En 2023, le Conseil d’État avait lui-même relevé que la « suspension » avait une finalité punitive, puisqu’elle prive temporairement le bénéficiaire de revenus, tout en cherchant à provoquer sa remise en conformité.
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Cependant, le juge n’est nullement absent : il conserve son pouvoir de contrôle sur les décisions administratives. Mais il n’intervient pas pour autoriser la suspension avant qu’elle produise ses effets. Pour l’allocataire, la réalité est claire : l’administration décide, le revenu peut être suspendu, puis le juge peut être saisi. C’est cette inversion temporelle, davantage que la disparition du juge, qui concentre l’enjeu du nouveau dispositif.
Born a year before Israel's creation, Palestinian artist Sliman Mansour spent his life painting the faces and landscapes of Israeli occupation. He died in August aged 79, and was buried in the occupied West Bank.
À Tréogan, village de 106 habitants dans les Côtes-d’Armor, l’ancien maire Thierry Dahirel a été condamné le 22 septembre 2026 à quinze mois de prison avec sursis pour faux, usage de faux et détournement de fonds publics. Un verdict qui, une fois encore, interroge le contrôle réel exercé sur les finances des petites collectivités françaises.
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Thierry Dahirel, maire de 2021 à 2024, a reconnu avoir fabriqué une fausse facture au nom de la société Colas pour d’hypothétiques travaux de voirie. Il a substitué l’IBAN de sa propre entreprise à celui de l’entreprise de travaux publics et imité la signature de son prédécesseur. La somme de 15 650 euros a été versée, puis retirée en liquide ou redistribuée. Selon Le Télégramme, la justice a retenu plusieurs infractions portant sur des pièces comptables et l’utilisation de fonds communaux. Le tribunal correctionnel de Saint-Brieuc l’a déclaré coupable de ces faits. Il a en revanche été relaxé sur d’autres soupçons portant sur l’acquisition de matériel agricole ou des locations facturées à la mairie.
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Des documents falsifiés, de l’argent communal détourné
Thierry Dahirel a été reconnu coupable de faux et usage de faux et de détournement de fonds publics. La condamnation comprend quinze mois d’emprisonnement avec sursis, auxquels s’ajoutent des sanctions financières et professionnelles.
Le dossier est révélateur d’une faiblesse structurelle des petites communes : la gestion quotidienne repose sur un nombre réduit d’acteurs, alors même que les dépenses publiques doivent obéir à des procédures comptables précises. Lorsqu’un responsable politique utilise ou falsifie des documents liés à ces opérations, c’est le contrôle de la dépense publique qui se trouve directement atteint.
L’affaire ne concerne donc pas une abstraction budgétaire. À Tréogan, commune de moins de deux cents habitants, les ressources administrées sont celles d’une collectivité dont chaque contribuable local connaît pratiquement les responsables.
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Quand la proximité ne suffit plus à contrôler l’argent public
Le cas pose une question plus large sur la surveillance des petites collectivités. La décentralisation rapproche la décision du citoyen, mais elle ne garantit pas, à elle seule, un contrôle efficace des actes financiers. Le maire concentre souvent une connaissance très fine des dossiers locaux, tandis que les contre-pouvoirs disposent de moyens humains limités.
La condamnation judiciaire constitue précisément le rappel de cette frontière : un mandat électif ne transforme pas l’argent communal en caisse personnelle. Le fait que les faits aient été commis dans une commune de quelques centaines d’habitants ne réduit en rien leur portée juridique.
L'affaire de Tréogan, isolée en apparence, rejoint une série de condamnations récentes d'édiles locaux. Pour le contribuable, les procédures peuvent sembler lointaines ; pour l’élu condamné, elles interviennent après que la confiance accordée par les électeurs a déjà été engagée.
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di Cesare Sacchetti In Francia, lo chiamano “l’orco delle Ardenne”. E’ una di quelle pagine buie, oscure del Paese transalpino, una di quelle delle quali gli organi di stampa non si sono occupati troppo dopo la rivelazione di questo atroce caso, che presenta molti punti oscuri. La stampa francese si è fatta tutto sommato andare […]
Depuis le 1er septembre 2026, la facturation électronique entre entreprises change les règles du jeu. Toutes les entreprises assujetties à la TVA doivent pouvoir recevoir des factures électroniques, tandis que les grandes entreprises et ETI doivent déjà les émettre via une plateforme agréée. Depuis, les rejets se multiplient , et ce sont les artisans, non l'État, qui portent le risque de trésorerie.
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Les plateformes ne communiquent pas entre elles. En cas d'erreur, les plateformes agréées rejettent les factures, l’émetteur n’est pas prévenu, et c’est lui qui avance la trésorerie. L’administration a déjà dû publier un guide de modalités transitoires pour éviter l’arrêt total.
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Une facture peut désormais se perdre dans l’annuaire
La réforme repose sur un système d’intermédiation : les entreprises doivent passer par une plateforme agréée pour recevoir et transmettre leurs factures électroniques. Au cœur du dispositif figure un annuaire central, qui contient notamment le numéro d’identification de l’entreprise, le code de la ligne d’adressage, le statut de cette ligne et la plateforme chargée de recevoir les factures.
Autrement dit, le professionnel qui a effectué son travail ne transmet plus nécessairement sa facture directement à son client. Elle doit emprunter un circuit informatique dont chaque maillon doit être correctement renseigné. Le décret n°2026-677 du 27 juillet 2026 prévoit d’ailleurs des procédures spécifiques pour modifier les informations d’adressage et changer de plateforme, avec plusieurs délais administratifs.
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La « simplification » commence par une période transitoire
Le gouvernement défend une réforme destinée à réduire les ressaisies, automatiser certaines opérations et améliorer le suivi des paiements. Au Sénat, en mai 2026, il reconnaissait néanmoins les inquiétudes des artisans et petites entreprises concernant les coûts, la formation et la complexité technique. Plus d’une centaine de plateformes étaient alors annoncées comme immatriculées, certaines proposant des offres gratuites ou sans surcoût aux petites structures.
La difficulté est précisément là : la promesse de simplification devient, dans sa phase de lancement, une nouvelle dépendance technique pour l’entreprise. La documentation professionnelle prévoit elle-même des « modalités internes transitoires » lorsqu’une facture ne peut être traitée normalement, avec conservation des preuves et des échanges afin d’éviter une rupture de paiement.
Pour les TPE, PME et micro-entreprises, l'émission électronique obligatoire arrivera le 1er septembre 2027. D’ici là, l’artisan qui veut simplement envoyer une facture découvre progressivement que son droit d’être payé dépend aussi du bon fonctionnement d’un annuaire, d’une plateforme et de règles d’adressage qu’il ne maîtrise pas. La norme publique déplace ainsi une partie du risque administratif vers la trésorerie privée.
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Nesta terça-feira, 22 de setembro, a frase do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva marcou a abertura da Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) em Nova York: “o Brasil não cabe no quintal de ninguém”. Além de servir para a campanha eleitoral do petista, a declaração teve um destinatário certo, o presidente dos EUA, Donald Trump.
Os dois políticos discursaram seguidamente na 81ª edição do encontro que reúne os líderes de 193 países membros da organização e demonstraram posições bem diferentes, algumas vezes, diametralmente opostas. Ambos estão em plena corrida eleitoral: Lula em busca da reeleição e Trump em campanha para a eleição chamada de “meio de mandato” nos EUA que define os representantes da Câmara e do Senado norte-americanos.
Um ponto convergente foi a ausência de citações diretas um ao outro. Se Lula não verbalizou o nome de Trump, enviou vários recados indiretos ao republicano. Por outro lado, Trump desconsiderou o Brasil, dirigindo suas críticas ou elogios a outros países.
Trump usou seu discurso para falar sobre o poder militar dos EUA para garantir ‘interesses’ na América Latina
Lula critica guerras enquanto Trump celebra ações militares dos EUA
Lula iniciou seu discurso com uma crítica dura às Nações Unidas. “A ONU está falhando em uma das suas missões mais elevadas: a de livrar a humanidade do flagelo da guerra”, disse Lula. Segundo o presidente, o direito de veto das grandes potências no Conselho de Segurança da ONU é a fonte dos problemas.
“Em 1946, já na primeira sessão desta Assembleia, o Brasil alertava para o alto preço que a comunidade internacional pagaria pelo direito de veto. Esse vício de origem da Carta da ONU conferiu às grandes potências o privilégio da insensatez”, argumentou. O conselho é formado por 15 países e cinco são membros permanentes, com direito a veto: China, Estados Unidos, França, Reino Unido e Rússia.
Alguns minutos depois, Trump agradeceria ao Conselho de Segurança por condenar “ataques terroristas do Irã” contra navios comerciais, declarou que aquela resolução foi a que recebeu maior apoio da ONU na história do Conselho de Segurança e celebrou que a marinha norte-americana já havia retirado “mais de um bilhão” de barris de petróleo do Estreito de Ormuz, o que estaria baixando o preço do combustível fóssil.
Já Lula descreveu um cenário diferente. “O Estreito de Ormuz transformou-se em trincheira da guerra, quando deveria permanecer uma passagem vital para o comércio internacional. Famílias em todo o mundo pagam pelo aumento dos preços de combustíveis, fertilizantes e alimentos”.
Por que isso importa?
A Assembleia-Geral da ONU é uma das principais vitrines da política internacional. Neste ano, Lula realizou a abertura da conferência pela décima vez.
A reunião ocorre em Nova York em um momento de tensão entre os governos do Brasil e dos Estados Unidos em função dos indícios de tentativa de influenciar as eleições no país por Donald Trump.
As visões diferentes, inclusive, geraram duas frases de efeito que devem ser utilizadas em suas respectivas campanhas. Enquanto Lula defendia a necessidade de interferência de outros países nos conflitos e o uso da diplomacia, ao declarar que “a guerra não é a continuação da política por outros meios. É a falência total da política”, Trump destacava sua forma de solucionar as disputas: “enquanto uns falam, eu ajo. Eles falaram em paz, eu fiz a paz”, declarou.
Em seu discurso, Trump afirmou que os Estados Unidos estão construindo 18 fábricas de munição de grandes empresas do setor armamentista e que, em breve, o país poderá enviar mísseis e munições de todos os tipos para os seus aliados.
A guerra em Gaza também foi tratada de maneira oposta pelos dois presidentes. Segundo Trump, na assembleia da ONU de 2025, havia uma guerra brutal em Gaza, com os reféns [israelenses] ainda nos “túneis do [grupo palestino] Hamas, sem solução próxima. Agora, segundo ele, a situação está resolvida, os reféns retornaram e “milhares de vidas desconhecidas foram salvas”.
Já Lula se referiu às “gerações de palestinos carregarão a dor e o trauma deixados pelo genocídio praticado pelo governo Netanyahu contra mulheres e crianças em Gaza”, além de afirmar que “civis israelenses pagaram o preço do radicalismo e da intolerância dos atos terroristas do Hamas”.
Lula disse em discurso que ‘Brasil não cabe no quintal de ninguém’
Nesse ponto, outra diferença veio à tona. Lula argumentou que a situação em Gaza e na Cisjordânia, onde Israel tem realizado “assentamentos ilegais”, nas palavras do presidente, seguirá impune caso o Tribunal Penal Internacional (ICC, na sigla em inglês) e seus integrantes continuem sendo perseguidos.
Trump demonstrou em seu discurso que sua motivação é o contrário disso. Além de declarar que não permitirá que membros das Forças Armadas norte-americanas sejam investigados ou processados pelo ICC, afirmou que se trata de uma corte “antiamericana”, falida, sem jurisdição sobre os Estados Unidos e ainda clamou para que todos os países que fazem parte da instituição “saiam imediatamente”.
Interferência versus Soberania
A interferência norte-americana na política dos países da América Latina foi um dos pontos centrais do desacordo entre Lula e Trump.
O republicano comemorou no seu discurso o acordo com a Dinamarca em que os Estados Unidos passam a ter controle da segurança do território. Ele também anunciou a construção de duas bases militares no local e afirmou que “adversários dos Estados Unidos” não poderão estabelecer “presença militar” no território sem aprovação do governo estadunidense.
O Acordo foi assinado logo após a saída de Trump da Assembleia. Durante a assinatura, a primeira-ministra da Dinamarca, Mette Frederiksen afirmou que se trata de um acordo que será bom para a Groenlândia, para a Dinamarca, para a Otan (Organização do Atlântico Norte, que sustenta a união militar entre os Estados Unidos e países europeus desde o fim da segunda grande guerra) e portanto, bom para a Europa.
Na América Latina, Trump citou como uma ação militar bem-sucedida o sequestro do então presidente da Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, a quem Trump chamou de “verdadeiro criminoso”. Ele comemorou a “libertação de diversos políticos” após a intervenção no país e a assinatura de um acordo com a Venezuela sobre a produção de petróleo do país, que segundo ele, dará aos EUA, 60% de todo o petróleo produzido no planeta.
Sobre Cuba, Trump afirmou que o secretário de Estado de seu governo, Marco Rubio, está envolvido em uma negociação para a retirada do atual regime do país, que segundo Trump, está falido e “vai cair”. O norte-americano também alega que o regime cubano coordena, há décadas, movimentos “radicais de esquerda” e “redes comunistas” dentro dos Estados Unidos e que “o comunismo” nunca chegará ao país.
Já Lula, criticou duramente as intervenções na região, mesmo sem citar diretamente os Estados Unidos e Donald Trump. “Voltamos a presenciar a ingerência externa em processos eleitorais. A divisão do mundo em zonas de influência e investidas neocoloniais por recursos estratégicos constituem gestos anacrônicos”, declarou.
O presidente brasileiro ainda afirmou que “o povo venezuelano merece definir o próprio destino”. Sobre Cuba, Lula chamou de “ilegais” o embargo econômico e o cerco energético ao país, além de ressaltar que o mundo assiste “à punição coletiva imposta a 10 milhões de pessoas.”
Regulação da Inteligência Artificial e das big techs
Se Lula defendeu a regulação da inteligência artificial, Donald Trump foi claro ao afirmar que não pretende regular a tecnologia que agora chama de “superinteligência”, e sim, encorajá-la.
Para Lula, “seria uma omissão histórica imperdoável não enfrentar o desafio da regulamentação das Big Techs e da Inteligência Artificial. Um punhado de tecno-oligarcas quer ressuscitar uma versão de neoliberalismo digital, sem regras nem transparência”. O presidente citou o papa Leão 14 ao declarar que “as decisões sobre tecnologia nunca devem ser separadas da consciência e da responsabilidade”.
As empresas de tecnologia que atuam com apostas, as Bets, também foram criticadas por Lula nesse momento do discurso. “Empresas que conhecem os riscos de seus produtos transferem para as famílias a impossível tarefa de enfrentar os algoritmos. A indústria bilionária das BETs transforma o vício em lucro. Sua disseminação vertiginosa está endividando e destruindo lares. O Brasil não vai tolerar esse modelo de negócio”.
Já Trump optou por usar a desinformação sobre as mudanças climáticas para defender as empresas de tecnologia. “As mesmas pessoas que disseram que todos seriam mortos em 12 anos por causa do clima global”, declarou Trump, “dizem que a inteligência artificial vai nos matar, que os robôs vão nos atacar, que será um desastre”. Sobre as mudanças climáticas, o presidente dos EUA disse que “o planeta não estava pegando fogo, e ninguém morreu”.
Pix, tarifas e feminicídio
Em seu discurso, Lula aproveitou para enviar alguns recados diretos ao líder norte-americano e também destacar pontos de sua campanha à reeleição. Ele defendeu o Pix e salientou que “não vamos ceder às pressões de multinacionais” sobre a tecnologia.
O tarifaço também esteve, de forma sutil, presente no discurso. “Temos autoridade moral para rejeitar medidas protecionistas disfarçadas de apego à causa ambiental”, disse. Entre as alegações dos EUA para elevar as tarifas de produtos brasileiros, estava a falta de políticas eficientes com combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Com isso, o presidente aproveitou para levantar uma das bandeiras do seu mandato. “Continuaremos reduzindo o desmatamento, que caiu pela metade na Amazônia e atingiu o menor nível em 11 anos”.
Na defesa da soberania, Lula também afirmou que mudar não significa retroceder, nem “reeditar teorias de supremacia racial ou de submissão feminina”, ou “recolonizar o Sul Global”.
Em um dos momentos que Lula direciona seu discurso aos eleitores no Brasil, ele defendeu que o mundo deveria abraçar como causa “um país livre do feminicídio, onde nenhuma mulher, dentro ou fora de casa, viva sob a ameaça da violência”. Neste momento, ele foi aplaudido pelos demais líderes presentes à assembleia.
Uma grande novidade deste período eleitoral é a constatação por parte das campanhas – de todos os espectros políticos – de que 51,5% do eleitorado é composto de mulheres. E que, por isso, falar delas e de pautas que as interessam talvez seja uma boa ideia.
A aproximação da direita e da extrema direita ao público feminino não é de hoje. O crescimento de figuras como a Senadora Damares Alves (Republicanos-DF) e a própria Michelle Bolsonaro (PL-DF), ex-presidente do PL Mulher, são exemplos disso.
Claro, existem personalidades e falas misóginas também na esquerda. Mas essa “direita pró-mulher” me é um pouco estranha porque, afinal, o projeto da direita é, em essência, machista. Afinal, o neoliberalismo é ancorado em políticas econômicas que não só prejudicam relativamente mais as mulheres como dependem de forma basilar da exploração gratuita de seu trabalho.
Um exemplo bastante conhecido é o das creches públicas. Um projeto de Estado mínimo que se desresponsabilize do investimento na educação infantil nunca vai se preocupar em garantir vagas para todas as crianças.
Isso, por um lado, reduz a possibilidade de autonomia econômica das mães, que têm restrita sua possibilidade de trabalhar fora porque precisam ofertar cuidado para as crianças em tempo integral – sem compensação financeira. Já que hoje, cerca de 30% das mulheres que não buscam trabalho remunerado afirmam não o fazer por precisarem se dedicar ao cuidado de familiares e a afazeres domésticos.
Por outro lado, este projeto terceiriza para a figura das famílias – na prática, quase sempre só às mulheres – uma carga que deveria ser da sociedade como um todo, a de manter e reproduzir a vida.
No caso das crianças, elas são a força de trabalho do futuro.
Ou seja: o país só cresce, produz e prospera porque há algumas décadas uma parte das mulheres dedicou anos de suas vidas para criar gratuitamente quem hoje compõe a massa de trabalhadores.
O benefício da educação das crianças é apropriado por todos, mas os custos são vistos como uma responsabilidade privada – e que tem gênero.
Ou seja, a direita neoliberal prega o desmonte de um aparato de políticas públicas importantíssimas para a autonomia feminina.
Voltando ao exemplo das creches, uma das propostas de Flávio Bolsonaro (PL-RJ) é a ampliação da vaga de creches, usando como recurso, no caso de falta das vagas públicas, a distribuição de “vouchers” para creches particulares.
Por trás de uma aparente defesa da autonomia das mulheres (que pouco convence a quem conhece o candidato, sua família e seu entorno político, com histórico de falas bastante machistas, diga-se de passagem) há uma repetição dessa mesma lógica neoliberal que estamos discutindo.
Ofertar “vouchers” para a educação pública é, de novo, tirar a responsabilidade do Estado e da coletividade e direcionar para o mercado privado. Além disso, tem efeitos ambíguos, pois raramente conduz a uma melhoria do serviço ofertado. Mercantilizar um serviço que não segue a lógica operacional de mercado traz mais malefícios do que ganhos.
Uma política de “vouchers” expande, a princípio, o número de vagas, porque gera um incentivo financeiro para a criação de equipamentos de creche particular. Mas dificilmente os valores repassados às famílias serão suficientes para custear uma educação de elite. Criam-se aparelhos voltados para o atendimento desse mercado, com pior qualidade, superlotação e outras estratégias para garantir que uma atividade que não é muito lucrativa por princípio vire um bom “negócio”.
A educação infantil vira uma máquina de fazer dinheiro, e assim há ainda menos incentivo para resolver o problema da falta de vagas na rede pública.
Quem perde são as crianças. E as mulheres que cuidam delas.
Num outro caminho, a Política Nacional de Cuidados, instituída em dezembro de 2023, dá um passo na garantia do direito universal às creches públicas. Sua aprovação e a subsequente criação do Plano Nacional de Cuidados Brasil que Cuida foram uma vitória importante do movimento feminista no governo atual. Meses antes fora criada a Secretaria Nacional da Política de Cuidados e Família, no Ministério do Desenvolvimento e Assistência Social, Família e Combate à Fome (MDS), e da Secretaria Nacional de Autonomia Econômica e Política de Cuidados, no Ministério das Mulheres. São dois órgãos criados para construir políticas sólidas para as mulheres.
O Plano prevê a criação de 100 mil novas vagas em creches e pré-escolas até 2027.
Segundo o MEC, no ano de 2025, 48,5 mil dessas vagas foram criadas. Uma melhoria, mas que não garantiu o cumprimento da meta do Plano Nacional da Educação, que estipulava 50% das crianças de 0 a 3 anos matriculadas até esse mesmo ano. O percentual final foi de 41,8%, o maior da história, mas ainda aquém do planejado.
Ou seja, o caminho está colocado, mas os esforços atuais não bastam. Até porque a execução integral desta e de outras ações do plano depende de garantia orçamentária e compromisso político, que não estão dados por enquanto.
Mesmo numa vitória petista, será preciso pressionar pela continuidade e ampliação das políticas, e sobretudo por espaço para elas no orçamento.
Percebendo que as mulheres serão força definidora nesta eleição, todos os candidatos direcionam a nós muitas propostas.
Mas não sejamos ingênuas. Se, para uns, somos parte da vida e da agenda política – e, com eles, conseguimos negociar pelo avanço de nossas pautas – para outros, nossas aflições se tornam belos tíquetes para ainda mais mercantilização.
Fear and anger are growing in South Africa after the bodies of nine women were discovered across the Ekurhuleni municipality, east of Johannesburg, over the past two months, with police investigating whether the deaths are connected, a 10th body was confirmed this week. Three suspects have been arrested, and police have acknowledged a possible connection between some of the killings. What is not in dispute is the scale of the crisis the discovery has exposed, and the outrage it has provoked, protests against femicide have been held in the country in the weeks since.
Four of the nine women have so far been publicly identified, Elizabeth “Tsontso” Moselakgomo, 38, a mother who vanished during her regular afternoon run and was found days later behind a hotel in Rhodesfield; Itumeleng Kekana, 32, missing since July and found in August with multiple stab wounds; Dineo Evelyn Motapane, 38, found in KwaThema; and Gracious Nkomo, 28, a lodge worker in Kempton Park missing for more than two weeks before she was found.
Anger over the response
The deaths have triggered protests and renewed criticism of the country’s response to gender-based violence. Residents and women’s rights campaigners have questioned why women are repeatedly advised to change their behavior, avoid isolated areas, walking alone or running alone, rather than placing greater emphasis on preventing perpetrators from committing violence.
The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) has been among the sharpest voices responding to the killings. In a statement condemning the deaths, the union insisted the killings should not be treated as a “crime wave” or a mystery, describing them instead as femicide and, more precisely, a war being waged against women. NUMSA’s argument is that this is not an aberration but the visible edge of something structural. The union points to police figures showing at least 569 women murdered nationally between April and June 2026 alone, by the verified count, with an unverified estimate closer to 892, roughly six women killed every day. Against this, nine deaths in one metro over two months is, in the union’s words, closer to the ordinary condition of the country, made visible only because the fear of a serial killer has made it a story the wider public can imagine touching them.
The statement also pushes back on the instinct to treat this primarily as a street-level danger. Of thousands of rape cases registered by police in the same quarter, the majority occurred in a residence, not a public place. The killings that draw headlines, a body beside a highway, represent a fraction of a type of violence whose center of gravity is the home.
The economics underneath the violence
NUMSA also refuses to treat gender-based violence as an individual pathology alone. It traces a line from the colonial and apartheid-era migrant labor system, which depended on women’s unpaid domestic and reproductive labor to keep wages artificially low through to the present, where South African women remain disproportionately unemployed (an official rate near 37.5%, against 44.9% for men) and disproportionately head of household. Over four in ten nationally, and closer to half in rural areas. Close to two million employed women work informally, without pensions, medical aid, or written contracts. When a woman who is also a breadwinner is killed, the union argues, it is not only a life lost but a household’s income and caregiving capacity lost with her.
Gender-based violence and femicide were declared a national disaster in South Africa in November 2025. Nearly a year on, the killings in Ekurhuleni are evidence, in the union’s reading, that the declaration has not translated into protection.
What’s being demanded
NUMSA has rejected the idea of policing alone and the state’s response so far has leaned on a security “lockdown” of Kempton Park to answer a crisis this size. Its demands include full funding of the national plan on gender-based violence and femicide, functioning forensic and mortuary capacity so victims can be identified quickly, safe transport for workers on early and late shifts, and the implementation of the ILO Convention 190 on violence and harassment in the workplace, which South Africa has ratified but not fully enforced. Alongside state accountability, the union is calling for community-based structures, street and area committees, explicitly modeled on the civic organizing of the anti-apartheid period to accompany women, support survivors, and track cases through the courts.
Investigations continue, but the fear, concern and anger surrounding the killings remain. The deaths of the women in Ekurhuleni have already forced a public reckoning with the scale of violence against women in South Africa and the urgent need for stronger action to protect women and hold perpetrators accountable.
Depuis le 31 août 2026, le centre hospitalier de Condom (Gers) n’a plus de service de médecine générale. Vingt lits fermés faute de médecin titulaire. L’Agence régionale de santé (ARS) d’Occitanie a prolongé une suspension temporaire "jusqu’à nouvel ordre".
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Le 20 septembre, le conseil municipal a voté une motion de soutien aux personnels, s’opposant à cette fermeture de fait et exigeant une réouverture pérenne. Il a saisi l’ARS... c’est tout ce que la commune peut faire.
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Le service de médecine générale du centre hospitalier de Condom devait déjà composer avec des interruptions temporaires. Durant deux ans, des médecins intérimaires se sont succédé sans permettre de stabiliser les effectifs. Début septembre, même un remplacement prévu a été annulé à la dernière minute, rendant impossible la continuité des soins. Les derniers patients ont alors été orientés vers d’autres structures.
Le directeur départemental de l’ARS, Frédéric Lopez, reconnaît que le service de vingt lits connaissait des difficultés récurrentes. Les urgentistes de Condom, déjà mobilisés le soir et le week-end, avaient été sollicités pour assurer la continuité. Mais cette organisation n’était pas tenable durablement. Selon l’ARS, aucune date de réouverture ne peut aujourd’hui être annoncée. Malgré le coût élevé des médecins intérimaires, calculé en milliers d’euros par vacation, l’ARS estime que l’absence d’activité coûte encore davantage à l’établissement. La fermeture ne constitue donc même pas une économie évidente.
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Le conseil municipal, dans sa motion du 20 septembre, demande une réouverture « rapide et pérenne » et saisit officiellement l'ARS. Mais une motion municipale n'a aucune force contraignante face à une agence régionale de santé qui répond à une tutelle parisienne, elle-même arbitrée par des enveloppes budgétaires nationales. Les élus et les personnels réclament des réponses alors que le territoire de la Ténarèze dépend de cet établissement de proximité.
Cette fermeture le rapport de force entre une administration centrale et des territoires ruraux dépossédés de toute capacité de décision. Les communes paient le prix d’une organisation sanitaire qui concentre les moyens ailleurs et laisse les petites structures à la merci d’un recrutement national défaillant. Pendant que l’ARS parle de sécurité et de pérennité, les patients du Gers perdent un service de proximité sans que quiconque ait réellement tranché devant eux.
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What does it mean to live in a disappearing place? For Pioneer Works’ Broadcast, Brad Bolman, a professor of history and environmental studies at Tulane University, writes about New Orleans, the shifting borders between land and sea, and the political and economic forces that continue to shape the city’s fate in a time of climate catastrophe.
If Los Angeles is the city that has been imaginatively destroyed again and again in film and TV, as Thom Andersen argues in Los Angeles Plays Itself, New Orleans is the one that has been destroyed countless times in reality. We have survived worse and rebuilt before, many insisted. We’re staying.
It was a reaction as understandable emotionally as it was disconnected from environmental reality. But that gap is a feature of life in the Crescent City. As I watched my first Mardi Gras parade this spring, junk falling in never-ending torrents from brightly decorated floats, a friend sympathetically interjected, “This must be driving you crazy.” What they meant was that as someone who teaches about environmental history but isn’t from here, I must be especially affected by the throwaway culture of the city’s most famous fête and its tons and tons of plastic beads, made from the same fossil fuels that are causing sea levels to rise around us.
Dès le 1er octobre, des milliers de garages pourraient perdre leur habilitation à établir les cartes grises. Pour s'y conformer, ils devront justifier de trois ans d’ancienneté et traiter au moins 200 dossiers par an. Une réforme qui entend répondre aux fraudes du Système d’immatriculation des véhicules (SIV), mais qui risque surtout de faire payer aux petits professionnels les défaillances du système public.
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Depuis 2009, les préfectures ont progressivement abandonné l’accueil physique pour les démarches d’immatriculation. Le SIV repose désormais largement sur un réseau de professionnels habilités : environ 33 000 entreprises réalisent près de 85 % des immatriculations.
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Trois ans d’ancienneté et 200 dossiers : le couperet du 1er octobre
L’arrêté du 21 juillet 2026 durcit les conditions d’habilitation. À compter du 1er octobre, les professionnels devront notamment justifier de trois années d’activité et avoir traité au moins 200 dossiers par an. Des garages pourtant habilités depuis la création du SIV en 2009 pourraient ainsi perdre leur autorisation s’ils n’atteignent pas ce volume.
La Fédération nationale de l’automobile (FNA), qui représente plus de 170 000 entreprises, a alerté le 11 septembre sur les conséquences de cette échéance rapprochée. Dans certaines zones rurales, le retrait d’un professionnel peut signifier plusieurs dizaines de kilomètres supplémentaires pour effectuer une démarche autrefois accessible localement.
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La fraude du SIV sert-elle de justification à une concentration ?
La réforme intervient après la découverte d’un dispositif de fraude d’ampleur : près d’un million de véhicules auraient été immatriculés entre 2022 et 2024 par l’intermédiaire de structures fictives, avec environ 550 millions d’euros de pertes fiscales. L’État cherche donc à renforcer le contrôle d’un réseau devenu indispensable après la fermeture des guichets préfectoraux.
Mais la réponse soulève une question de responsabilité. Pourquoi un garagiste rural, qui n’a commis aucune fraude, devrait-il perdre son habilitation parce que l’administration n’a pas suffisamment surveillé son propre fichier ? Le seuil de 200 dossiers favorise mécaniquement les professionnels disposant d’un volume d’activité important, tandis que les petits garages assurant un service de proximité sont davantage exposés.
La FNA demande le retrait de l’arrêté, ou à défaut une période transitoire d’un an et un seuil abaissé à 100 dossiers. Elle envisage également un recours en urgence devant le Conseil d’État. Cet arrêté illustre une fois de plus comment la bureaucratie, après avoir failli, se retourne contre ceux qui rendent encore le service qu’elle a abandonné.
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Even as the Euro-American stellionate collapses under its own weight and two-faced diplomacy signs its own bankruptcy, at the same time, Africa is charting its own paths to sovereignty beyond the impasse of hybrid partnerships. Since time immemorial, a basic principle of law has dictated that one should never be both judge and party. Yet […]
In Gaza, everyone is struggling to survive. For disabled people in Gaza, that struggle is multiplied. Rabab Nawfal and Suha Maqat, both wheelchair users, were champion athletes on Palestine’s national teams before Israel’s US-backed genocidal war. Two days before it began, they were playing qualifiers to represent Palestine abroad.
In this TRNN documentary report, they describe living through famine, fleeing bombardment in wheelchairs that no longer work, and asking for help that never comes. With 81% of Gaza’s roads damaged or destroyed and the UN documenting thousands of amputations, Israel is not only making life impossible for disabled Palestinians; it is creating a new generation of them.
Editor’s Note: This documentary report was filmed in Gaza City three weeks before the ceasefire in Gaza was shakily implemented beginning on October 10, 2025. Since the “ceasefire” began, Israeli forces have killed over 1,300 Palestinians, including 301 children, according to the Gaza Ministry of Health.
Credits:
Producers: Belal Awad, Leo Erhardt
Videographers: Ruwaida Amer, Mahmoud Al Mashharawi
Video Editor: Leo Erhardt
Transcript
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
I’m in a wheelchair—how am I going to escape?
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
There were days when we ate animal food, bird food.
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
I lost my eye. What more do you want?
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
My dreams have been shattered.
Narrator:
In Gaza, everyone is struggling to survive. But for people with disabilities, that struggle is multiplied. Rabab Nawfal and Suha Maqat – both wheelchair users – were champion athletes before this war.
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
I’m one of those people who didn’t go to the south. I lived through famine twice. I lived it twice. No one asked after me. There were days when we didn’t eat anything. There were days when we ate animal food, bird food. We ate everything—animals, birds. Even those things were expensive, and then they were cut off. The day they were cut off, we stopped eating anything.
Ramadan came during the famine. We didn’t eat anything. A long day passed, and we didn’t eat anything. We used to crave drinking water. We used to crave a piece of bread. We were hoping that the famine would never come back. But unfortunately, it did—and it’s still coming back.
We’ve suffered a lot in life. I was abandoned. No one took responsibility for me. My mother and father used to take care of me, but they left. These days, my brother takes care of me—and he is injured. My life is ruined. No one is with me. No one cares. And the one person standing by me is injured. He can barely carry his own family.
When we were displaced, he couldn’t help us. He wasn’t able. For people with disabilities like me, it’s been difficult to live through this war. Those who are not disabled can maybe manage their lives. They can move, walk long distances—but I can’t.
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
The closest people to me abandoned me—they didn’t stand by me. They left me to fend for myself. I feel like I live in a forest with wolves and monsters. I can’t. I try to make things work,
but I can’t. I’m mentally exhausted. The circumstances of this war are incredibly difficult. Even the word displacement is difficult for the injured and disabled.
When we left, my brother was injured and my sister was in a bad state. Even though he was injured, he was pushing my sister, as I pushed myself along. I got stuck in the sand, and they wanted to bomb the building next to us. It was the most difficult moment. I said to myself, now I’m going to be killed. It was the hardest moment of my life.
I thought—how will I escape? How will I, in my wheelchair, escape? How am I going to get out? My brother was injured and couldn’t carry me. I thought, I’m done; there’s no life for me anymore. That’s it. I’m going to be killed.
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
The hardest thing I’ve experienced in this war has been displacement. I woke up one day and saw the Israelis in front of us. I was all by myself. I rushed out, but I couldn’t continue. There was a lot of shelling, shooting, bombs. It was a miracle I got out alive. It happened again and again—the same scenario repeated a thousand times.
Narrator:
Both Suha and Rabab rely entirely on their wheelchairs to move. Without them, the most basic tasks become impossible. Israel’s blockade has meant that access to this crucial item has been cut off.
Even with functioning wheelchairs, with 81% of roads in Gaza now damaged or destroyed, access and movement is extremely limited.
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
There are no wheelchairs in Gaza. And without a wheelchair, I can’t move. The wheelchair takes me to my medicine, my food, my drink—I need it for everything. Right now, my chair is broken. I’ve lost all means of life.
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
As you can see, my chair is broken. I push myself in it, I fall off all the time, I cut and bruise my legs. If someone kind is around, then I can move. Otherwise, I can’t.
We requested wheelchairs, but it was no use. We asked and asked, and they said no. Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
My life before the war was very beautiful. I was a champion of Palestine’s disabled national team for strength games—basketball, tennis. I used to do all kinds of sports that suited my disability. I was a success story. I was a hero. These days, I feel worthless. Nothing in life. I can’t even get from here to there. I can’t move from here to there in a wheelchair. My life is
gone. There is no life.
These days, we only dream of having the most basic things: flour, water. The simplest things—we can’t get. Drinking water—we can’t get it.
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
Suha before is different from Suha today. I used to be a champion of Palestine. Today, I’m nothing. Today, just a daughter who needs her mother—who needs her mother to help her.
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
Two days before the war, we were playing qualifiers to represent Palestine internationally. But we didn’t manage it. On the day of the championship, the war erupted. So our dreams are gone. All our dreams are gone. My dreams have been shattered.
I wanted to raise my son. I wanted to raise him well and teach him. Before the war, I wanted to enroll him in karate. I wanted him to become something. I couldn’t. I wanted him to be into sports like me—to become a doctor. I wanted him to grow up and help me in the future. But my dreams were shattered. I couldn’t do any of it. I can’t do anything.
Narrator:
According to the UN 4,800 amputations of limbs had been documented since the beginning of the war. Ten children were losing one or both legs every day. Gaza had become home to the largest group of child amputees in modern history. Not only is Israel making the lives of existing disabled people impossible, it is also creating an entirely new generation of people with disabilities.
Suha Maqat, Palestinian Athlete:
Gaza has become a city of ghosts. There is no life in Gaza. As you can see—look at how people are living. On sand! How can people live on sand? How can they occupy Gaza? How?
We want peace of mind. We don’t want to lose any more loved ones. We’ve lost enough. Is it not enough that I lost my eye? What’s left? What more do you want? I lost my eye—what more do you want? What else should I lose? Nothing’s left. There’s nothing left in this world that I can lose. My family has left. I wish I could see my mother. See my father.
Rabab Nawfal, Palestinian Athlete:
Life has become unbearable. No matter how much I talk, I can’t describe what I am feeling or the life we are living. I used to be someone. Now I am nothing.
Champion athletes Rabab Nawfal and Suha Maqat, two of Gaza's disabled people now in broken wheelchairs, on famine, displacement, and being forgotten by the world.
In this personal essay at The New Yorker, Anna Holmes writes about growing up in Davis, California, a college town near Sacramento; the financial challenges her mixed-race family faced; and what it means to come from a family without the generational wealth that can make homeownership, and the financial security that comes with it, possible.
It’s hard to hear people who own property grumble about how little money they have. One friend who regularly moans about money has a four-bedroom home on the West Coast and a vacation house in New England. I’m unmoved by the financial lamentations of another friend, who owns a town house in New York with an apartment for a nanny or an in-law. Stuff like this makes me want to scream. Demonstratesomemodicumofself-awareness!Read the fucking room! When a friend told me that her parents were going to help her buy a second home, I made a pointed remark that it must be nice to have access to that sort of capital. She conceded the point, graciously, and we moved on.
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