❌

Normal view

Feijóo promete "impuesto cero" para comprar casa en los pueblos a los menores de 40 años

16 October 2026 at 13:43
El presidente del Partido Popular, Alberto Núñez Feijóo.

El presidente del PP, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, ha puesto sobre la mesa este viernes una reducción de impuestos para el mundo rural, y ha avanzado que una de sus propuestas de cara a las elecciones del 29 de noviembre será un "impuesto cero" para adquirir una vivienda como primera residencia en el ámbito rural.

Feijóo, que ha participado en Toledo en un acto organizado por la Asociación de Familias y Mujeres del Medio Rural (Afammer) con motivo del Día Internacional de las Mujeres Rurales, ha afirmado que "hay que darle facilidades a los jóvenes" que quieran vivir en el mundo rural, así como para garantizar "el relevo generacional".

El presidente popular ha advertido que el medio rural "soporta una carga fiscal excesiva" y se ha comprometido a "una exención total" en el impuesto de transmisiones patrimoniales y en el Impuesto de Actos Jurídicos Documentados a la primera transmisión a los jóvenes de menos de 40 años.

También ha puesto sobre la mesa una cuota de autónomos de 50 euros al mes durante tres años para los jóvenes de menos de 40 años que emprendan en zonas rurales; una reducción del 50 % en el impuesto de la renta para los primeros años de actividad; un bono incorporación al mundo rural de hasta 15.000 euros y avales públicos de hasta el 80 % para las inversiones que sean necesarias en las explotaciones.

El popular también ha recordado que el PP aprobó en el Senado la ley de fiscalidad agraria, "que está bloqueada en el Congreso" y en la que se propone adaptar la fiscalidad a los ciclos productivos, de modo que se paguen menos impuestos cuando las cosechas sean malas.

"La España rural no puede ser un vestigio del pasado. Tiene que ser un lugar donde se pueda trabajar, donde se pueda emprender y, en consecuencia, donde se pueda vivir", ha añadido.

A nivel general, Feijóo ha lamentado que "el trabajo solo da para sobrevivir" y "las neveras se vacían porque los alimentos han subido un 43 %", por lo que ha propuesto una reducción de la presión fiscal.

"Mi propuesta es ayudar a las familias con las rentas más modestas para llegar a fin de mes. Mi propuesta, en definitiva, es que el esfuerzo sea recompensado y esto también afecta y sobre todo afecta al medio rural", ha dicho.

También ha reiterado que el PP no "acepta recortes" en la Política Agraria Común (PAC) y ha subrayado que es "prioritario proteger la despensa de Europa"; además de una reducción de la burocracia "para que la gente pueda dedicar su tiempo a trabajar más y a rellenar menos papeles".

Sánchez’s Housing Gamble: Why Spain’s Snap Election Is Riskier Than It Looks

7 October 2026 at 11:25

Pedro Sánchez has turned a parliamentary defeat over housing into a general election on 29th November.

The calculation is clear: force Spain’s political argument onto territory more favourable to the left before migration, corruption allegations and parliamentary paralysis return to the foreground. But the polls suggest that the gamble could still deliver power to the centre-right People’s Party and Vox.

Pedro Sánchez’s decision to dissolve Spain’s parliament nine months ahead of schedule is more than an admission that his minority government had reached the limits of what it could achieve in the Congress of Deputies. It is an attempt to choose the terms on which his government will be judged.

The immediate trigger was the defeat of two emergency housing decrees after the conservative People’s Party (PP), Vox and Catalan separatist Junts voted against them. Housing had already moved rapidly to the centre of Spanish politics following the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal from the Madrid flat where she had lived for 71 years, followed by large demonstrations across the country. EU Today has previously reported on both the housing protests across Spain and Sánchez’s subsequent decision to call the election.

The prime minister is now attempting to convert legislative weakness into electoral advantage.

In his announcement on 5 October, Sánchez presented the election as a choice between a broader progressive majority capable of advancing social legislation and an opposition that had obstructed measures on housing and other domestic priorities. The government reinforced that strategy a day later by approving revised versions of the two housing decrees, containing 21 measures including tax incentives, assistance for first-time buyers and measures intended to increase supply. They will require validation by the Diputación Permanente, the standing parliamentary body that remains after dissolution.

The political calculation is straightforward. Housing offers Sánchez an issue on which anger is directed not only at government but at landlords, property investors, regional authorities and political parties opposing stronger regulation. The eviction of Abascal gave that argument a human symbol and transformed a long-running affordability problem into an immediate political confrontation.

That does not mean the strategy will work.

Most polling continues to place the PSOE behind the PP. Surveys put the Socialists at roughly 28 per cent, while Vox has risen to around 18 per cent. A PP-Vox combination is currently the only bloc consistently projected to command an outright parliamentary majority. One Sigma Dos survey published after the election announcement projected the two parties winning 203 of the Congress’s 350 seats.

Sánchez therefore appears to be playing less for immediate dominance than for mobilisation.

His problem before the housing protests was not simply the strength of the right. The broader left had become fragmented, while the government was being damaged by disputes over migration, particularly following the crisis in Ceuta, as well as corruption investigations involving figures associated with the PSOE. At the same time, Junts had become an increasingly unreliable parliamentary partner, leaving the government unable to guarantee major legislation or a new budget.

Housing changes the subject.

It allows Sánchez to argue that the central question is not whether his coalition has governed smoothly, but whether voters want a parliament prepared to intervene more aggressively in the housing market. The PP, however, is contesting precisely that framing. Alberto Núñez Feijóo argues that the housing shortage is itself a product of Sánchez’s eight years in government and has promised to raise annual construction towards 200,000 homes while reducing taxes.

The election may therefore develop into a dispute over responsibility rather than diagnosis. Both sides accept that housing has become a major national problem; they differ sharply over whether regulation or additional supply should dominate the response.

There is also a wider European dimension. Housing affordability is increasingly politically disruptive across the EU, including in major cities where construction has failed to keep pace with household formation, migration and demand for short-term accommodation. EU Today has examined similar pressures in Berlin’s housing market. Spain could now provide a test of whether housing can become powerful enough as an electoral issue to reverse the wider European movement towards the right.

For Ukraine, however, the consequences are likely to be less dramatic than Spain’s domestic political contest might suggest.

Sánchez committed €1 billion in bilateral military support to Ukraine for 2026, with Spain putting its cumulative bilateral military assistance since Russia’s full-scale invasion at almost €4 billion. Madrid has also trained more than 9,000 Ukrainian military personnel.

Spain is also home to a considerably larger Ukrainian community than the roughly 300,000 figure frequently cited. Government data showed 353,009 Ukrainian nationals holding valid residence documentation at the end of June, including 262,782 under temporary protection.

A PP-led government would alter Madrid’s domestic priorities and potentially its approach to defence spending and migration, particularly if Vox were required to sustain a parliamentary majority. Yet there is little basis at present for assuming that a change of government would produce a reversal of Spain’s fundamental position on Russia’s invasion or membership of the European and Atlantic security structures supporting Ukraine.

The more immediate question is whether Sánchez can make housing important enough to overcome the electoral arithmetic confronting him.

Calling the election has allowed him to escape a parliament in which his legislative coalition was steadily disintegrating and to enter a campaign around an issue capable of mobilising his electorate. It has not changed the fact that the PP and Vox begin that campaign with the stronger numbers.

Sánchez has chosen the battlefield. On 29th November, Spain will decide whether that was enough.

❌