A fresh wave of drone attacks on commercial vessels in the Black Sea, an alternative shipping route to the disrupted Strait of Hormuz, is deepening insecurity along the European Union’s (EU’s) eastern flank and compounding pressures on an already stretched global shipping network.
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A San Marino-flagged vessel caught fire in the Black Sea early Thursday morning, with eight of its 12 crew members still missing, according to Romanian maritime authorities. The incident came just hours after a suspected drone strike on a Comoros-flagged tanker in Romanian waters on Wednesday.
Despite reports about drones detected in the area overnight, Romania’s Defense Ministry has not confirmed the two vessels were struck by drones. However, over the past week, drones have struck multiple vessels off Bulgaria’s coast, leaving 11 crew missing and 10 presumed dead. Both Russia and Ukraine have denied involvement in the recent attacks.
DIPLOMATIC FALLOUT
The strikes have triggered a diplomatic row. Bulgarian Prime Minister Rumen Radev has summoned Russian Ambassador to Bulgaria Eleonora Mitrofanova, saying that although there was “no conclusive evidence,” “the logic suggests that the outcome benefits the Russian Federation.”
Mitrofanova denied knowledge of the strikes and suggested a “provocation by a third party.” Moscow rejected a limited naval ceasefire proposal brokered by Türkiye and the UN, saying it lacked guarantees against arms shipments to Ukraine by sea, and blaming Kyiv for refusing comprehensive agreements.
On Thursday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told British media that Kyiv would resume strikes on Russia’s oil refineries, citing Russia’s attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure as violations against the U.S.-announced “energy ceasefire.”
In response, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte said the alliance would “adjust our deterrence and defense posture as needed.” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called the Black Sea “another front of escalation” of the Russia-Ukraine war, which is “unacceptable.” France and Germany also urged a halt to attacks on commercial vessels.
Bulgarian President Iliana Iotova and Romanian President Nicusor Dan have agreed to jointly push for an emergency item on the Black Sea at the European Council.
On Thursday afternoon, the Bulgarian prime minister and the Romanian president met with Mark Rutte in Brussels for regional security discussions. The three NATO littoral states — Bulgaria, Romania and Türkiye — have also agreed to boost surveillance and intelligence-sharing.
Seven people are missing after drones set two chemical tankers ablaze in Romania's Black Sea waters overnight. It's the latest in a series of drone attacks on vessels off Romania and Bulgaria.
— Al Jazeera English (@AJEnglish) October 15, 2026
Al Jazeera’s Rosie Birchard reports. pic.twitter.com/c5k3ibsxZ6
FROM ONE CHOKEPOINT TO ANOTHER
The attacks are compounding a crisis that began thousands of miles away. The Strait of Hormuz, which normally carries about a fifth of global oil and gas supplies, has faced repeated attacks on tankers since late February. This has pushed some energy and grain cargoes toward alternative routes — including the Black Sea corridor, now itself in jeopardy.
The Black Sea handles roughly 25 to 30 percent of global wheat exports, over 10 percent of corn and two-thirds of sunflower oil. Russia and Ukraine together normally supply about 27 percent of the world’s wheat, most of it shipped through the Black Sea.
Their combined wheat shipments from July to September were 6.5 million tons below the same period a year earlier, according to estimates from the International Food Policy Research Institute and the Agricultural Market Information System.
Separately, Barva Invest has warned that up to 38 million tons of wheat and corn exports could be at risk in 2026/27 if deep-sea port restrictions persist.
“We see three concerning chokepoints right now that are driving up food prices across the world,” said Carl Skau, acting executive director of the UN World Food Programme, referring to the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab Al Mandeb strait and the Black Sea.
“All those three are causing disruptions to maritime trade, which is pushing up the price of energy and of food.” Countries dependent on Black Sea grain, including Egypt, Türkiye and other parts of the Middle East, face the sharpest impact.
Insurance costs reflect the escalation of the conflict. War-risk premiums for Black Sea voyages have jumped from about 200,000 U.S. dollars to 2.5 million dollars per vessel, according to Lukoil’s commercial manager in Bulgaria. Meanwhile, London-based insurance body Joint War Committee has expanded its high-risk zone to cover almost the entire basin.
“The Black Sea didn’t become more expensive; it became just harder to access,” Alexey Zavarskiy, a ship operator at Angara Denizcilik, said at an industry conference held on Sept. 22. He estimated that around 90 percent of shipowners had suspended calls at affected ports.
Washington’s decision on Oct. 9 to temporarily lift sanctions on Russian diesel exports illustrates the dilemma. On paper, it appears to be a release valve for a tight global diesel market: U.S. diesel prices are up 70 percent since February.
However, the relief depends on a route that is itself under attack — Russian diesel loads primarily at Black Sea ports such as Novorossiysk, the same waters where drones are now striking commercial vessels.
The first tranche of about 2.25 million barrels is less than a single day of U.S. diesel demand, and analysts from Quilter Cheviot to Wood Mackenzie have dismissed it as too small and too exposed to make a difference.
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Targets reportedly include Iranian nuclear sites, Pickaxe… pic.twitter.com/stkwOlIozP
CALL FOR NEW FRAMEWORK
Military analysts warn the Black Sea has become one of the world’s most dangerous shipping routes, with drone attacks having overtaken sea mines as the primary risk.
Retired Romanian Navy commander Sandu Valentin Mateiu told local media that the density of incidents pointed to a deliberate hybrid campaign. Mateiu said Romania should prepare a serious case for diplomatic protest, potentially raising the issue even at the level of NATO’s Article 4.
Poland took this step in September 2025 after drones violated its airspace, leading to emergency consultations and the deployment of allied fighter jets and air defense systems to the alliance’s eastern flank under the “Eastern Sentry” mission.
Murat Ersavci, director of the International Studies Center at the Economic Policy Research Foundation of Türkiye, said the changing nature of the conflict is reshaping the Black Sea into a “multilayered security environment,” with the boundary between trade and security becoming increasingly blurred.
Ersavci called for a comprehensive maritime security arrangement to ensure safe, predictable commercial navigation, distinguish civilian vessels from military targets, and coordinate efforts among littoral states to protect energy and food shipments.
Canan Tercan, a foreign policy expert at Istanbul Aydin University, warned that the Black Sea risked mirroring the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, and that navigational safety “must be secured through an international non-combat agreement, not through naval forces.”
teleSUR/ JF
Source: Xinhua
Two tankers caught fire within about 12 hours off Sulina, Romania’s port at the mouth of the Danube, Romanian authorities reported. The crew of one said a drone hit it inside Romania’s territorial waters, while Bucharest says it is still checking whether drones were involved. Bulgaria, where drones sank ships in its economic zone this month, says it lacks proof that Russia launched them.
For months, Russia has struck civilian ships on the sea route that carries most of Ukraine’s farm exports, while its drones have repeatedly crossed into Moldova and Romania during attacks on Ukraine. As long as Bucharest and Sofia wait for drone wreckage before naming anyone, Russia, the party Bulgaria’s own prime minister says the logic points to, pays no price for extending its war on Ukraine’s trade routes into NATO members’ waters.
The San Marino-flagged chemical tanker Wine Trader reported a fire in its superstructure around 07:00 on 15 October while anchored in Romanian territorial waters about 13 nautical miles southeast of Sulina, Romania’s Naval Authority said. By midday, five of its 12 crew had been recovered and seven were still missing.
Hours earlier, at 01:34, a drone entered Romanian airspace over the country’s waters southeast of Sulina for about a minute before vanishing from radar, the Defense Ministry said. Authorities have not named a cause for the fire, though unnamed sources
Russia’s expanding campaign against commercial shipping in the Black Sea is creating a security crisis that extends far beyond Ukraine. The latest drone attacks off Bulgaria’s coast have left 11 sailors missing, forced Sofia to seek assistance from NATO and the European Union, and raised concerns that Moscow is attempting to disrupt one of the world’s principal agricultural export routes.
On 13th October, the Guinea-Bissau-flagged HS Dignity sank after being struck by drones approximately 17 nautical miles east of the Bulgarian village of Krapets. Another vessel, the Ukrainian-owned, Maltese-flagged Chelsea 3, was attacked near Byala. All 15 crew members were rescued, although five sustained minor injuries. The incidents followed earlier attacks in Bulgaria’s exclusive economic zone on 6th October, when the ALFA WATAN sank and the grain-carrying ABLE was damaged.
The significance lies not simply in the destruction of merchant vessels but in the geographical expansion of the threat. Commercial routes previously regarded as comparatively safer alternatives to Ukraine’s exposed ports are now becoming operationally dangerous. Bulgaria and Romania, both NATO and EU members, face disruption to trade, maritime insurance and port operations as the conflict spreads across the western Black Sea.
The latest attacks follow months of Russian strikes against Ukrainian ports, export terminals and civilian shipping. As EU Today previously reported, repeated attacks on Odesa have already reduced Ukraine’s grain-export capacity, while alternative routes through the Danube and neighbouring European countries cannot fully replace its major Black Sea terminals.
The extension of attacks towards Bulgaria changes the economic calculation. Ships carrying agricultural products, those approaching Danube ports and vessels operating between Black Sea countries now face greater uncertainty, regardless of whether they enter Ukrainian territorial waters.
Maritime security company Ambrey assessed the earlier October attacks as highly likely to have been conducted by Russian forces. Its assessment identified vessels associated with Ukrainian grain trade as the principal targets, rather than suggesting that every commercial ship was being attacked indiscriminately.
This distinction is important, but it offers little reassurance to international shipping companies. A campaign directed against Ukrainian trade can disrupt the wider maritime economy when insurers, shipowners and exporters cannot establish which routes remain safe.
The economic consequences are already becoming apparent. Shipowners must consider higher insurance premiums, additional security measures and the possibility of losing vessels and crews. Traders may redirect cargoes or withdraw from routes whose commercial returns no longer justify the risks.
The attacks have also placed Bulgarian Prime Minister Rumen Radev in an increasingly difficult political position.
Radev has advocated renewed diplomatic engagement with Moscow and questioned the emphasis placed on military assistance to Ukraine. He has rejected accusations of being pro-Russian, presenting his approach as a pragmatic alternative to prolonged confrontation.
Yet the attacks have demonstrated the limitations of maintaining political distance from a war whose economic and security consequences are reaching Bulgarian waters.
After summoning Russian Ambassador Eleonora Mitrofanova on 13th October, Radev acknowledged that Bulgaria possessed no conclusive evidence establishing responsibility for the latest strikes. Nevertheless, he argued that their consequences benefited Russia and questioned why Ukraine would attack its own commercial vessels.
According to the Bulgarian News Agency’s account of the meeting, the prime minister also warned that higher insurance costs and shipping companies’ reluctance to serve Bulgarian ports were already damaging the national economy.
This is the fundamental change confronting Sofia. The conflict is no longer solely a question of Bulgaria’s position towards Ukraine or its diplomatic relationship with Russia. It is affecting the country’s commercial interests, energy supplies and responsibilities as a NATO member.
Radev’s response does not necessarily indicate a wholesale reversal of his previous political position. It demonstrates that the practical obligations of government can leave considerably less room for accommodation with Moscow than the arguments advanced from outside direct responsibility for national security.
The broader consequences may be felt most severely outside Europe.
Ukraine remains an important supplier of wheat, maize and vegetable oils to international markets, including countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Interruptions to these exports affect more than Ukraine’s agricultural revenues. They can increase transport costs, delay deliveries and reduce the availability of competitively priced food in import-dependent countries.
Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum on 12th October, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy warned of a possible agricultural crisis, arguing that Russian interference with Black Sea shipping could leave countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East facing serious supply difficulties within months.
The warning reflects a mechanism already familiar from the earlier stages of Russia’s invasion. Following Moscow’s withdrawal from the UN-brokered grain agreement in July 2023, Ukrainian agricultural exporters faced renewed attacks on port infrastructure and substantial uncertainty over maritime access.
The danger is not necessarily an immediate worldwide shortage of grain. Wheat prices remained relatively steady following the 13th October incidents. Rather, sustained disruption could progressively reduce available export capacity, increase costs and place vulnerable importing countries under greater pressure.
For Moscow, such disruption could serve several purposes simultaneously: weakening Ukraine’s economy, raising the costs of international support for Kyiv and creating additional pressures on governments concerned about food inflation and social stability.
The immediate challenge for Brussels and NATO is how to protect commercial navigation without allowing the conflict to expand into a direct military confrontation.
Bulgaria has requested stronger air and maritime surveillance and is seeking closer coordination with Romania and Turkey. Defence Minister Dimitar Stoyanov said on 14th October that Sofia expected to join a NATO counter-drone initiative by the end of the month.
The EU has already developed a framework for addressing precisely such threats. Its Black Sea strategy, announced in May 2025, proposed a maritime security hub integrating surveillance, intelligence-sharing, infrastructure protection and regional cooperation.
The attacks now expose the difference between developing a security framework and providing effective protection to merchant vessels. Better intelligence can identify threats, but preventing further sinkings requires detection systems, coordinated responses and sufficient defensive capabilities.
Turkey’s involvement is particularly important because of its control over the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and its established role in Black Sea maritime security. Any workable regional arrangement must therefore extend beyond cooperation between Bulgaria and Romania.
The incidents occurred outside Bulgaria’s 12-nautical-mile territorial sea, meaning they do not automatically constitute an armed attack on NATO territory under Article 5. Nevertheless, repeated strikes within the economic zones of alliance members pose a substantial challenge to maritime security.
Russia’s campaign against Ukrainian exports is increasingly imposing costs on neighbouring European states and international trading partners. The question facing the EU is whether it can secure the commercial routes on which both Ukraine’s economy and the food supplies of millions beyond Europe depend.
A U.S. Navy F-35C has made the first arrested landing for the type aboard a Ford class aircraft carrier, with the milestone taking place aboard the future USS John F. Kennedy (CVN 79) in the Western Atlantic on October 13, 2026. The milestone marks a major step in testing the Navy’s stealth fighter aboard its newest carrier class, following years of challenges integrating advanced launch and recovery systems.
Two F-35C test pilots assigned to Air Test and Evaluation Squadron 23 (VX-23), part of the Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division (NAWCAD), flew to the carrier as part of an ongoing Aircraft Compatibility Testing (ACT) campaign. A team from the Patuxent River-based F-35 Integrated Test Force (ITF), detached to the ship, is conducting the evaluation using a specially instrumented example of the carrier-capable stealth fighter. The imagery released shows two jets, although only one is seen landing on the flattop. The other is seen carrying inert Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) bombs externally.
The Navy took preliminary acceptance of the carrier from Newport News Shipbuilding on September 29, following successful acceptance trials in August. That development allows the ship and its crew to conduct at-sea testing and build underway proficiency while the shipbuilder completes final systems testing ahead of formal delivery, scheduled for spring 2027.
The test is an important step in validating the integration of the F-35C with the Ford class. The Navy’s newest carriers use electromagnetic catapults and advanced arresting equipment, replacing the steam-powered launch systems and conventional arresting machinery found aboard the preceding Nimitz class.
Aircraft Compatibility Testing assesses the operational capabilities of a ship’s aircraft launch and recovery equipment with U.S. Navy aircraft. The process helps engineers evaluate how the carrier’s systems interact with individual aircraft and collect data needed to validate their performance.
The F-35C is specifically designed for carrier operations, with larger wings, reinforced landing gear and a beefier tail hook compared with the Air Force’s F-35A. Its ability to launch from a carrier and recover through an arrested landing is central to its role in the Navy’s carrier air wings, which also include F-35Cs operated by the U.S. Marine Corps.
The use of a specially instrumented aircraft is particularly relevant to the test campaign. Instrumentation allows test teams to record data during flight-deck operations, helping them assess system performance and identify any issues requiring further evaluation.
The first arrested landing aboard John F. Kennedy demonstrates that the ship has reached an important F-35C compatibility milestone. It does not, however, establish that all testing, certification, or operational qualification requirements have been completed.
The milestone comes against the backdrop of the Ford class program’s difficulties integrating some of its advanced aviation systems. The lead ship, USS Gerald R. Ford (CVN 78), introduced the Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) and Advanced Arresting Gear (AAG), technologies intended to improve aircraft-launch flexibility, recovery performance, and overall sortie generation. Development and reliability challenges with both EMALS and AAG have contributed to delays in the class’s progress. In a 2019 report, TWZ highlighted concerns that Ford class carriers would not be ready to operate the F-35C for years.
USS Gerald R. Ford was designed and built before the F-35C’s full carrier-integration requirements were sufficiently mature, so the Navy deferred several upgrades to a later modernization period rather than delaying the ship’s delivery. Following congressional pressure, the Navy adopted a single-phase delivery approach for USS John F. Kennedy, incorporating these modifications during construction instead.
The USS Gerald R. Ford completed its Aircraft Compatibility Testing in January 2020, following 16 days at sea, during which the crew launched and recovered 211 aircraft, testing five different airframes — but the F-35C was not included.
Beyond EMALS and AAG, integrating the F-35C on Kennedy requires modifications to the carrier’s maintenance infrastructure and support systems. These include specialized spaces for handling the aircraft’s sensitive mission systems and classified data, computer networks and interfaces linking its maintenance and logistics systems with the Navy’s existing infrastructure, and facilities and equipment to support the upkeep of its low-observable coatings and materials. The Navy has also identified the need for more robust jet blast deflectors (JBDs), which protect flight-deck personnel and equipment from the F-35C’s intense engine exhaust.
Earlier F-35C integration work aboard Nimitz class carriers included JBD modifications to improve heat resistance and cooling, while planning for John F. Kennedy explicitly included both JBD upgrades and changes to maintenance spaces and information systems.
The latest test represents progress toward resolving the compatibility question, although the full scope of the remaining work will depend on the results of the ongoing evaluation.
The development also comes as China advances its own carrier aviation capabilities. Unlike the U.S. Navy, its Fujian aircraft carrier has demonstrated electromagnetic catapult launches and arrested recoveries involving several aircraft types, including the J-35 stealth fighter.
In contrast to the U.S. Navy, which accumulated decades of experience with steam-powered catapults before adopting electromagnetic launch technology, China chose electromagnetic catapults for its first catapult-equipped carrier.
Although China’s demonstrations aboard Fujian and the F-35C compatibility testing aboard Kennedy involve different aircraft, ships, and stages of development, both underscore the technical demands of integrating advanced aircraft with modern carrier launch and recovery systems.
For the U.S. Navy, the immediate priority is to demonstrate that the Ford class can reliably support its intended aircraft. The F-35C’s first arrested landing aboard Kennedy is a significant step in that process, with further testing — not least an EMALS takeoff — needed before the milestone can begin to translate into an operational capability.
Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com
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As the US Navy lays the groundwork for its next-generation SSN(X) attack submarine to replace its aging fleet, the US’s longstanding undersea supremacy faces an intensifying test against China’s rapid naval buildup, advancing acoustic stealth and superior shipyard capacity. The US Navy’s Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA) issued a sources-sought notice to survey domestic shipyard […]
The post US Navy’s SSN(X) won’t arrive for years as China closes sub gap appeared first on Asia Times.
South Korean President Lee Jae-myung reaffirmed his country’s commitment on Tuesday to developing a new trade route via the Arctic Ocean, following the first voyage to Europe completed by a South Korean container ship.
The leader stated that the initiative aims to diversify Asian maritime routes and strengthen Busan as an international logistics hub.
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During a ceremony in Busan to welcome the vessel PanStar Acro, Lee affirmed that South Korea would open the Arctic route with the confidence of the international community. “I will strive to ensure that the new route does not serve the exclusive interests of any single country, but rather leads to mutual prosperity,” the president declared, according to the Yonhap news agency.
The PanStar Acro, with a capacity of 2,758 TEUs (standard 20-foot containers), returned to Busan this Sunday after completing a 50-day voyage through the Arctic via Russian waters. The vessel made stops in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Poland before returning to the South Korean port.
The voyage marked the first time a South Korean container ship completed a round trip to Europe via the Arctic route. The South Korean government believes the operation provided valuable experience in polar navigation and technical data to assess the corridor’s commercial viability.
South Korean Container Ship Completes Landmark Northern Sea Route Return Trip
— RT_India (@RT_India_news) October 12, 2026
The ‘PanStar Acro’ vessel set sail from Busan on August 22 to the UK through the NSR, stopping in Rotterdam and Gdansk – returning home to South Korea on October 11. (Yonhap citing 🇰🇷's Ministry of… pic.twitter.com/0VCRrqjj9B
2030 Plan
In May, South Korea’s Ministry of Oceans unveiled a plan using this trial run as a first step toward establishing a regular service along the Arctic route by 2030. The strategy seeks to revitalize Busan—the country’s second-largest city—and other southern localities, while also consolidating more efficient trade links between Asia and Europe. Lee linked the project to the development of a southern maritime hub region, integrating Busan’s ports and maritime finance, Ulsan’s shipbuilding and green energy sectors, and South Gyeongsang’s marine equipment industry.
The project has raised concerns because the route runs largely through Russian waters; some analysts warn this could allow Moscow to mitigate the impact of international sanctions imposed following the “Special Operation” in Ukraine. In response, Lee emphasized that Seoul would strictly adhere to international regulations and the sanctions principles established by the global community.
The initiative is also a response to the crisis in the Red Sea, which led numerous shipping companies to avoid the Suez Canal, drove up shipping costs, and forced the rerouting of voyages between Asia and Europe.
Although some companies have begun to gradually resume transit via that route—aided by improved security conditions—South Korea is positioning the Arctic route as a strategic alternative to potential disruptions on traditional shipping lanes.
Logistical and financial obstacles
Meanwhile, Eve Barré, a sector economist at Coface, noted that Arctic shipping routes are attracting attention because they shorten distances. However, commercial interest remains very limited for the foreseeable future and is concentrated primarily on raw materials.
Aurora García, of Ocean Infrastructures Management, identified further hurdles: incompatibility with existing logistics networks; the loss of intermediate port calls—a key revenue source for major shipping lines; high seasonality; and a lack of rescue capabilities. Navigation is permitted only during the warmer season, which conflicts with the annual contracts used by shipping companies.
Costs are also a factor: shipowners face higher insurance risk premiums and greater amounts of tied-up capital. Polar-class vessels are between 25% and 60% more expensive due to the extra steel thickness in the hull.
If the route were to become a viable alternative, certain European ports reliant on Suez traffic could be affected. In Spain, García noted that Algeciras would be the most exposed facility due to its high volume of transit traffic, whereas Valencia would face a lesser impact, as its import and export traffic would not be directly affected.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met with his South Korean counterpart, Cho Tae-yul, in Seoul to discuss strengthening bilateral ties and regional stability.
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) August 20, 2026
Beijing urged Seoul to maintain an independent foreign policy, and both sides laid the groundwork for a potential summit… pic.twitter.com/o3uHG7vU1q
On Tuesday, Argentina asked the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) to order measures against the project led by Israeli oil company Navitas in the Malvinas Islands, which are administered by the United Kingdom and claimed by the South American country.
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“The Argentine Republic today submitted a request for provisional measures to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea to prevent the United Kingdom from exploiting hydrocarbons on the continental shelf of the North Malvinas Basin,” the Argentine presidency posted on social media.
“The request submitted to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea seeks to preserve Argentina’s sovereign rights over its continental shelf and prevent activities unilaterally and illegally authorized by the United Kingdom from aggravating the dispute recognized by the United Nations.”
“The Argentine Republic reaffirms, once again, its legitimate and imprescriptible sovereign rights over the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, and the surrounding maritime areas. By history and by law: the Malvinas Islands are Argentine,” the presidential statement concluded.
UK WARNS ARGENTINA it will use ‘FORCE’ to DEFEND FALKLANDS (Malvinas) ‘IF NECESSARY’
— RT (@RT_com) September 26, 2026
Says Britain has ‘ABILITY’ to defend Islands ‘BY FORCE’
‘The Argentinians LACK ABILITY to TAKE Falkland Islands’ pic.twitter.com/q4geEzxkzD
On Sept. 28, Argentine President Javier Milei announced that he would initiate a request for arbitration based on the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), a 1982 treaty whose dispute-resolution body is the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, based in Hamburg, Germany.
Argentina’s goal is to halt the progress of Sea Lion, an offshore project operated by Navitas (65%) and British company Rockhopper (35%) to begin extracting crude oil in 2028 in the North Malvinas Basin, 200 kilometers north of the archipelago.
Argentina considers the permits granted to the oil companies by the islands’ local government “illegal.” When announcing that it would initiate the request for international arbitration, Argentina gave the United Kingdom two weeks to take measures to stop the project.
One day later, British Parliamentary Undersecretary of State for the Overseas Territories Uma Kumaran responded that Argentina’s arbitration effort was the South American country’s “latest attempt” to “undermine the rights of the people” of the Malvinas Islands, which have been occupied by the UK since 1833, when British forces expelled Argentine authorities from the islands.
According to Kumaran, hydrocarbon activities in the Malvinas Islands are regulated by the islands’ laws and “are conducted in full compliance with international law, including UNCLOS.”
MARINES ESTADOUNIDENSES REALIZARON EN USHUAIA EJERCICIOS CON TROPAS ARGENTINAS
— AgendaMalvinasOK (@Agenda_Malvinas) August 27, 2025
🚩https://t.co/3EOcbmaW1T
Solo un gobierno que desprecia la lucha de su pueblo y a los muertos por la Patria en 1982, permite el ingreso de militares del principal socio del usurpador de Malvinas. pic.twitter.com/H6Cf3PbKJG
The text reads, “U.S. Marines conducted exercises with Argentine troops in Ushuaia. Only a government that disdains its people’s struggle and those who died for the Fatherland in 1982 would allow the entry of military personnel from the principal partner of the usurper of the Malvinas.”
Argentina’s Foreign Ministry denied that it was seeking to “undermine” anyone’s rights, arguing instead that submitting a dispute to an international tribunal is an act of responsibility because differences are not resolved through unilateral actions, “but before judges who apply the law that both parties have freely accepted.”
The United Kingdom and Argentina, which fought a war over the Malvinas Islands in 1982, are both parties to UNCLOS.
Since Milei announced a series of measures on Aug. 3 aimed at curbing oil activity in the Malvinas Islands, Argentina has initiated administrative proceedings and filed lawsuits in domestic courts against the companies operating on the islands and their shareholders.
It has also sent dozens of letters to oil companies around the world seeking to dissuade them from operating in the archipelago or supplying the projects there.
So far, Argentina has succeeded in getting some global oil services companies with significant business interests in the South American country to publicly state that they will not operate in the Malvinas Islands, including contractors that were set to take part in the Sea Lion project.
Last week, Navitas and Rockhopper, whose shares have fallen in recent weeks, said they would replace two contractors and continue moving forward with Sea Lion “with the full support” of the Malvinas Islands and British governments.
teleSUR/ JF
Source: EFE
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