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Normal view

The US is no longer an ally. It’s over.

20 October 2026 at 19:00

Years ago I was flipping through the ads of a ‘Black Friday’ sale from a large US retailer, while visiting a relative in North Carolina. Amid the pens and pencils was a child’s school bag with a large neon printed unicorn surrounded by lollipops and or hearts.

It was bullet proof.

I can’t recall what caliber of bullet it promised to stop. But the same paper had a semi-automatic Bushmaster rifle for sale at only $549.99 [€490], which normally retails at almost $1,000. I snapped a photo of it.

Guns for sale in North Carolina, including a Bushmaster which had been used to kill small children at an elementary school prior to the sale (Pic: Nikolaj Nielsen)

A few years earlier, a Bushmaster had been used to gun down 20 small children at Sandy Hook Elementary. Most of them were only six-years old.

A Benenlli 12-gauge tactical shotgun was also on sale. Last week, five-year-old Rhoam Summer and two others, aged 8 and 11 were shot dead at a school in Oregon by a 16-year old with a shotgun.

I mention this as someone who grew up in the United States and went to school there but can’t identify with a normalisation of violence splashed out as one-off specials and deals ahead of Christmas, a holiday that is cynically meant to celebrate peace and kindness.

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Baby who died from meningitis may have been saved if tested sooner, inquest finds

Five-month-old Esta High died at Leeds General Infirmary in November 2023 after doctors put her symptoms down to Covid-19

A baby girl who died from meningitis may have been saved if doctors had tested her for the infection sooner, rather than putting her symptoms down to Covid, an inquest jury has found.

Five-month-old Esta High died at Leeds General Infirmary in November 2023, days after she was taken into the emergency department with a high temperature and vomiting.

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© Photograph: Family Handout/PA

© Photograph: Family Handout/PA

© Photograph: Family Handout/PA

‘Superficial damp squib’: Covid inquiry recommendations fail to impress bereaved families

Latest report paints a painful picture of the care sector during the pandemic. But timid recommendations and a lack of accountability threaten to undermine it

Of all 10 reports due to be published by the long-running Covid-19 inquiry, this week’s findings on adult social care were especially anticipated.

The impact of Covid-19 on the care sector was calamitous: tens of thousands of people died, staff were forced to wear bin bags due to a lack of protective clothing and relatives were banned from seeing their loved ones in their dying days.

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© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

MEPs push to use EU regional funds for affordable housing and climate‑proofing cities

20 October 2026 at 17:33

The European Parliament has called for more spending to build affordable houses — using funds for regional development that currently make up a third of the EU budget.

Cohesion funds should be used to protect the ‘right to stay’ in rural areas or in small cities, a principle that the parliament wants to write into the new budget legislation.

Peripheral regions often face depopulation due to few job opportunities, according to a parliamentary non-binding report passed with 601 votes in favour, 20 against, and 36 abstentions on Tuesday (20 October).

MEPs are also calling for strong cohesion funds that would allow cities to better prepare for climate emergencies and provide a budget for additional investments in housing.

Cohesion funds, which account for a total of €48.03bn in the existing 2021-2027 EU budget, usually finance infrastructure projects, like bridges, roads, or railways in countries with a lower-than-average per capita gross national income.

The commission proposed significant cuts to reduce regional funds in the next multi-annual budget, set to cover 2028-34, but a group of 16 member states, often benefitting from the funding, opposed the reduction.

Regional development plays a key role in European integration since it is the “only instrument which can unite all of us,” and should not be reduced in the next EU budget, said Left Lithuanian MEP Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis during a plenary debate on Monday (19 October).

Cohesion funds “could be the response to the radicalisation of Europe,” Fredis Beleris, a German centre-right MEP said.

For that to happen, cohesion funds must be accessible for small and medium-sized cities, who often struggle with formalities linked to EU funds, said Denis Nesci, Italian conservative MEP spearheading the file.

Small municipalities should be able to access cohesion funds “on an equal footing as bigger cities,” he said, echoing the dominant centre-right commission’s position and its aim to simplify regulations.

Ban ‘intrusive’ cameras on mental health wards in England, say bereaved families

20 October 2026 at 16:32

Lawyers tell inquiry ‘patients’ lives are at stake’ through improper use of Oxevision system for most vulnerable

Families bereaved by the misuse of an “intrusive” camera monitoring system for vulnerable patients used in half of England’s mental health wards, have called for it to be banned to help prevent more avoidable deaths.

Lawyers for the families said “patients’ lives are at stake” by the continuing use of Oxevision, the Lampard inquiry into mental health deaths in Essex heard on Tuesday.

The inquiry was told that five patients killed themselves, or died unexpectedly, in two years while being surveilled by Oxevision’s infrared cameras at Essex Partnership University NHS foundation trust (Eput).

Peter Mant KC, representing more than 70 bereaved families, including the family of Elise Sebastian, 16, who killed herself in 2021 when staff had muted Oxevision’s alarm system, said: “Use of this technology has contributed in material ways to harms, and in some cases deaths of patients, due to the misapplication of the system.”

Addressing Kate Lampard, the chair of the inquiry, Brenda Campbell KC, representing other bereaved families including that of Sophie Alderman who the inquiry heard mistakenly believed in 2022 that Oxevision would bring staff to save her, said: “We urge you to recommend that the use of Oxevision on mental health inpatient wards is stopped nationally.”

She added: “Its harms have fallen hardest on detained, traumatised and neurodivergent patients, and no regulator took responsibility for it.”

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© Photograph: Supplied

© Photograph: Supplied

© Photograph: Supplied

Syria closes its camps, but where will displaced families go?

20 October 2026 at 13:07

In Kammouneh camp in rural Idlib, Ibrahim al-Khatib, 40, pays little attention to talk of closing the camps. He has no house to return to, and no wish to relive displacement.

"If they decide to remove me by force, I won’t accept it. I’ll tell them to bring the walls down on my head, and my family’s,” the father of four said. "My only condition for leaving is compensation for my destroyed home — either they rebuild it or give me the money to do it myself."

Ibrahim is from Maarat Harma, also in rural Idlib. He now lives in a two-room prefabricated unit with poor services, but he says it is a thousand times better than pitching a tent beside his family’s ruined house.

He works now with a local association; back in the village, he would have none. The roads there are unpaved, there is no electricity or running water, only one well has been restored, and the sewage network needs repair. The government, he says, has built a clinic and a school, and nothing more.

Syria is moving to close its more than 200 displacement camps as part of a nationwide plan and return internally displaced people to their areas of origin.

According to UNHCR data, more than 3.8 million displaced Syrians have returned to their areas of origin or home countries since the fall of the Assad government in December 2024, while over 7.4 million remain internally displaced.

Raed al-Saleh, minister of emergencies and disaster management, said the aim is to close all camps by September 2027.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa issued Decree 59, forming a committee chaired by the emergencies ministry to deliver the 'Syria Without Camps' vision. It includes the ministries of housing, local administration, social affairs and labour, and foreign affairs and expatriates, along with the governorates of Aleppo, Idlib and Hama.

The ministry’s media office told The New Arab that the committee "plans, coordinates and oversees the work needed to prepare areas of return and secure a safe, dignified and voluntary return."

It put the number of families still in camps at about 84,957 in Idlib and 56,265 in Aleppo.

Between March, when the committee began work, and the end of August, 157 camps were closed, with 220 more being prepared for closure.

Mines on the way home

Return convoys have been running for about three months. But return means more than a truck, a food basket and a few blankets and mattresses.

Landmines remain the biggest obstacle, and they are still killing people.

Demining expert Maysara Hijazi said Ministry of Defence records show mines have killed 224 people and injured 329 since the start of 2026, among them 83 children killed and 118 injured.

"Children are the main victims because they play in rubble or pick up unfamiliar objects; farmers and shepherds come next, which is why large areas of farmland cannot be worked," Maysara added.

The worst-affected areas are the former front lines in Idlib, Aleppo, Hama, Deir ez-Zor and Homs, each of which has recorded more than 1,000 explosions since the end of 2024. Afrin and rural Damascus are relatively better off. These same areas sit on Syria’s map of displacement.

"Since 2025, more than 14,000 unexploded ordnance items have been safely disposed of, and 138 minefields identified in Idlib, Aleppo, Hama, Deir ez-Zor and Latakia," Maysara said. 

The Syrian Network for Human Rights has documented at least 3,799 civilians killed by landmines and cluster munition remnants between March 2011 and April 2026, including 1,000 children and 377 women, with a further 10,600 injured.

Casualties rose after the fall of the former government as displaced people returned and farming resumed, with incidents recorded while ploughing, foraging for truffles, or when children handled war remnants.

Camps left to decline

Services and aid in the camps have fallen sharply since Assad’s fall.

Mohammad Bakir, director of the northern department of social affairs and labour in Idlib, told The New Arab that 60 percent of camps have no basic services at all. In some, provision is limited to one bundle of bread per family, and only a few receive full water, sanitation and hygiene services.

As donors pull back, the government is seeking to move international and regional support from the camps to areas of return.

It has presented the UN with a plan to shift funding from humanitarian response to recovery and durable solutions: clearing mines and rubble, rehabilitating infrastructure and services, and creating jobs where people return.

Those conditions pushed Safaa Yassin al-Ali, a widow who works in the Anamel al-Taghyir volunteer team, to return recently to her hometown of Kafr Nabl, after years of her home flooding with rainwater and sometimes sewage.

She lived in the al-Madina al-Munawwara sector of the Barisha camps and has three girls.

"Life in the camp was the worst-served; it was home largely to widows who support their families alone. Water and rubbish collection now require paid subscriptions many residents cannot afford," she added.

Residents live in small, unfinished concrete units built without regard to construction standards.

"If I had stayed one more winter, the walls would have collapsed on me and my daughters," she said. "I’m afraid for those still in the camp. The tarpaulins can’t hold anymore, and neither can the walls. They stayed because their homes are destroyed, they got no help to rebuild, and some never owned a house at all."

She signed up for a return convoy through a WhatsApp announcement from the camp manager. The support covered a bus for her family, a truck for belongings, which usually costs around $100, and sheets, pillows and blankets.

Kafr Nabl is not much better. Roads are unpaved and services scarce. Her daughters walk three kilometres each way to secondary school because she cannot afford transport at $25 a month per child, and she admits she may abandon their education, especially in winter.

The family lives in a single room, all that remains of their house. "It’s enough that I’m free of the sound of rain on the tarpaulin," she said. "It was almost deafening."

Responding to complaints from returnees and those afraid to return, the ministry said the initiative draws on a database linking camp families in Aleppo and Idlib to their places of origin.

A first phase covers 120 areas in Aleppo, Idlib and Hama, rehabilitating water, sanitation, health, education and roads, funded directly by the government with contributions from humanitarian organisations.

Services vary with the scale of damage, it said, but the plan ties return to preparing areas of origin beforehand or in parallel.

Mohammad said returnees are registered and given projects where possible, and that associations repair homes for those who cannot, with widows given priority.

"Those who have no home remain in the camps and receive whatever services are available until restoration or reconstruction becomes possible," he said.

A pledge, not yet a guarantee

Al-Moutasem al-Kilani, a legal expert in human rights and international criminal law, distinguishes between commitment and delivery. The minister has pledged to restore schools, clinics and water networks, provide jobs, and not oblige families to return to destroyed villages without services.

"That is a positive commitment, but it needs guarantees and verifiable results," Al-Moutasem said.

He points to UNHCR’s first-quarter 2026 report, which documented fragile housing among returnees, missing documents, barriers to services and continuing danger from war remnants.

The report covers returnees and host communities rather than auditing the initiative, he notes, but it shows the challenges it must address.

"If the move comes before housing and services are ready, it could saddle families with rent and debt, interrupt treatment or schooling, and lead to new displacement," he added.

"Voluntariness must be real: a family’s consent is not enough without clear information and viable alternatives."

Under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, he said, displaced people retain rights to work, adequate housing, health and education.

The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, while not a binding treaty, require authorities to enable safe and dignified voluntary return, involve displaced people in planning, and help them recover property or receive fair compensation.

Ending displacement fairly within a year is "highly ambitious," Al-Moutasem said, and published data are not enough to say it can be done. He proposes a plan for each family based on its wishes, the state of its home, the safety of the area and its members’ needs, with three options: return, local integration or resettlement elsewhere.

"Success is measured by the number of families who have settled with dignity and been able to stay," he said, "not by the number of tents removed."

Meanwhile, under pressure to leave, many displaced families have packed up their tents and pitched them again in the villages and towns they came from, to be near their relatives and not be left alone in camps where they once shared grief and aid.

Mawada Bahah is an independent Syrian journalist with bylines in local, regional and international outlets

This article is published in collaboration with Egab

 

Civil Servants, Culture unions join Teachers’ strike, Students’ protests on Oct 21

20 October 2026 at 13:19

The civil servants’ union federation ADEDY has called a strike on Wednesday, October 21, from 11:00 in the morning until the end of the day’s shift. The strike action applies to all employees, regardless of their employment terms, in public-sector services throughout the country. Supported by pupils and university students, the teachers unions have called […]

The post Civil Servants, Culture unions join Teachers’ strike, Students’ protests on Oct 21 appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

Gaza's teachers struggle to reverse years of lost learning

20 October 2026 at 12:13

In the early hours of the morning, English-language teacher Deena Allouh has breakfast in her partly destroyed home on Al Nasser Street, in western Gaza City. She then sets off on an hour-long walk to Al Awael Private School, where she teaches around 250 students.

For the past five years, she has worked in different educational institutions across Gaza, driven by a dream of helping a new generation learn English and build a better future.

But since Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza began in October 2023, her working life and her students’ education have been transformed.

Deena, who graduated with distinction in English-language education, said Israel's war had dramatically disrupted Gaza’s education system, leaving students struggling not only with interrupted schooling but also with the psychological consequences of living through the war.

"Gaza’s students are losing their ability to learn after losing family members, being displaced multiple times from one place to another, experiencing the horror of bombardments, and finding no suitable schools or places to study," Deena told ​​​​​​The New Arab. 

Even displaced families who try to continue their children’s education often struggle to find books and stationery. Others cannot access the internet to follow online lessons, leaving children with few opportunities to keep up with their studies.

For Deena, the consequences are becoming increasingly visible in the classroom. Three years of disrupted education in Gaza have created significant gaps in students’ knowledge and their ability to understand lessons, particularly among primary school children, whose early learning provides the foundation for everything that follows.

"They are supposed to learn the basics to build on them in the coming years," she explained. "Many students who have grown up during the war are not familiar with the educational process and do not understand what school, a teacher or a lesson means. Many students are unable to read the letters of the English alphabet, although three years ago, children of the same age were able to construct sentences."

For three years, regular attendance has depended on the security situation facing each teacher and student, including nearby bombardments, displacement, and the sudden loss or injury of family members.

Deena continued teaching during the war, except when Israeli ground incursions took place in the area surrounding her home or her school.

The classroom has also become a space where the psychological effects of the ongoing genocide are difficult to separate from the learning process.

"Most of my students lost some of their siblings, parents, relatives or classmates. I recognise the effects of their trauma in their social withdrawal, anxiety, difficulty concentrating, and changes in behaviour and academic performance," Deena said.

She tries to give students privacy while encouraging them to interact with their classmates. She also notices the small details that remain important to children despite everything they have endured, such as their colourful clothes, beautiful hair, or organised handwriting.

"I do my best to support my students as they cope with their trauma, while my fellow teachers and I also need support because we are going through the same experiences," she said.

For Deena, the most difficult period came during the famine in Gaza in 2025, when severe restrictions on food supplies left families struggling to secure enough to eat.

For teachers, the struggle to maintain classes continued even as their own bodies weakened from hunger.

"I was struggling to work for eight hours with barely a biscuit and water. My body and mind had no energy to teach, but I kept going," she said.

"Many times, my vision would become blurry, but I would not show it or tell others. Sometimes I would write something incorrectly on the board and have to correct myself later. I also made mistakes while correcting students’ work because I could not concentrate. I hope we will not starve again."

The experience exposed the difficult reality facing teachers who were expected to maintain a sense of normality for children while struggling to meet their own basic needs.

"What do you expect from a hungry teacher teaching hungry students, when all they can think about is getting a loaf of bread to eat?" she asked.

Despite these conditions and the ongoing bombing in Gaza, Deena has continued trying to address the educational gaps her students have accumulated.

She now groups students by learning level, repeats lessons when necessary, and uses additional classes and her free time to revisit material they have missed or forgotten.

Her efforts reflect a wider struggle among Gaza’s teachers to keep education going despite the destruction of schools, the loss of colleagues and the daily challenges facing their students.

The cost of learning 

At Al Awael Private School, principal Sahar Hosni explained that teachers' and school administrators' responsibilities had expanded far beyond delivering lessons over the past three years.

"We must balance students' educational needs against the loss of years of schooling and the ongoing threat to the lives of children and staff," she told The New Arab.

"The safety of students and teachers is our first priority, while we are losing generations of students who are growing up deprived of their right to education."

Despite the danger, families continued seeking opportunities for their children to learn, even when Israeli tanks were only a few kilometres from the school.

The school suspended classes for several months before reopening to teach the Palestinian curriculum, using shorter-term plans adapted to conditions on the ground.

"People in Gaza are eager for their children to continue learning. We reopened the school and began teaching the Palestinian curriculum after we lost hope that the Israeli genocide would stop. We suspend classes when Israeli forces intensify their attacks in the neighbourhood. We develop short-term plans according to the situation on the ground," she said.

The administrative team holds regular meetings to discuss students’ psychological and emotional wellbeing, identify possible interventions and prepare alternative plans for emergencies.

When explosions occur nearby, staff ensure that students remain inside the building and contact their families to reassure them that the children are safe.

The school has also tried to make learning more engaging through active-learning methods, psychological first aid sessions for teachers and activities that offer students moments of relief, using the limited educational materials available.

Yet these efforts cannot eliminate the constant risks facing teachers and students.

"We organise psychological first aid sessions for teachers. We try to help students rediscover the joy of learning, but the lack of basic educational technology, including computers, internet access and electricity, remains a major challenge for both students and teachers," Sahar explained.

The dangers facing staff extend beyond the classroom. Sahar described how an Arabic-language teacher narrowly escaped an Israeli airstrike on her way home.

"Two weeks ago, an Arabic-language teacher at the school survived an Israeli airstrike that struck just a few metres away from her on her way home. She came to school the following day looking pale and barely able to teach her students."

Sahar said the impact of Israel's war on the besieged enclave was also evident in students’ motivation, their ability to prepare for exams, and their daily struggle to meet basic needs.

"Many students have lost hope in learning after their schools and houses were bombed or their teachers or family members were killed. Some high school students have lost the opportunity to prepare properly for the most important academic year of their lives and pursue their dreams of studying at the university faculty of their choice," she said.

"Others arrive at school exhausted after spending hours fetching water or waiting in charity food queues. Some cannot study or rest properly in overcrowded makeshift displacement tents."

These conditions are creating a generation whose education has been severely disrupted by circumstances beyond their control, including the lack of safety, stability and suitable places for children to learn.

Sahar urged the international community and academic institutions to help end the war and support the reconstruction of Gaza’s education sector.

"We urge people of conscience around the world and international academic institutions to launch initiatives to stop the genocidal war on Gaza that is killing students and teachers and to support the reconstruction of Gaza’s education sector to safeguard the future of our children," she explained.

An education system in ruins

The destruction described by teachers and school administrators is reflected in figures provided by Gaza’s Government Media Office, which told The New Arab that 97 percent of schools in the Strip had sustained physical damage, while 80 percent of school buildings had been directly bombed or targeted.

According to the office, around 87 percent of school buildings require reconstruction or major rehabilitation before they can be used again, while 40 percent are located within the area known as the ‘Yellow Line’.

The office said the remaining schools were either too damaged to provide the basic conditions needed for teaching or had been converted into shelters for displaced Palestinians who had lost their homes.

The destruction has also taken a devastating toll on Gaza’s education workforce and students, according to the office.

"More than 1,100 teachers and educational staff members have been killed, alongside 194 scientists, academics and researchers. The loss of educators and academic professionals has deepened the crisis by depriving future generations of accumulated knowledge and expertise," it stated. 

"More than 22,000 students have been killed, with thousands more injured, including some who have undergone amputations. Around 650,000 students have been deprived of school education over the past three years, creating a learning deficit that will require years of intensive remedial programmes to address."

Alongside documenting the destruction, the Government Media Office said it was working with Gaza’s Ministry of Education and other relevant authorities to record violations, update data and publish reports in several languages for international media.

It also submitted legal briefings to international organisations, United Nations bodies, and human rights organisations concerned with education and children’s rights. The office urged these organisations to fulfil their legal and moral responsibilities.

"The deprivation of children’s right to education, the targeting of schools and the killing of teachers and students constitute grave violations of international humanitarian law and the Geneva Conventions. These acts form part of what we consider a systematic policy of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza," it read. 

The future at stake

Beyond the physical destruction of schools, the war has had serious consequences for students’ learning and development, according to Dr Hanan Abu Sakran, a former senior educational inspector at the Palestinian Ministry of Education in Gaza. She was among the first education officials to help resume learning during the war, despite the dangers.

"Education in Gaza has shifted from a structured process taking place inside schools to a daily struggle to preserve children’s right to learn under extraordinary and harsh conditions," she said.

Many students have lost their schools, books and classrooms and have been forced to study in displacement centres, tents and temporary spaces that lack the basic requirements of a safe learning environment.

Dr Hanan said the prolonged interruption to schooling had widened gaps in foundational skills, including reading, writing and mathematics.

"Education is cumulative. Students who miss these basic skills may struggle to understand more advanced lessons in later years."

The consequences extend beyond academic performance, affecting students’ confidence, motivation and ability to concentrate.

"They can include declining self-confidence and motivation, difficulty concentrating, and an increased reliance on memorisation rather than understanding," Dr Hanan told The New Arab. 

Access to education has also become more limited for some than others. Some students can attend temporary schools, use educational tents or follow online lessons, while others lack internet access or a suitable place to study.

This disparity means that children of the same age may have vastly different educational opportunities, depending on their living conditions and access to resources.

Dr Hanan warned that losing experienced teachers presents another long-term challenge.

Schools do not simply transmit knowledge; they also pass on professional culture, values, teaching methods and ways of thinking.

Experienced teachers accumulate knowledge of curricula, students and the local environment over years of practice. They learn to manage complex classroom situations, identify learning difficulties and select appropriate strategies for different students.

These skills cannot be replaced quickly.

"Many of the teachers who were killed were a source of trust, safety and hope for their students, not only teachers," she said.

"We can train a new teacher, but we cannot bring back the life of a teacher we have lost, nor can we easily replace years of experience or the human impact they have left behind."

The loss of experienced educators also weakens the transfer of professional knowledge to younger teachers, making it harder for schools to maintain teaching standards and respond to students’ needs.

Looking ahead, Dr Hanan warned that without a ceasefire and measures to address learning loss, the consequences could extend into higher education and the wider education system.

"Unless there is a real ceasefire and we are able to address the learning gaps, Gaza could face a future decline in the number of students able to meet university admission requirements, as well as a growing need for lengthy and costly remedial programmes."

Addressing the crisis will require more than reopening schools.

Students’ learning levels must be assessed, their needs identified, and catch-up classes provided, alongside flexible ways for those who have missed long periods of schooling to resume their education.

It will also require sustained investment in teacher training, educational resources, psychological support and opportunities for young people to continue into higher and vocational education.

For Dr Hanan, rebuilding Gaza’s education system must begin with recognising that the loss extends beyond damaged buildings and missing textbooks.

"Rebuilding Gaza does not begin with bricks and buildings alone, but with rebuilding its people," she told The New Arab.

"Education is the path that enables our children to reclaim their lives, contribute to rebuilding their society, and shape a future defined by greater security and dignity," she added. 

She called on the international community to step up efforts to end Israel’s war on Gaza, protect Palestinian children’s right to education, restore safe and equal access to learning, fund the rebuilding of schools and educational resources, and develop programmes to help children catch up on the learning they have missed.

"Do not let the children of Gaza pay with their childhoods, dreams and opportunities for a war they did not choose," she concluded.

Ahmed Dremly is a Palestinian journalist from Gaza

Follow him on Instagram: @ahmeddremly

UK government failures led to Covid spreading ‘like wildfire’ in care homes, inquiry finds

Inquiry chair says failure to advise care homes to isolate people discharged from hospital was ‘significant oversight’

• UK politics live – latest updates

The care sector was “an afterthought” during the Covid-19 pandemic, and government failures caused the virus to spread “like wildfire” among vulnerable and elderly people, a public inquiry has found.

Heather Hallett, who is leading the Covid-19 inquiry, said it was a “significant omission” that the government did not advise that patients discharged from hospitals into care homes should be isolated, causing the virus to spread rapidly among residents and staff.

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© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

© Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

Israel's migrant workers face exploitation and deportation

20 October 2026 at 11:18

They arrive in white vans, wearing T-shirts with "immigration" across the chest, keeping handcuffs ready in their pockets.

Sharon scrolls through these images on her smartphone, glancing nervously around Habima Square in Tel Aviv. This upscale area is usually far from migrant-populated neighbourhoods, offering a fleeting sense of safety from police patrols.

Both Sharon and Beth arrived in Israel over two decades ago as caregivers, yet they share a chilling reality: "Every single day here could be our last," the two women say.

As national regulations confirm, specifically the Foreign Workers Law of 1991 and the Entry into Israel Law of 1952, the Israeli legislative framework subjects migrant workers to profound structural precarity. Standard work visas are valid for a maximum of five years and are strictly non-renewable.

Consequently, thousands choose to remain in the country undocumented, living under the constant threat of the immigration police.

According to official data presented to a Knesset Special Committee by the Population and Immigration Authority, out of a shadow workforce of over 33,000 undocumented individuals, operating alongside 195,000 legal workers, authorities forcibly deported 467 people in 2024 alone.

These are not merely administrative numbers, but the tangible outcome of targeted raids that criminalise vulnerable individuals. Furthermore, this precarity is rapidly expanding: according to the latest Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) data released in September 2026, the total number of foreign citizens in Israel has surged to a record 304,000.

As the state continues to import foreign labour while maintaining its rigid visa expirations, an ever-growing number of migrants is destined to fall into irregularity, exposing a massive community to the continuous threat of arrest and deportation.

Shira, Director of Public Policy at the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants in Israel, an NGO providing legal aid to detainees, illustrates the sheer scale of the current crisis.

"Before October 7, 2023, there were about 100,000 legal migrant workers in Israel, primarily in agriculture, construction, and caregiving, arriving through strict bilateral agreements with countries like Thailand, the Philippines, India, Sri Lanka, and China," Shira explains to The New Arab.

Before its genocide, the Israeli economy also relied heavily on a workforce of approximately 150,000 Palestinian commuters from the occupied West Bank and about 17,000 from Gaza.

However, in the immediate wake of the October 7 attacks, the Israeli government swiftly revoked their work permits and sealed the checkpoints, citing security concerns.

To avert a total collapse of the construction, agricultural, and industrial sectors, the state launched an aggressive, fast-tracked campaign to import foreign labour, effectively attempting to replace the Palestinian workforce overnight.

"They stopped relying on bilateral agreements," Shira notes regarding this post-October 7 shift, "by bypassing these regulated, state-to-state frameworks, the government opened the floodgates to private recruitment agencies.

"This deregulated influx has pushed the foreign worker population to nearly 250,000. For the first time, these new migrants, primarily from India, Sri Lanka, and Malawi, are being deployed in unprecedented sectors, such as supermarkets, exposing new arrivals to severe exploitation," Shira adds. 

'She is an alien here'

Many workers incur crippling debts in their home countries to pay placement agencies, only to arrive in Israel tethered to binding visas.

Some of the migrants interviewed told us they paid between $10,000 and $15,000 to private agencies just to reach the country.

The Ministry of Interior procedures dictate that a worker's visa is legally tied to a specific employer; if a worker resigns due to unpaid wages or abuse, they immediately forfeit their legal status.

Desperate to survive, many turn to fraudulent schemes, filing false asylum requests just to obtain temporary work visas. These claims are inevitably fast-tracked and rejected, placing the workers in immediate jeopardy of arrest.

However, in April 2025, a report presented to the Knesset's Special Committee on Foreign Workers highlighted the government's economic framing of the issue.

As the report showed in 2024, a total of 467 undocumented workers were removed from Israel, and about 4,000 people left Israel as part of a voluntary exit program, mostly Eritrean nationals. 

Meanwhile, the detention machinery remains implacable: undocumented individuals are held in criminal facilities, such as the Givon prison in Ramle, which features a specific wing for immigration detention.

"If they are held for more than 24 hours, they need to see an adjudicator at a tribunal inside the detention," Shira explains.

The state's control extends brutally into migrants' private lives. Caregivers are forced upon entry to sign a document pledging not to engage in romantic relationships in Israel, as the migrant caregivers told The New Arab.

"If you get pregnant, you will be deported unless you send your children back to your country," Beth testifies.

Yet, because caregivers often stay legally for a decade or more, building a life becomes inevitable.

"After seven years here, my daughter was born. I had planned to send her away, but the moment I held her in my arms, I couldn't do it," Beth says, "now she lives here where she was born, but she has no documents. She is an alien here."

When papers decide your future

While new arrivals face immediate exploitation, those trapped in the system for decades endure a gruelling psychological attrition.

Joffrey, a Nigerian refugee, has lived in Israel for 19 years without obtaining permanent status for his children.

"I came from Nigeria just as a refugee," he says. Over nearly two decades, he has built a life here, raising twin daughters who will soon turn 18. Yet, their future is entirely paralysed by the state's bureaucracy.

"We are fighting for it, to get papers," Joffrey explains, noting that without documentation, his daughters, born and raised in Israel, remain institutional ghosts, unable to access higher education, obtain driver's licenses, or travel.

Similarly, Ikenne, who arrived from Nigeria in 2017 after fleeing political persecution as a member of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), highlights the stark dichotomy of living in Israel, stating that the structural exclusion in Israel is absolute.

He points out that the lack of a clear pathway to residency leaves them perpetually vulnerable, emphasising that if the government could simply "make documents easier," the migrants could finally emerge from the shadows and contribute fully to society.

Esther, a 58-year-old woman from Ghana, has lived in Israel for 35 years. Her early years were marked by the same agony faced by undocumented mothers today. "I sent back the first two children to Ghana. It was not easy, but I had no choice," she recalls, having been forced to separate from her infants to ensure they had a future.

Today, even with a passport, Esther holds no illusions about her place in Israeli society. She actively warns younger migrants about the reality of their existence, instructing them to remember their African heritage.

"No matter how you were born here and everything, in a way, you will not be accepted. You have to know your roots,” she told The New Arab. "There will be a time when our children want to fit into something, then they will tell them: 'Listen, you are not from here. You were just born here.' So psychologically, you have to prepare the children. Despite the fact that they are born here, they have to know their roots."

No safe place

For those raising undocumented children today, daily life is characterised by paranoia.

"When we go grocery shopping, we have to constantly look around," says Sharon. In 2019, the immigration police raided her home because of her outspoken advocacy for migrants' rights. "I knew it would happen. I had to hide for six months, moving from one house to another. The oldest of my daughters was only 12," she recalls.

Paradoxically, the outbreak of the Israel-US war on Iran brought a temporary halt to the raids. "It's awful to say, but some mothers are happy when there is a war because the immigration police stop. We could finally sleep, even if in bomb shelters," the women confess.

However, hours after a recent ceasefire announcement with Iran, the crackdown resumed with unprecedented ferocity. Authorities rely on racial profiling, and ordinary citizens frequently volunteer to report suspicious individuals.

Deportations have become swift and ruthless, bypassing standard legal recourse. As Beth and Sharon told The New Arab, four mothers they knew were deported recently, leaving their newly adult children behind in Israel.

"One has cancer and was deported last June, another has a severely autistic son who was left alone during the war with Iran," Beth states.

"They used to give advance notice, giving you time to call a lawyer and leave the country. Now, they have initiated a new policy: everything is immediate," Father David Mark Neuhaus, who in 2010 initiated coordinated efforts for migrants within the St. James Vicariate, denounces.

"A few weeks ago, in our community in Rehovot, they raided an apartment at three in the morning where a man, his wife, and their six-year-old child (who was born here) were staying. They took them, put them in prison, and within 24 hours, loaded them onto a plane to the Philippines," the priest recounts.

For the hundreds of thousands of workers sustaining an occupying country's economy, whether replacing Palestinians or caring for the elderly, the illusion of a democratic haven is shattered.

"I don't understand," Beth asks herself, "how a so-called 'democratic' country can hire workers and, after using them, not know what to do with them."

Lidia Ginestra Giuffrida is a Sicilian freelance journalist focusing on human rights, migration, and conflict. She has reported extensively from across war zones, including Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Ukraine. Her work has appeared in Al Jazeera and New Lines Magazine, and she is a regular contributor to Italian outlets

Follow her on Instagram: @lidia_ginestra_giuffrida

 

Generation Z in France, Spain and Albania is trapped: study hard, stay poor, live with your parents. No wonder they’re protesting

20 October 2026 at 10:55

In Paris, students have protested over shortages of teachers, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating school buildings.

In Spain, the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal — who died on 7 October — became a rallying point for housing protests.

In Tirana, students joined wider demonstrations over education costs and corruption allegations.

These are not parts of a single movement, and the protests do not have one common cause. But they bring into focus a shared challenge: whether young people can see a credible route from education to decent work, and from financial dependence to a life of their own. 

France: school conditions shape the starting line

Since September, French students have demonstrated over teacher shortages, overcrowded classes and deteriorating school buildings. Their demands concern more than the day-to-day running of schools. They also raise a question about equal opportunity: can public education give every student the tools to move forward, regardless of where they live or what their family can afford?

The wider figures help explain why that question matters.

In 2025, 25.5 percent of people aged 15–29 in France were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, compared with 24.2 percent across the EU, according to Eurostat.

In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s stood at 20.6 percent, against 8.2 percent for the population as a whole. The corresponding EU rates were 15.4 percent and 6.1 percent.

These figures do not show that school shortages cause youth unemployment. They do show how difficult the step from education into work remains for many young people and why well-resourced schools matter most in areas with the fewest opportunities.

Housing can make that transition harder still. In Paris, one-in-two private tenants under 30 spends more than 51 percent of their income on rent. A Eurostat indicator also shows that 70 percent of 20–24-year-olds and 25 percent of 25–29-year-olds either live with their parents or are financially connected to their household. 

France scored 66 out of 100 and ranked 27th of 182 countries in Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The index measures perceptions of public-sector corruption, not the number of proven incidents. It does not explain the school protests, but it underlines why transparency and accountability matter when public services and resources are at stake.

Spain: when housing delays independence

Abascal’s eviction from the Madrid flat where she had lived for decades prompted demonstrations in several Spanish cities and renewed calls for stronger tenant protections. Her case was not a youth protest, but it put a human face on a housing crisis that also shapes whether younger people can leave home and build an independent life.

In 2025, 67.1 percent of Spaniards aged 18–34 lived with at least one parent, according to Spain’s National Statistics Institute.

Among those living with a parent, 28.3 percent said they could not afford to rent. The average age at which young people left home was 30.2, compared with 26.3 across the EU, according to Eurostat.

Housing pressure does not operate in isolation. In 2025, 27.6 percent of Spaniards aged 15–29 were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, above the EU rate of 24.2%.

In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s was 22.7 percent, more than twice the overall rate of 10 percent. When joblessness is so much higher among the young and rent is beyond the reach of many, delayed independence cannot be reduced to personal preference.

Spain scored 55/100 in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 49th of 182 countries. That score does not establish a link between corruption and housing protests. But when people are asking for effective action on housing, transparency over how decisions are made — and accountability for whether they work — are part of the debate.

Albania: growth is not enough if young people see no path forward

In October, students in Tirana protested over education costs and corruption allegations, joining a broader anti-government movement. Their participation brought education and young people’s prospects into a wider debate about living costs, employment and trust in public institutions.

Albania’s official figures show that 19 percent of the population was at risk of relative poverty in 2025, while 31.2 percent experienced severe material and social deprivation, according to INSTAT. The two measures describe different aspects of hardship: one compares household income with the national poverty threshold; the other captures enforced inability to afford basic goods and activities.

Young people also face a difficult entry into the labour market. The World Bank’s ILO-modelled estimates put overall unemployment at 10.9 percent in 2025, rising to 25.6 percent among 15–24-year-olds. The estimated average age of leaving the parental household seemed to be 30.9, compared with 26.3 in the EU, according to Eurostat’s dataset. Together, however, these indicators describe the hurdles between education, employment and independence.

Albania scored 39/100 and ranked 91st of 182 countries in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The measure is not a count of actual cases, but corruption allegations are part of the protests themselves. That makes transparency, accountability and public trust more than abstract principles: they shape whether people believe institutions respond fairly to their concerns.

Behind the statistics

Behind the statistics are millions of young people struggling to turn their ambitions into reality. The obstacles reinforce one another: under-resourced schools can narrow choices, unemployment can delay financial independence, and high housing costs can prolong dependence on family.

Across the EU, house prices rose by 55.4 percent and rents by 26.7 percent between 2010 and 2024, often outpacing income growth, according to Eurofound.

That is why the response cannot be confined to one policy area. It means properly staffed and maintained schools, routes from education into decent work, more affordable and social housing, targeted help with rent, and stronger protections for tenants.

Young people should also have a meaningful say in policies that shape their education, employment and housing.

A strong welfare state and effective social protection can help ensure that a young person’s prospects are not determined solely by family income or place of birth. If a low-income family cannot support a young person’s move towards independence, financial dependence can pass from one generation to the next. Tackling that cycle is part of building social justice and societies in which young people can plan a future with greater confidence.

The future will show whether today’s protests lead to lasting policies. The test will be whether young people can study, find decent work and afford a home without their prospects being set by the circumstances into which they were born.

Francia: la crisi terminale del macronismo e la battaglia per l’Eliseo

By: A A
20 October 2026 at 10:10

Le mobilitazioni del 17 ottobre e le violenze che ne hanno accompagnato la fase finale mostrano una Francia attraversata da una crisi sociale e politica profonda. Mentre il macronismo entra nel suo ultimo semestre, Marine Le Pen e Jean-Luc Mélenchon incarnano due risposte radicalmente opposte alla domanda di rottura.

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Le immagini degli incendi, delle barricate e degli scontri che hanno attraversato la Francia nelle giornate del 17 e 18 ottobre rischiano di nascondere il dato politicamente più importante: centinaia di migliaia di francesi sono scesi in strada contro il carovita, la crisi dei servizi pubblici e il progressivo deterioramento delle condizioni materiali di vita. Il ministero dell’Interno ha contato circa 550.000 partecipanti alla giornata nazionale del 17 ottobre, mentre gli organizzatori ne hanno rivendicati circa 800.000. Una mobilitazione di dimensioni tali da costituire la più importante esplosione di protesta sociale dai tempi della battaglia contro la riforma delle pensioni del 2023.

Il fenomeno sarebbe tuttavia incomprensibile se venisse ridotto ai disordini che hanno segnato la conclusione di numerosi cortei. Lungi dall’essere nata il 17 ottobre, la protesta rappresenta il risultato di un processo cominciato settimane prima nelle scuole e nelle università, quando studenti e liceali hanno iniziato a denunciare classi sovraffollate, carenza di personale, precarietà e progressivo impoverimento dell’istruzione pubblica. Alle mobilitazioni giovanili si sono poi aggiunti sindacati, lavoratori, pensionati e settori del movimento dei gilets jaunes, mentre il rincaro dei carburanti ha agito da detonatore di un malessere sociale molto più ampio.

Tale convergenza conferisce agli avvenimenti un significato politico ben superiore a quello di un’ennesima fiammata di protesta francese. L’Humanité ha descritto il corteo parigino come l’incontro tra generazioni differenti accomunate dalle rivendicazioni sui salari, sul futuro della gioventù e sulla difesa dei servizi pubblici, ma soprattutto dal rifiuto delle politiche seguite dal 2017. In questo senso appare particolarmente significativa l’immagine proposta dal quotidiano della sinistra francese: il macronismo rischia di terminare così come era cominciato, in mezzo ai lacrimogeni e a un conflitto sociale che il potere politico sembra incapace di ricomporre.

Nel tentativo di distogliere l’opinione pubblica dalle ragioni concrete delle proteste, il primo ministro Sébastien Lecornu ha accusato gruppi dell’ultrasinistra di avere deliberatamente organizzato gli incidenti, arrivando a contrapporre il “campo della Repubblica” a quello dei “casseurs” e indirizzando buona parte delle proprie accuse contro La France Insoumise (LFI), nonostante lo stesso leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon avesse invitato esplicitamente i propri sostenitori a non partecipare a saccheggi e devastazioni. Il Rassemblement National (RN), dal canto suo, ha rapidamente trasformato le immagini dei disordini in materiale di propaganda, cercando di associare la protesta sociale a una crisi dell’autorità e alla necessità di restaurare l’ordine.

È una dinamica che rischia di favorire l’estrema destra, ma che non deve far perdere di vista l’origine della crisi. L’aumento del costo della vita, la stagnazione dei salari, il deterioramento dei servizi pubblici e la nuova impostazione austeritaria del bilancio per il 2027 rappresentano il terreno materiale sul quale la protesta è cresciuta.

La risposta televisiva di Emmanuel Macron del 18 ottobre ha mostrato una volta ancora la difficoltà dell’Eliseo a uscire dalla contraddizione che accompagna ormai l’ultimo periodo della sua presidenza. Il capo dello Stato ha riconosciuto la legittimità delle preoccupazioni espresse dai manifestanti, ma ha a sua volta concentrato una parte importante del proprio intervento sulla condanna delle violenze e sulle questioni di ordine pubblico. Ha annunciato consultazioni con studenti, insegnanti, sindacati, parlamentari e rappresentanti delle imprese, senza però indicare immediatamente una svolta economica capace di rispondere alle cause sociali della protesta.

Messi insieme, tutti questi elementi fanno emergere in modo chiaro la dimensione strutturale della crisi del macronismo. Quando Emmanuel Macron conquistò l’Eliseo nel 2017, promise di superare la tradizionale divisione tra destra e sinistra. La sua formula politica avrebbe dovuto sostituire il conflitto ideologico con una gestione pragmatica, europea e modernizzatrice della società francese. Quasi dieci anni dopo, il risultato appare paradossalmente opposto: la Francia non è meno polarizzata, anzi risulta essere molto più polarizzata di quanto fosse all’inizio della presidenza Macron.

La dissoluzione dell’Assemblée nationale nel 2024 aveva già distrutto l’illusione di una maggioranza presidenziale stabile. Da allora la Francia è entrata in una lunga sequenza di governi minoritari, crisi parlamentari e negoziati sul bilancio. Il governo Lecornu resta privo di una maggioranza autonoma, mentre il progetto finanziario per il 2027 è stato accolto con ostilità dalle opposizioni e con crescente nervosismo dai mercati. All’inizio di ottobre i rendimenti del debito francese avevano raggiunto livelli che non si vedevano dai primi anni Duemila, mentre il debito pubblico ha superato il 119% del prodotto interno lordo e la crescita resta debole.

Ma sarebbe riduttivo interpretare questa situazione come una semplice “crisi del debito”. Il problema fondamentale riguarda piuttosto la distribuzione dei costi della crisi. Il governo continua a presentare l’austerità come una necessità tecnica, mentre la sinistra francese sottolinea come essa rappresenti piuttosto una scelta politica precisa: ridurre la spesa sociale e comprimere i servizi pubblici anziché intervenire sulle grandi fortune, sui profitti e sulle ingenti sovvenzioni concesse alle imprese. Da qui nasce la domanda che attraversa una parte consistente delle piazze francesi: chi deve pagare la crisi?

La risposta del RN è radicalmente diversa. Marine Le Pen tenta di trasformare la crisi del macronismo in una crisi dello Stato, dell’immigrazione e dell’ordine pubblico. Il suo partito cerca di intercettare lo stesso malcontento che alimenta le proteste, ma di orientarlo verso una soluzione nazionalista e securitaria. Sul terreno economico, inoltre, il RN sta tentando di rassicurare i mercati: Le Pen ha recentemente promesso forti riduzioni della spesa pubblica qualora conquistasse l’Eliseo, mentre Jordan Bardella ha difeso un piano volto a tagliare circa 140 miliardi di euro di spesa e a ridurre rapidamente deficit e debito. La pretesa dell’estrema destra di rappresentare una rottura sociale con il macronismo entra quindi in contraddizione con un programma economico che contiene anch’esso una pesante componente austeritaria.

Ad ogni modo, i dati demoscopici mostrano quanto questa contrapposizione stia modificando la politica francese. Le rilevazioni pubblicate nelle ultime settimane indicano Marine Le Pen come candidata nettamente più forte al primo turno, ma contemporaneamente mostrano una crescita di Mélenchon e soprattutto una straordinaria solidità della sua base. Un’indagine Ipsos BVA-Cevipof attribuiva in settembre al candidato di LFI tra il 15,5 e il 17% delle intenzioni di voto, ma con livelli molto più alti tra i giovani: fra i 18 e i 24 anni Mélenchon raggiungeva addirittura il 40%. Un sondaggio successivo, riportato da Reuters, ha delineato perfino scenari nei quali Le Pen e Mélenchon si qualificherebbero insieme per il ballottaggio, estromettendo completamente i candidati dell’area centrista.

Naturalmente manca ancora molto alla primavera del 2027 e ogni previsione resta fragile. Marine Le Pen deve inoltre affrontare ancora l’incognita del proprio contenzioso giudiziario, mentre a sinistra rimangono divisioni profonde tra LFI, socialisti, comunisti ed ecologisti. Ma il dato politico è già evidente: il successore di Macron non sembra destinato a provenire dal blocco che ha governato la Francia nell’ultimo decennio.

La battaglia per l’Eliseo sarà quindi molto più di una competizione tra candidati. Sarà uno scontro attorno all’interpretazione stessa del fallimento macronista. L’estrema destra sostiene che la Francia soffra soprattutto per un deficit di autorità, sovranità e controllo. La sinistra radicale individua invece il problema nella crescente disuguaglianza, nell’austerità, nell’indebolimento dei servizi pubblici e nella subordinazione delle scelte economiche agli interessi del grande capitale. Il campo macronista, nel frattempo, fatica sempre più a convincere che la continuazione delle politiche degli ultimi dieci anni possa rappresentare una risposta alla crisi prodotta proprio durante quel decennio.

International Criminal Court shortlisted for EU award as MEPs urge protection for its judges against Trump sanctions

20 October 2026 at 10:02

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has been shortlisted for the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, an annual human-rights award from the European Parliament.

The announcement on Monday (19 October) comes after US president Donald Trump put his weight behind Israeli efforts to discredit the international judicial body by extending sanctions against it.

The ICC issued an arrest warrant in 2024 for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes, as well as other senior Israeli officials and Hamas. The US then responded by targeting its judges by impeding their day-to-day activities such as banking.

New sanctions against the court were announced by the US administration this month after the Nobel Peace Prize went to Navi Pillay, a former ICC judge who wrote a UN report concluding Israel is committing ​genocide in Gaza.

The ICC court labelled the move as an “assault on the rule of law” and called on countries to step up to protect it.

Sakharov Prize finalists named 

Members of the EU parliament’s foreign affairs committee shortlisted the ICC and its members for the Sakharov Prize.

Named after the Soviet nuclear scientist dissident Andrei Sakharov, the award has been previously awarded to the likes of Iranian protest icon Mahsa Amini and to the Ukrainian people enduring Russia’s attacks.

“We stand by the ICC and its officials, and we are committed to safeguarding its work,” said Yannis Maniatis, Greek MEP for the Socialists & Democrats group which nominated the ICC for the award. “If the aggressors become the victims, and if we stand by helplessly as international justice erodes, we risk allowing those who believe themselves above the law to prevail.”

Tundu Lissu, a Tanzanian opposition figure in court for inciting the public to disrupt an election and facing the possibility of death row, is also a Sakharov Prize finalist. “There is no doubt about the political nature of his detention,” said David McAllister, MEP for the European People’s Party who co-nominated Lissu.

This article continues, but the full version is available only to EUobserver.com subscribers. Visit account.euobserver.com/membership

She was harassed for crude remarks about Modi at a Cockroach protest. Now she can’t leave home

20 October 2026 at 07:30

​After a protest clip went viral, a teenager’s life was torn apart by threats that sent her and her family into hiding. Plus, a book on citizen journalism

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Before 24 July, a person I will call R was preoccupied with the ordinary routines of teenage life: experimenting with makeup, grumbling over mathematics homework and hanging out with friends at a tea stall.

That month, as the fever of student protests spread across the country, the 15-year-old watched on her phone as young people poured into Jantar Mantar, the designated protest site in Delhi, demanding education reform. She went too. But an 11-second video clip from the protest site, in which she made crude and profane remarks about the prime minister, Narendra Modi, upended her life.

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© Photograph: Sajjad Hussain/AFP/Getty Images

© Photograph: Sajjad Hussain/AFP/Getty Images

© Photograph: Sajjad Hussain/AFP/Getty Images

Surprise drop in UK unemployment to 4.7% as John Healey’s first budget looms

Latest ONS data presents mixed picture amid slump in job vacancies and analysts warning labour market is ‘running on idle’

Unemployment in the UK has fallen unexpectedly in the final snapshot of the jobs market before John Healey’s first budget next week.

The jobless rate fell to 4.7% in the three months to August, from 4.9% according to the Office for National Statistics. City economists had forecast a rise to 5%.

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© Photograph: Susannah Ireland/The Guardian

© Photograph: Susannah Ireland/The Guardian

© Photograph: Susannah Ireland/The Guardian

The ‘Finger cutter’ and the ‘Brazilian Escobar’: the men accused of bringing cocaine cartels to Europe

A Belgian criminal organisation’s links with a Brazilian cocaine gang have been the focus of a major trial in Brussels, where smuggling links have been alleged between European players and the drug cartels of Latin America

In the early hours of 7 September, a convoy of heavily armed police swept through the sleeping streets of central Brussels towards the Haren district, on the city’s north-eastern outskirts. They made their way to 22 Avenue du Bourget, a militarised bunker-like complex that was the former headquarters of Nato.

The modernist complex, with its austere and functional architecture, was hastily built in 1967 and houses the Justitia courtroom, where Belgium’s federal trials are now held. It was here that the perpetrators and accomplices of the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks and the 2016 Brussels attacks were tried in 2022.

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© Composite: Guardian Design/Belga/AFP/Getty Images/AP/Europol

© Composite: Guardian Design/Belga/AFP/Getty Images/AP/Europol

© Composite: Guardian Design/Belga/AFP/Getty Images/AP/Europol

Public support for founding principles of NHS is falling across UK population

Rise in economic hardship and changes in attitudes towards migration could explain drop in support, experts say

Public support for the NHS’s founding principles – that it is free to use, available to everyone and tax-funded – has fallen over the last five years, research has shown.

Backing for all three pillars dropped between 2021 and 2025 across the UK population, except for a small rise in millennials’ support for the NHS being funded from taxation.

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© Photograph: Nathan Stirk/Getty Images

© Photograph: Nathan Stirk/Getty Images

© Photograph: Nathan Stirk/Getty Images

New AI tool can predict cancer survival by a single patient selfie, study suggests

System can estimate a person’s biological age and predict chances of cancer survival from a single photograph

Doctors have developed an artificial intelligence tool that can predict a cancer patient’s chances of survival from a single photograph of their face.

The AI system was custom-built by experts at Mass General Brigham, a nonprofit, integrated academic healthcare system in Massachusetts, to estimate biological age and directly predict survival outcomes in patients diagnosed with cancer.

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© Photograph: Addictive Stock Creatives/Alamy

© Photograph: Addictive Stock Creatives/Alamy

© Photograph: Addictive Stock Creatives/Alamy

EU Ministers Agree New Homelessness Measures as Housing Costs Continue to Rise

19 October 2026 at 18:53

European Union ministers have adopted a new recommendation calling for stronger measures to prevent homelessness and housing exclusion, as governments face increasing pressure over housing shortages and the cost of accommodation.

The recommendation was approved at a meeting of employment and social affairs ministers in Luxembourg on Monday, 19 October, and forms part of the European Commission’s wider efforts to address Europe’s housing crisis.

It proposes measures ranging from early intervention for households facing eviction to increased investment in affordable housing, improved access to social services and more coordinated support for people without permanent accommodation.

However, the recommendation is not legally binding. Member States will retain responsibility for deciding which measures to introduce, how they should be financed and the extent to which existing national housing policies should be changed.

More than one million people affected

According to the Council’s announcement, more than one million people are estimated to experience homelessness across the European Union.

The problem extends beyond people sleeping on streets or using emergency shelters.

The term housing exclusion also encompasses households living in inadequate accommodation, people facing imminent eviction and those unable to secure stable housing because of financial or personal circumstances.

The Council identifies poverty, unemployment, domestic violence, disability, poor health and insufficient affordable housing among the factors contributing to the problem.

Housing costs have also risen considerably faster than incomes in several European countries.

Between 2013 and 2024, nominal house prices increased by more than 60 per cent across the EU. In some Member States, average increases exceeded 220 per cent during the same period.

These developments have placed additional pressure on households with lower incomes, particularly in cities where rental accommodation is increasingly expensive and social housing is limited.

The shortage affects not only unemployed people but also individuals in paid employment whose earnings are insufficient to cover market rents.

Prevention before eviction

A central element of the new recommendation is the introduction or strengthening of national strategies intended to prevent homelessness before people lose their accommodation.

The Council encourages Member States to establish early-warning mechanisms capable of identifying households experiencing serious financial or housing difficulties.

Proposed interventions include debt counselling, emergency rental assistance, mediation between landlords and tenants, and appropriate safeguards against forced eviction.

The emphasis on prevention reflects the potentially substantial social and financial consequences of losing stable accommodation.

Once a person becomes homeless, obtaining employment, maintaining healthcare arrangements and securing permanent accommodation can become considerably more difficult.

The Council also calls for particular attention to children, young people leaving care and people facing domestic abuse.

Member States are encouraged to ensure that children have access to adequate housing and that young people leaving institutional or foster care are not placed at risk of homelessness because appropriate support arrangements are unavailable.

Greater emphasis on permanent housing

The recommendation promotes a housing-led approach, under which securing suitable and stable accommodation becomes a central element of the response to homelessness.

This differs from policies relying primarily on emergency shelters or temporary accommodation, although such facilities remain necessary for people facing immediate housing difficulties.

Housing-led programmes can include permanent accommodation accompanied by individual support services, depending on the person’s circumstances.

The Council also proposes simplifying access to social and healthcare services through integrated arrangements that allow people to obtain assistance without repeatedly approaching different public authorities.

One suggested model involves providing access to relevant services through a single contact point, with support from social workers, healthcare professionals and other organisations.

However, access to permanent housing ultimately depends on the availability of suitable properties.

The recommendation therefore calls for increased public and private investment in affordable and social housing, renovation of existing accommodation and support for non-profit housing models.

Questions over implementation and funding

The non-binding character of the recommendation remains one of its principal limitations.

European institutions can coordinate policies, provide guidance and support investment, but national governments and local authorities retain substantial responsibility for housing provision and social welfare arrangements.

The recommendation does not automatically establish a new EU housing entitlement or provide dedicated funding to every Member State.

Its effectiveness will depend on whether governments introduce measures capable of increasing housing supply and reducing the number of people entering homelessness.

The European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless, known as FEANTSA, previously welcomed the Commission’s proposal while identifying shortcomings.

In its assessment of the original proposal, the organisation argued that EU policy should place greater emphasis on permanently ending homelessness rather than primarily managing housing exclusion.

It also questioned the adequacy of funding arrangements and the proposed five-year interval for national progress reporting.

Five-year assessment planned

Under the adopted recommendation, Member States are encouraged to provide the European Commission with information on the effectiveness of their national strategies every five years.

The Commission is expected to evaluate national progress and report to the Council five years after the recommendation’s adoption.

The policy follows the European Affordable Housing Plan, presented in December 2025, and the EU’s Anti-Poverty Strategy, introduced in May 2026.

Together, these initiatives seek to expand the Union’s role in coordinating housing policy without transferring national housing responsibilities to Brussels.

The first indication of whether the recommendation will produce measurable results will come from national decisions on social housing investment, eviction prevention and access to permanent accommodation. Without changes to those practical arrangements, the Council’s commitments will remain principally a framework for voluntary cooperation.

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