Giorgia Meloni’s administration has announced the deployment of 500 military troops to Milan after a weekend of intense protests and riots resulted in broken windows at luxury shops.
But while mainstream coverage has focused on exclusive brands hiding inventory from angry demonstrators, progressive organizations emphasize that the rage witnessed on the streets of several northern Italian cities is a result of the government’s own policies.
“A Louis Vuitton bag can cost €5,600, while the monthly maximum for the wage guarantee fund in 2026 is €1,340,” wrote the grassroots union Unione Sindacale di Base (USB). In a statement on Tuesday, the union cited devastating national statistics, including data showing that over 14% of working-class families live in absolute poverty.
Broken windows can be repaired, USB noted. “Five years of lost wages, an impoverished family, and a denied future cannot be recovered so easily.”
Students oppose austerity at school and beyond
Significant mobilizations preceded the weekend’s protests. On Friday, October 16, roughly 400,000 students flooded the streets for “No Meloni Day”. They criticized the government’s so-called securitization measures which in practice has meant stifling the right to protest, as well as the unabated turn toward war and armament.
Protesters warned that by prioritizing these points over public services and working conditions, Meloni and her ministers knowingly undermine the future of a whole generation.
Echoing developments in France, where teachers’ unions have supported students’ demands over recent weeks of historic struggle for a stronger public education system, educators in Italy began circulating appeals to do the same.
“The established order is the worst of all possible worlds – or comes very close to it – and our schools are a mirror of this: they are falling apart, alienating, militarized,” the appeal reads. “Places where the need to stretch one’s legs is labeled ‘indiscipline,’ and where the ‘foreigner’ is blamed for the decline in knowledge, rather than two decades of underfunding and neglect.”
Real solutions, not repression, needed to address social crisis
Trade unions, teachers, and students all denounced the repression authorities unleashed in response to the protests – both after mobilizations in cities and during school occupations.
“This government – incapable of offering solutions to the social crisis raging across the country – is once again attempting to manage the streets and social discontent solely through the lens of ‘public order,’ while intensifying repression and shrinking the space available for political activity,” emphasized youth organization Cambiare Rotta.
Students opposed the government’s focus on militarization. Source: Cambiare Rotta/Facebook
Teachers specifically called upon others in the system not to endorse crackdowns on students while invoking democratic values. “Democracy today resists in the French and Spanish squares, in the occupied Italian schools, in the resistance to the genocide of the Palestinian people, in the words and deeds of those who oppose the piecemeal world war,” they wrote.
“It is not to be found in threats, in tear gas, in police officers inside schools, or in students maimed by the weapons of our law enforcement. It is not to be found in the unjust rules that too many persist in defending.”
The increased protest activity has given hope that the spark that inspired massive mobilizations throughout 2025 might resurface. It comes less than two weeks before a new general strike – and an international dockworkers’ strike in which Italian port workers are set to play a notable role – on October 30.
Italy is moving to deploy 500 troops with expanded police powers following a weekend of violent riots, taking a more direct military approach to public security than France, where weeks of unrest have prompted authorities to bolster their security response.
Videos of unrest in France and Italy flooded social media on Saturday and Sunday, showing violent clashes between demonstrators and police amid burning buildings and looted storefronts. At multiple points during the chaos, police attempting to contain the violence were forced to retreat.
In Paris, for instance, roughly a dozen officers confronted several hundred demonstrators but were unable to make arrests, using rubber-bullet launchers and grenades to keep advancing rioters at bay as they made a gradual retreat. Italian police in Milan, meanwhile, made a similar retreat as hundreds of young rioters threw explosive firecrackers, metal barriers and glass bottles at them in their attempt to occupy a public square.
Though France is escalating its response now, demonstrations have been ongoing in the country since last month, with many schools being burned and ransacked by rioters.
A Fox News Digital investigation found that socialist groups, Islamic advocacy organizations and environmental activists were involved in the French riots, which financial analysts estimate caused over $1 billion in damages. Videos from the unrest also showed demonstrators waving foreign flags, including Palestinian flags in France and an Albanian flag during the violence in Milan.
Italian media reported that many first and second-generation migrants were among the rioters in Milan.
With another wave of riots planned for this coming weekend and authorities bracing for more violence, France and Italy are turning to their armed forces to reinforce security after days of rioting.
France’s gendarmes, essentially military police officers, assisted in containing last weekend’s riots. The nation’s interior minister announced on Tuesday that the military would be increasing its presence in anticipation of further rioting.
"We will deploy the Sentinelle force, obviously as a substitute to interior security forces ... mostly to free police and gendarmes in their mission to maintain order," he told France’s legislature.
France has upcoming presidential elections, with some political observers viewing the migrant-heavy riots as an electoral boon for Marine Le Pen, the most popular right-wing candidate.
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni announced a similar deployment, pledging that 500 troops will be entering Milan. The country’s deputy prime minister explained that the police would be granted police powers, providing some insight into the role they could play in squaring off against rioters.
The Italian prime minister sends more soldiers to Milan in anticipation of the protests scheduled for Oct. 24.
Through a video posted on Tuesday, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni announced the promulgation of a decree aimed at cracking down on “juvenile gangs” and “violent street protests.” She authorized reinforcing with military personnel security forces in Milan.
“Five hundred more military personnel are arriving in Milan, until the end of the year alongside police and carabinieri. And to juvenile justice we are giving more magistrates and more places in centers, so that the certainty of punishment also applies to those who are 16 years old,” the far-right politician said.
Approved at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, the decree establishes that the soldiers will reinforce “Operation Safe Streets,” an initiative implemented in 2008 that keeps some 5,000 Army personnel deployed in numerous “hot spots” across the country.
Her decree will take effect immediately, will have a 60-day period to be ratified by the Italian Parliament, and includes the creation of the “crime of violent participation in a demonstration.”
Nuova giornata di guerriglia a Milano. Gruppo di incappucciati assalta negozi in via Torino. pic.twitter.com/BBI4x47NJH
The text reads, “Another day of guerrilla-style unrest in Milan. A group of hooded individuals attacks shops on Via Torino.”
“If during a march or a demonstration you join a group of 5 or more people, you start throwing stones, firecrackers, sticks, you endanger everyone’s safety, you risk up to 5 years in prison and up to 20,000 euros in fines,” Meloni said, and clarified that the decree introduces the principle that “the breaker pays, and if the breaker is a minor, his or her parents pay.”
Aggravating factors may be applied to this new crime if the person has their face covered or if someone has been injured. Biometric identification assisted by artificial intelligence is also authorized, explained the Italian outlet TG La 7.
In the criminal sphere, authorities will be able to immediately apply preventive detention to minors between 14 and 18 years old, and the police chief will be able to apply oral warnings and bans on gathering in public places to young people with a record of violent acts.
IL FUTURO È UNA SCELTA La vittoria al referendum sulla giustizia ha dimostrato che, insieme, possiamo fare la differenza. Oltre cento associazioni già aderiscono alla Via Maestra. Unisciti a noi.
LAVORO, PACE, AMBIENTE, WELFARE, COSTITUZIONE. INSIEME SULLA VIA MAESTRA.
“THE FUTURE IS A CHOICE. The victory in the referendum on justice has shown that, together, we can make a difference. More than a hundred associations have already joined “The Main Path.” Join us.
WORK, PEACE, ENVIRONMENT, WELL-BEING, CONSTITUTION. TOGETHER ON ‘THE MAIN PATH.’ The Constitution points to a clear way: a country founded on work, social justice, equality, and peace.
This way remains our ‘Main Path.’ Today, however, Italy is moving in the opposite direction. We choose a different path: the path of the Constitution. Hear from Francesca Cantagallo, of the ‘Knowledge Network’, and join us.
OCTOBER 17, ROME. National demonstration. The demonstration will begin at 1:30 PM. Participants will gather at Republic Square and, following a march, the event will conclude at People’s Square around 5:00 PM.”
Initially, Meloni’s decree also contemplated exceptionally assigning police functions to the military for three months, which would have allowed them to make arrests. This provision, however, was left out of the approved text.
Referring to the demonstrations of the past weekend, Meloni said that security forces had detained or identified 330 people, half of them of foreign origin, among whom are people born outside Italy and others born in the country but to foreign parents.
Meloni’s decision comes in response to the protests promoted for Saturday, Oct. 24 by the “October 17 Movement” (17M10), a youth protest group that emerged as a result of the recent clashes in downtown Milan and that has announced permanent mobilizations until the fall of the Meloni administration.
“We are the ones from the squares. Those who see the only violence in the police stick. The violent ones are you who have denied us the future. Now we take that future into our own hands. Violent is this system that kills us. Permanent mobilization every Saturday until this thieving government falls,” the 17M10 stated.
Violent demonstrations have rocked Europe as protesters call for action over poor university conditions, high tuition fees, corruption, housing costs and the high cost of living
Italy has granted Texas murder suspect Lee Gilley "partial extradition" after months of back and forth with U.S. courts. Fox News Digital has confirmed.
Gilley is accused of killing his pregnant wife, Christa Bauer Gilley, and their unborn child back in 2024; he was supposed to face trial in Harris County earlier this year – but instead cut his ankle monitor off and fled the U.S. to Italy. He reportedly left his home on a bicycle before boarding a private jet in Memphis, Tennessee, according to KPRC, leading authorities to suspect he had help fleeing the country.
In the motion obtained by Fox News Digital and translated to English, the Italian court granted the extradition on one charge of murder, not capital murder.
The motion also spelled out that Italy would only grant Gilley's extradition on the condition that he faces a reduced charge of first-degree murder for killing his wife and not their unborn child.
Fox News Digital previously reported that Italy denied requests to extradite Gilley back to the U.S. with concerns that the murder suspect would face capital murder punishment — including possible death penalty or life without possibility of parole — if convicted.
This could extend the already lengthy process of getting the suspect back to the U.S. to face charges. Gilley's attorney did not detail an exact timeline of when his client would be returning to U.S. soil.
In 2006, the Carabinieri, Italy’s national military police, raised the alarm about illegal digging in a forest of oaks and chestnuts near Vetralla, in the province of Viterbo, north of Rome. The Soprintendenza, the state body in charge of archaeology in the region, sent a team to the site for an emergency excavation in May […]
In Paris, students have protested over shortages of teachers, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating school buildings.
In Spain, the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal — who died on 7 October — became a rallying point for housing protests.
In Tirana, students joined wider demonstrations over education costs and corruption allegations.
These are not parts of a single movement, and the protests do not have one common cause. But they bring into focus a shared challenge: whether young people can see a credible route from education to decent work, and from financial dependence to a life of their own.
France: school conditions shape the starting line
Since September, French students have demonstrated over teacher shortages, overcrowded classes and deteriorating school buildings. Their demands concern more than the day-to-day running of schools. They also raise a question about equal opportunity: can public education give every student the tools to move forward, regardless of where they live or what their family can afford?
The wider figures help explain why that question matters.
In 2025, 25.5 percent of people aged 15–29 in France were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, compared with 24.2 percent across the EU, according to Eurostat.
In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s stood at 20.6 percent, against 8.2 percent for the population as a whole. The corresponding EU rates were 15.4 percent and 6.1 percent.
These figures do not show that school shortages cause youth unemployment. They do show how difficult the step from education into work remains for many young people and why well-resourced schools matter most in areas with the fewest opportunities.
Housing can make that transition harder still. In Paris, one-in-two private tenants under 30 spends more than 51 percent of their income on rent. A Eurostat indicator also shows that 70 percent of 20–24-year-olds and 25 percent of 25–29-year-olds either live with their parents or are financially connected to their household.
France scored 66 out of 100 and ranked 27th of 182 countries in Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The index measures perceptions of public-sector corruption, not the number of proven incidents. It does not explain the school protests, but it underlines why transparency and accountability matter when public services and resources are at stake.
Spain: when housing delays independence
Abascal’s eviction from the Madrid flat where she had lived for decades prompted demonstrations in several Spanish cities and renewed calls for stronger tenant protections. Her case was not a youth protest, but it put a human face on a housing crisis that also shapes whether younger people can leave home and build an independent life.
In 2025, 67.1 percent of Spaniards aged 18–34 lived with at least one parent, according to Spain’s National Statistics Institute.
Among those living with a parent, 28.3 percent said they could not afford to rent. The average age at which young people left home was 30.2, compared with 26.3 across the EU, according to Eurostat.
Housing pressure does not operate in isolation. In 2025, 27.6 percent of Spaniards aged 15–29 were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, above the EU rate of 24.2%.
In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s was 22.7 percent, more than twice the overall rate of 10 percent. When joblessness is so much higher among the young and rent is beyond the reach of many, delayed independence cannot be reduced to personal preference.
Spain scored 55/100 in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 49th of 182 countries. That score does not establish a link between corruption and housing protests. But when people are asking for effective action on housing, transparency over how decisions are made — and accountability for whether they work — are part of the debate.
Albania: growth is not enough if young people see no path forward
In October, students in Tirana protested over education costs and corruption allegations, joining a broader anti-government movement. Their participation brought education and young people’s prospects into a wider debate about living costs, employment and trust in public institutions.
Albania’s official figures show that 19 percent of the population was at risk of relative poverty in 2025, while 31.2 percent experienced severe material and social deprivation, according to INSTAT. The two measures describe different aspects of hardship: one compares household income with the national poverty threshold; the other captures enforced inability to afford basic goods and activities.
Young people also face a difficult entry into the labour market. The World Bank’s ILO-modelled estimates put overall unemployment at 10.9 percent in 2025, rising to 25.6 percent among 15–24-year-olds. The estimated average age of leaving the parental household seemed to be 30.9, compared with 26.3 in the EU, according to Eurostat’s dataset. Together, however, these indicators describe the hurdles between education, employment and independence.
Albania scored 39/100 and ranked 91st of 182 countries in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The measure is not a count of actual cases, but corruption allegations are part of the protests themselves. That makes transparency, accountability and public trust more than abstract principles: they shape whether people believe institutions respond fairly to their concerns.
Behind the statistics
Behind the statistics are millions of young people struggling to turn their ambitions into reality. The obstacles reinforce one another: under-resourced schools can narrow choices, unemployment can delay financial independence, and high housing costs can prolong dependence on family.
Across the EU, house prices rose by 55.4 percent and rents by 26.7 percent between 2010 and 2024, often outpacing income growth, according to Eurofound.
That is why the response cannot be confined to one policy area. It means properly staffed and maintained schools, routes from education into decent work, more affordable and social housing, targeted help with rent, and stronger protections for tenants.
Young people should also have a meaningful say in policies that shape their education, employment and housing.
A strong welfare state and effective social protection can help ensure that a young person’s prospects are not determined solely by family income or place of birth. If a low-income family cannot support a young person’s move towards independence, financial dependence can pass from one generation to the next. Tackling that cycle is part of building social justice and societies in which young people can plan a future with greater confidence.
The future will show whether today’s protests lead to lasting policies. The test will be whether young people can study, find decent work and afford a home without their prospects being set by the circumstances into which they were born.
The Ukrainian leadersays talks with US envoys covered security guarantees and he hopes to hear Russia’s response tomorrow
Nordic correspondent
As well as Steve Witkoff, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy will also meet the Norwegian prime minister, Jonas Gahr Støre and the Finnish president Alexander Stubb and Norway’s new King Haakon during his visit to Oslo.
The Ukrainian leadersays talks with US envoys covered security guarantees and he hopes to hear Russia’s response tomorrow
Nordic correspondent
As well as Steve Witkoff, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy will also meet the Norwegian prime minister, Jonas Gahr Støre and the Finnish president Alexander Stubb and Norway’s new King Haakon during his visit to Oslo.
Italy’s government is sending 500 soldiers to Milan and vowed a “firm response from the state” after protests against the cost of living descended into clashes with police, vandalism and looting. Further demonstrations are planned on Saturday.
The government of the far-right prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, also announced new security measures, including an offence of violent participation in a demonstration, tougher penalties for rioters, and financial liability for parents whose children take part in vandalism and looting.
Italy’s government is sending 500 soldiers to Milan and vowed a “firm response from the state” after protests against the cost of living descended into clashes with police, vandalism and looting. Further demonstrations are planned on Saturday.
The government of the far-right prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, also announced new security measures, including an offence of violent participation in a demonstration, tougher penalties for rioters, and financial liability for parents whose children take part in vandalism and looting.
Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's government in Rome is set to deploy 500 soldiers to the city of Milan to support local law enforcement after French-style youth riots broke out near the city's Duomo Cathedral, resulting in widespread attacks on police and looting of high-end shops in the Italian fashion capital.
Rising food and fuel prices, a lack of funding for education, the state of public services, and access to housing have created the perfect breeding ground for a fall of protests across Europe.
Unrest across eight countries reveals a growing working-class rejection of public spending cuts.
Across Europe, a widespread wave of public protests and labor strikes unfolded during September and October 2026. Demonstrations took place in major urban hubs across France, Belgium, Italy, Albania, Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Germany.
While individual mobilizations emerged from specific domestic triggers, the overarching unrest reflects a shared socioeconomic environment characterized by declining purchasing power, public budget austerity, rising energy prices, and real estate speculation.
The economic backdrop of late 2026 includes sustained structural pressure on working-class households. Energy market shifts driven by international conflicts significantly escalated fuel and electricity costs across the continent, directly inflating the cost of basic consumer goods.
In urban centers, market-driven housing policies and real estate deregulation led to steep increases in residential rents, outstripping wage growth and increasing housing insecurity for young workers and low-income families.
Mainstream institutional coverage frequently characterizes these events through a lens of isolated public order disturbances or temporary economic grievances.
Labor organizations, tenant unions, student groups, and neighborhood alliances have increasingly framed their demands around public resource protection, wage indexation, market regulation, and social welfare preservation.
Protests in Belgium escalate into clashes with Police
🔻 Protests by student and school groups in Belgium over rising education costs and restricted access to higher education turned violent in central Brussels and the city of Liège. Police used tear gas and water cannon to… pic.twitter.com/Nm32hPzgvR
Albania: The Vjosa-Narta Resistance and Sazan Island Mobilizations
In Albania, mass demonstrations began in May 2026 following public controversy surrounding large-scale real estate and luxury tourism developments along ecologically sensitive coastal zones, related to the family of United States President Donald Trump.
Known as the Flamingo Revolution, the protests were initially triggered by foreign investment proposals backed by international private equity firms, including United States-based entities.
These proposals targeted protected areas in the Vjosa-Narta lagoon delta and Sazan Island, a former military territory off the coast of Vlorë.
The movement escalated after an incident on May 30, 2026, when private security personnel physically removed local environmental activists at a development site in Zvërnec.
By June, demonstrations expanded from coastal municipalities into the capital, Tirana. Organized primarily by environmental groups, university student assemblies, and grassroots youth coalitions, the protesters demanded an immediate halt to coastal land privatization, the enforcement of environmental protections under European Union standards, and the resignation of Prime Minister Edi Rama.
On June 9, 2026, tens of thousands gathered in central Tirana. In response, Prime Minister Edi Rama publicly dismissed the critique regarding foreign capital involvement, stating in June that the international scrutiny was primarily driven by high-profile political names associated with the investment project rather than environmental policy.
Throughout July and August 2026, daily civic actions maintained a continuous presence in Tirana, marking 100 consecutive days of anti-government demonstrations by September 8, 2026. By mid-September, the focus expanded as university and high school student assemblies joined the broader movement to protest rising living costs, tuition increases, and systemic public corruption.
Tensions culminated between October 13 and October 18, 2026, when thousands of demonstrators assembled outside the Ministry of Education and Prime Minister Rama’s offices. Clashes erupted between protesters and state security forces, leading to the deployment of tear gas and water cannons by law enforcement.
Official police reports confirmed over 160 detentions and nearly 400 individuals charged following widespread civil disobedience and public building blockades in central Tirana.
Massive protests in France against the high cost of living and the deterioration of public services. pic.twitter.com/H3FUK6kcvC
Spain: The Pensioner Eviction and the National Housing Crisis
In Spain, social unrest escalated rapidly on September 21, 2026, surrounding the national housing crisis. On September 23, 2026, police enforced the court-ordered eviction of María del Carmen “Maricarmen” Abascal, an 87-year-old resident in Madrid, following a legal dispute with property investors.
By September 30, 2026, housing collectives and the Madrid Tenants’ Union (Sindicato de Inquilinas e inquilinos de Madrid) established a continuous protest encampment in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol, which grew to over 1,200 tents.
Similar encampments emerged in Barcelona’s Plaça de Catalunya and Málaga’s Plaza de la Constitución. According to data from the Youth Council of Spain, average residential rent prices had reached €1,176 per month, absorbing roughly 98.7 percent of the average young worker’s salary following a decade of steady price increases.
Protesters demanded an immediate legal cap on rent prices, a total ban on short-term vacation rentals, the expropriation of residential housing units owned by private investment funds, and the passage of strict tenant protection laws.
The central government headed by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez presented two urgent decree-laws proposing a ban on evictions for vulnerable residents until 2030 and a two-year extension on existing leases.
However, on October 2, 2026, the Spanish Congress rejected the legislation following opposition votes from the People’s Party, Vox, and Together for Catalonia (Junts). Opposition spokesperson Cuca Gamarra argued that affordability could only be achieved through increased residential construction, while Junts spokesperson Míriam Nogueras stated the decree would create legal market uncertainty. In contrast, tenant union representatives called for nationwide general mobilizations to enforce housing rights.
📌KNE: Victory for the struggle of the school students in France! 🔴“Victory for the struggle of the school students in France!”, emphasises the Press Office of the Central Council of KNE in a statement on the large-scale student protests, noting… 🔗https://t.co/sxtH89fNp0…
— International Relations Section of the CC of KKE (@intern_kke) October 5, 2026
France: Educational Strikes and Fuel Price Mobilizations
In France, a distinct wave of social unrest began on September 15, 2026, sparked by sharp increases in retail fuel costs. Driven by regional maritime supply disruptions and international market volatility, average diesel prices in France reached €2.37 per liter, nearing historical highs.
Initial blockades were established by transport workers, agricultural workers, and commercial fishermen who obstructed access to major fuel depots in Frontignan and port facilities in Nice and Sète.
This economic disruption coincided directly with public sector labor actions in secondary and higher education.
On September 18, 2026, teaching staff and suburban education workers across the Île-de-France region initiated strikes over class overcrowding, wage stagnation, and severe administrative budget reductions. Student assemblies subsequently blockaded high schools and university campuses in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille.
The movement saw a broad convergence of trade unions, including the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and Solidaires, along with student organizations and former Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) networks.
The protesters demanded the immediate indexation of wages to current inflation rates, increased state spending on education and healthcare, and emergency price caps on petroleum products.
In response to the growing disruptions, Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu announced on September 16, 2026, that the government would increase state fuel subsidies to the maximum allowable limit under European Union rules.
When protests continued into October, the government released 10 million barrels of strategic diesel reserves to stabilize market supply, while law enforcement authorities deployed heavy riot control measures, leading to thousands of detentions nationwide.
Zakharova calls out Macron's double standard on protests
Russian MFA spokeswoman says Macron demands "uncompromising" crackdowns on French rioters while the West lectures others on "human rights."
As Limoges City Hall burns, Zakharova notes: the people attacking Europe aren't… pic.twitter.com/mcwYHHfFav
Escalation Across the Mediterranean: Greece and Portugal
Greece: Public Sector Strikes and Anti-Privatization Mobilizations
In Greece, social mobilizations accelerated on September 5 2026, driven by rising electricity tariffs, real estate inflation, and persistent wage stagnation.
The unrest gained momentum following coordinated labor actions organized by the All-Workers Militant Front (PAME) and supported by major public sector confederations, including the Civil Servants’ Confederation (ADEDY).
On September 28, 2026, nationwide strikes disrupted public transport, maritime ferry connections between the mainland and Aegean islands, and municipal services.
In Athens, over 45,000 demonstrators marched toward Syntagma Square in front of the Hellenic Parliament. Student assemblies from the National Technical University of Athens and the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens joined the marches, blocking central thoroughfares.
Protesters focused their demands on structural economic reforms, including:
• The immediate restoration of collective bargaining rights dissolved under previous austerity frameworks.
• Strict state price controls on essential consumer goods and electricity tariffs.
• Increased public funding for higher education and healthcare infrastructure.
• Direct wage indexation to compensate for post-2022 inflationary losses.
Addressing parliament in late September, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis defended the administration’s fiscal stance, stating that government policy must maintain strict fiscal discipline to ensure sovereign debt stability.
📌Dimitris Koutsoumbas, GS of the CC of the KKE, on the youth protests 🔴In Spain, people are taking to the streets becuase they are being evicted from their homes. In France, because they’re being denied an education. In Greece, students are setting up tents in Syntagma Square… pic.twitter.com/qO5UR3LWoG
— International Relations Section of the CC of KKE (@intern_kke) October 15, 2026
Portugal: The Housing Dignity Movement (Vida Justa)
In Portugal, demonstrations expanded across major urban centers during the first week of October 2026. Catalyzed by the civil movement Just Life (Vida Justa) alongside tenant rights group Door to Door (Porta a Porta) and university student unions, tens of thousands gathered in Lisbon, Porto, Coimbra, and Faro.
The central issue driving the protests was real estate speculation and the expansion of short-term tourist accommodations, which had led to significant residential displacement in urban neighborhoods.
According to national statistical reporting, residential property prices in Lisbon had increased by 12.4 percent year-over-year by mid-2026, while median national wages remained under €1,050 per month.
On October 3, 2026, demonstration columns marched along Avenida da Liberdade in Lisbon toward the Assembly of the Republic. Speakers at the rally called for immediate state intervention to secure affordable living conditions, demanding:
• An immediate freeze on residential lease renewals and rent price caps indexed to local wage levels.
• The mandatory revocation of tax incentives granted to non-resident foreign real estate investors.
• Substantial state investment in public housing construction.
• An increase in the national minimum wage to €1,000 per month to offset basic living expenses.
Government representatives pointed to existing tax relief programs for young buyers, but grassroots spokespersons rejected these measures as inadequate against systemic market speculation.
Convergence and Expansion: Germany, Italy, and Belgium
Germany: Heating Cost Protests and Urban Rent Freezes
In Germany, demonstrations gathered force across major industrial and urban regions in mid-October, led by trade union factions, tenant associations (Mieterverein), and progressive youth organizations.
The mobilizations were prompted by public sector wage negotiations and sharp increases in seasonal municipal heating and gas bills following regional energy supply realignments.
Protests took place in Berlin, Leipzig, Cologne, and Hamburg. Demonstrators assembled at the Brandenburger Tor in Berlin, calling for:
• Federal legislative caps on natural gas and district heating charges.
• A nationwide five-year freeze on residential rents in cities exceeding strict vacancy limits.
• Higher public investment in municipal transport networks and social housing initiatives.
• Wage increases for public sector employees above the annual core inflation rate.
Federal officials acknowledged the economic burden placed on households, but emphasized that national budgetary constraints limited further large-scale energy price subsidies.
🇪🇸🔥 #MADRID – The Madrid teachers' demonstration, on the first day of the call for an unlimited strike, links up with the encampment at Plaza del Sol – who have been there since late September 2026 for the right to housing, against tenant evictions, against the surge in prices…
Italy: The “Italia in Piazza” General Strike and Cost-of-Living Mobilization
In Italy, social tension culminated on October 17, 2026, in a coordinated general mobilization organized under the banner “Italy in the Square” (Italia in Piazza). The action was spearheaded by grassroots trade unions, including the Unione Sindacale di Base (USB) and COBAS, alongside student collectives and housing rights coalitions.
Demonstrations affected major urban centers, including Rome, Milan, Turin, and Naples. In Milan, an estimated 60,000 people marched through the city center, resulting in the temporary suspension of public transit lines and commercial activity.
Protesters cited declining real wages, cuts to basic social protection mechanisms, and rising utility prices as the primary drivers of the mobilization.
Key demands raised by Italian protest organizers included:
• An immediate statutory minimum wage of €10 per hour.
• The automatic reintroduction of wage indexation tied to inflation metrics (scala mobile).
• Increased public funding for national healthcare (Servizio Sanitario Nazionale) and public transit systems.
• A moratorium on residential evictions involving primary residences for low-income households.
Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni issued a statement from Rome, characterizing the disruptions as politically motivated actions designed to destabilize public order during delicate national budget negotiations.
MILAN RIOTS 🙏🔥 🇮🇹
Milan is experiencing weekend unrest that began as cost-of-living protests and escalated into looting, vandalism, and clashes with police.
On Saturday and Sunday (17–19 October 2026), demonstrations in Milan and other northern Italian cities (including Turin… pic.twitter.com/GuQVFDoahE
Belgium: Public Service Strikes and Educational Budget Mobilizations
Simultaneously, on October 17, 2026, Belgium experienced significant public sector disruptions centered in Brussels and Liège. Organized by joint trade union fronts (FGTB/ABVV and CSC/ACV) in coordination with secondary and higher education student unions, the actions brought together public transport operators, municipal sanitation staff, and academic workers.
In Brussels, thousands of demonstrators gathered near the European Quarter, marching toward the federal parliament building. The movement focused on rising urban living costs and proposed structural spending cuts to secondary and university educational systems.
Protesters demanded:
The full preservation and enforcement of Belgium’s automatic wage indexation system across all employment sectors.
Increased federal budget allocations for public education, student housing, and public transit.
Legislative action to curb commercial energy price speculation and residential real estate inflation.
Federal government spokespersons stated that maintaining current fiscal trajectories was necessary to adhere to European Union public debt standards, while indicating a willingness to continue sector-specific labor dialogue.
Institutional Reactions and State Repression vs. Protesters’ Demands
As demonstrations converged across the European continent through mid-October 2026, state authorities responded with a combination of security deployments, judicial actions, and public condemnations.
Government officials framed the widespread public disruptions as threats to political stability and fiscal order, while protest coalitions emphasized that state actions prioritized debt constraints and elite economic interests over the material needs of the population.
In France, the executive branch adopted an uncompromising stance. President Emmanuel Macron publicly criticized what he described as “unbridled violence” following the escalation of high school blockades, fuel port disruptions, and urban demonstrations.
Interior Ministry directives led to the widespread deployment of specialized CRS riot control units, water cannons, and tear gas in Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and Limoges.
Law enforcement agencies reported making between 1,800 and 2,400 detentions nationwide by mid-October, with human rights monitoring groups and legal collectives expressing concern over indiscriminate police tactics, pre-emptive arrests, and severe injuries sustained by secondary school students.
In Southern Europe, local administrations similarly sought to delegitimize the protest movements. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government characterized the “Italia in Piazza” general strike as a politically motivated attempt by opposition factions to destabilize the nation during crucial state budget negotiations.
Police forces in Milan and Rome deployed water cannons and heavy cordons to clear key arterial roads and transit hubs blocked by union members and youth assemblies. In Albania, Prime Minister Edi Rama argued that persistent anti-government and student demonstrations—initially sparked by the “Flamingo Revolution” against coastal real estate privatization in Sazan and Vjosa-Narta—endangered the country’s economic integration and accession standing with the European Union.
Albanian authorities utilized water cannons and tear gas against university student blockades in Tirana, leading to dozens of detentions and criminal charges.
Across Spain and Portugal, state responses highlighted severe institutional divisions over economic reform. While Spanish local police enforced court-ordered evictions in Madrid and cleared public squares, parliamentary opposition parties blocked proposed national lease extensions and eviction bans.
In Portugal, government spokespersons maintained that market-based housing strategies and tax incentives for foreign buyers were necessary to attract capital, directly rejecting the Vida Justa movement’s demands for immediate rent controls and foreign investment caps.
From Localized Grievances to Pan-European Class Solidarity
What began as distinct domestic actions, resistance against speculative real estate projects on Albania’s protected coastline, outrage over elderly evictions and surging rents in Spain, and secondary school labor strikes over state underfunding in France, rapidly converged into a interconnected continental mobilization.
This convergence reflects shared structural drivers: the systematic erosion of real wages, the commodification of urban housing, the decline of essential public services under sustained fiscal austerity, and the compounding impact of energy inflation.
Across national borders, working-class households, student coalitions, and independent trade unions have consistently targeted the policy frameworks that prioritize fiscal deficit targets and private asset protection over public welfare and living standards.
The organizational strategy of the autumn 2026 movements highlights a shift in popular mobilization methods. By utilizing decentralized communications, student assemblies, neighborhood collectives, and grassroots trade union alliances, protest networks frequently bypassed established political parties.
This organizational horizontalism enabled rapid, cross-sector coordination—demonstrated by the simultaneous national strikes and urban blockades in France, Italy, Belgium, and Portugal on October 17, 2026.
As winter approaches, the continued alignment of labor unions, housing organizations, and youth movements suggests that Europe’s autumn of discontent may mark the beginning of a sustained, pan-European struggle for structural economic reform, market regulation, and social welfare preservation.
Sources: TeleSUR – Al Jazeera – Democracy Now – BBC – DW – France 24 – EFE – AFP – AP – The guardian – El País – El Mundo – La Radio del Sur – La República – RTVE – Xinhua – CGTN – Press TV – Anadolu Agency – RT – TRT World
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has convened an emergency government meeting following two days of violent unrest in Milan and other northern cities, where demonstrators clashed with police, looted shops and damaged public property during protests over living costs and deteriorating public services.
Police brought 271 people to police headquarters following Sunday’s disturbances in Milan, including 220 minors. Of those detained, 32 were formally arrested and another 28 were reported to the judicial authorities, according to figures released on Monday, 19th October.
The violence has prompted the Italian government to consider further restrictions on those involved in violent demonstrations, potentially introducing additional powers directed at organised disorder and juvenile offenders.
Milan city centre hit by looting
The disturbances began during demonstrations on Saturday, 17th October, organised amid growing dissatisfaction over household expenses, public services and wider political grievances.
Although the protests initially included peaceful participants, groups of masked individuals subsequently confronted riot police in central Milan. Officers used tear gas and water cannon as demonstrators erected burning barricades and threw objects at security personnel.
The unrest continued on Sunday, when shops were attacked close to Piazza del Duomo, one of Milan’s principal commercial and tourist areas.
Among the premises targeted were branches of Decathlon, Arc’teryx and Vodafone. Television footage showed damaged shopfronts, overturned street furniture and burning rubbish containers.
According to police figures reported on Monday, 174 of those taken to police headquarters were subjected to preventive detention measures introduced under recent Italian security legislation.
Fourteen members of the security services were reported injured during Sunday’s disturbances, including ten police officers and four members of the municipal police.
The judicial authorities are examining the conduct of individuals suspected of taking part in attacks on businesses and confrontations with officers. Prosecutors have sought custodial measures against several adults accused of offences including devastation, looting and aggravated resistance.
The large proportion of minors among those detained has become a central issue in the political response.
Violence spreads across northern Italy
Milan was not the only city affected by disorder. Saturday’s demonstrations also produced confrontations in Turin, Bologna, Brescia and Bergamo.
Italian police reported arrests across the affected cities, while the scale and organisation of the disturbances have raised questions about whether different groups were acting independently or using demonstrations as opportunities for coordinated violence.
There is not yet sufficient publicly established evidence to attribute the disorder to a single organisation or political movement.
The clashes coincided with major protests in neighbouring France, where similar concerns over living costs and public administration have contributed to increasingly confrontational demonstrations.
Although the grievances overlap, the Italian and French movements have different political backgrounds and organisational structures.
Government considers emergency legislation
Following a meeting at Palazzo Chigi on Monday, Meloni’s government indicated that it was considering a legislative response, potentially through an emergency decree.
According to details of the government discussions, proposals under examination include additional measures against violent offences, changes to preventive policing and possible restrictions addressing road blockages.
Some measures could be drawn from security legislation already under consideration in the Italian Senate. Ministers have also discussed the need for more effective intervention against juvenile offenders.
The meeting included Deputy Prime Ministers Matteo Salvini and Antonio Tajani, Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, Defence Minister Guido Crosetto and senior officials from the police, Carabinieri and intelligence services.
The government has stressed that peaceful demonstrations must remain protected while arguing that violence and organised destruction require a stronger response.
No final legislative text had been adopted at the conclusion of Monday’s meeting. A decree could be considered by the Council of Ministers as early as Tuesday, although the precise content remains subject to further examination.
Dispute over responsibility for policing
The unrest has also produced a dispute between Milan’s municipal authorities and the national government.
Mayor Giuseppe Sala questioned the adequacy of the policing arrangements, arguing that the number of officers initially deployed was insufficient to control the disturbances.
Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi rejected that criticism, while senior government figures accused local political leaders of failing to condemn the violence unequivocally.
The disagreement reflects a wider question over how responsibility for anticipating and containing serious public disorder should be divided between local administrations and national security authorities.
Italy’s opposition has also challenged the government’s handling of the disturbances. Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi criticised Meloni and Piantedosi over their failure to prevent the violence, calling for a change in leadership at the Interior Ministry.
The political argument is likely to intensify if the government proceeds with emergency legislation. Supporters of stronger police powers argue that the existing framework is insufficient to deal with rapidly organised disturbances, while opponents will scrutinise the proportionality of new restrictions and their effect on peaceful protest.
The immediate test for the government will be whether additional legal powers can improve public-order operations without replacing effective policing, intelligence gathering and judicial enforcement.
As protests ripple through big cities across the continent, a quieter, more forgotten population at Europe’s edge sits through weeks of strikes and blockades, while largely ignored.
Italy’s southern regions of Puglia, Calabria, Sicily, Molise and Basilicata are facing empty supermarket shelves and plummeting fuel supplies since transport and agriculture workers have been protesting against climbing costs of living.
Entire sectors have been put on pause due to the excessive costs it now takes to run them, from delivering food goods to producing them, for unbalanced competition with foreign suppliers and sustained neglect from Rome.
While protestors in large cities like Milan and Bologna joined a European choir of protests fighting unaffordable housing last weekend, truck drivers from Bari to Palermo have joined in blocking roads to important ports and highways connecting isolated southern regions, and denouncing the outrageous costs of fertilisers, seeds, and fuel for tractors and transport for over two weeks.
“For us, and for the community, it’s become impossible to face the costs of fuel,” Luigi Di Benedetto, manager of an agriculture company in Caltagirone, Sicily, told EUobserver.
“Italy import products that do not meet legal specifications,” he said, echoing the worries of his colleagues and fellow protestors, since the market was flooded with cheaper foreign imports, which have left them unable to pay the bills.
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It all begins in Ravenna, a historic city and major Italian port on the Adriatic coast. The port of Ravenna is a civilian port: bulk cargo, fertilizers, containers, cruise ships. Yet in a brief filed this summer with the Council of State, the State Attorney General’s Office attributed “military significance” to it within the country’s maritime defense system. The reason lies in a single sentence: making certain data public would pose an unacceptable risk because “a ‘piecemeal’ and ‘hybrid’ world war is underway, involving, among others, Italy as well.”
The data did not consist of routes, schedules, or ship names. They were aggregate figures: the amount of military equipment that left the port in 2025, broken down by four-month period and categorized as exports or transit. Journalist Linda Maggiori had requested this information in January under the general right of access to public information—Italy’s equivalent of the FOIA—which does not require justification. On October 13, Il Fatto Quotidiano turned the statement into a national issue. On October 16, the Sixth Section of the Council of State rejected the Customs Agency’s appeal.
In February, the Customs Agency, which reports to the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF), denied the request entirely, citing national security, public order, and commercial confidentiality. Maggiori, represented by attorney Andrea Maestri, filed an appeal with the Emilia-Romagna Regional Administrative Court (TAR), which on July 1 partially upheld the appeal: the quantities must be made public because the numerical data is “neutral,” while the destinations may remain confidential. Customs, represented by the State Attorney’s Office, filed an appeal. The Council of State upheld the Regional Administrative Court’s ruling: the administration failed to demonstrate either the necessity or the concrete nature of the harm. It also noted “apparently contradictory” conduct, as the Livorno Customs Office had previously provided similar data without objection.
In February 2025, approximately 13 metric tons of forged parts bound for an Israeli defense company were seized in Ravenna without export authorization; the proceedings are ongoing, and the presumption of innocence applies. It appears that on October 14 of this year, another 4 metric tons were at the port.
What does “war” mean, who decides, and the arms law
The word has three meanings, and memory confuses them. The first is constitutional. Article 11 establishes that Italy “rejects war as an instrument of aggression against the freedom of other peoples and as a means of resolving international disputes.” Article 78 entrusts the Chambers with the authority to declare a state of war and to grant the necessary powers to the government; Article 87 assigns the declaration of war to the President of the Republic. In the history of the Republic, a state of war has never been declared: neither in 1991, nor for Kosovo, Afghanistan, or Libya.
The second meaning is international: under international humanitarian law, armed conflict exists de facto, but supplying weapons to a belligerent party—according to prevailing legal opinion and that of the International Committee of the Red Cross—does not make one a party to the conflict. The third issue is political-strategic. “Hybrid warfare” (cyberattacks, sabotage, disinformation below the threshold of armed conflict) and “proxy war” are analytical tools, not legal categories. In a judicial ruling, therefore, a political term was used to justify an exception to a legal right. The Council of State rejected the postponement.
Parliament declares a state of war, authorizes missions (Law 145/2016), and receives the annual report on exports. The government authorizes exports through the UAMA of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Prime Minister is the sole custodian of state secrets (Law 124/2007), under the oversight of COPASIR. The President of the Republic chairs the Supreme Defense Council. The Ministry of Defense signs the classified aid packages for Ukraine. The State Attorney’s Office, which reports to the Prime Minister’s Office, defends government agencies in court: its briefs are legal documents, not foreign policy statements. No minister has yet clarified whether they agree with the statements made therein.
Moreover, the information has never been classified as a state secret. Customs authorities have invoked the relevant provisions of Article 5-bis of the Transparency Decree (Legislative Decree 33/2013), which allow for a refusal only if necessary to avoid “concrete harm” to national security, defense, or international relations.
Law No. 185 of 1990 prohibits the export and transit of arms to countries engaged in armed conflict in violation of Article 51 of the UN Charter, to countries whose policies conflict with Article 11, to countries under embargo, or to those responsible for serious human rights violations. However, it excludes government-to-government transfers and transits for NATO forces. The annual report to Parliament (Art. 5) lists authorizations by country and company, not by port: no public document specifies how much passes through a single port. This is the gap that the Ravenna petition sought to fill. According to the Peace and Disarmament Network, the government’s reform bill, approved by the Senate in 2024 (A.C. 1730), would reduce the data included in the report; based on the sources consulted, it has not yet been definitively approved.
Those who defend confidentiality argue that harmless data—aggregated and cross-referenced with maritime tracking data—could reveal supply routes: this is the argument used by the Trieste Customs Office to deny an identical petition. Also important are obligations to allies and corporate confidentiality. Those advocating for transparency point out that Law 185 stems from the idea that arms require more public oversight, not less, because they pertain to Article 11 and, in the case of free transfers, involve public funds. An annual total does not enable hostile actions, and data published in Livorno does not become dangerous simply because it is in Ravenna.
Secrecy has a legitimate place. The Constitutional Court has linked it to national security since Ruling 86/1977 and reaffirmed this in the Abu Omar case (106/2009). Secrecy becomes problematic when it loses its criteria: concrete evidence of harm, proportionality, a time limit, consistency among agencies, and oversight by a judge or Parliament. The argument of a “piecemeal world war” failed on all counts. It did not identify any harm, rejected the Regional Administrative Court’s (TAR) compromise solution, treated data from a past year as if it were an ongoing operation, and contradicted the Livorno ruling. If merely invoking a widespread conflict suffices, then that justification applies to any data and indefinitely: hybrid wars, as described in official documents themselves, have no declared beginning nor anticipated end.
That language has a specific origin: the Ministry of Defense’s non-paper from November 2025, according to which Italy is already embroiled in a hybrid conflict. Committees and unions believe that part of Ravenna’s cargo is destined for Haifa and Ashdod: the withheld data would make it possible to verify this.
The political paradox
The government states in Parliament that Italy is not at war; one of its agencies writes the same in court to conceal a figure. The case was successfully closed, but only thanks to a journalist willing to pursue the matter through two levels of appeal. Yet, even with the case closed, the gravity of what was stated remains.
If the state deems the international situation serious enough to restrict the right to information, that assessment cannot be confined to a customs office or a legal brief. The logic of Article 78 applies even on a small scale: whoever invokes the exception must answer for it before Parliament. All that is needed is the uniform publication of quantities for each port—as requested by the Ravenna Region and Municipality—their inclusion in the report on Law 185, and a review of the classifications by COPASIR, with predefined deadlines.
An emergency becomes permanent when no one declares it and no one revokes it. One question remains for Parliament: if the State considers itself to be at war, why does it not state so where the Constitution requires it to do so? And if it does not consider itself to be at war, by what authority does one of its bodies write as much?
Over 270 rioters were detained by Italian law enforcement officials Monday after the second day of "guerrilla war" unrest at the historic city of Milan, local outlets reported.
Five people have been arrested in Cyprus, Germany and Italy as part of a European investigation into an alleged €114 million VAT fraud operation involving the cross-border smartphone trade.
The European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) announced on 16th October that three suspects had been detained in Cyprus, one in Germany and one in Italy following an investigation coordinated by its Munich office.
Investigators believe the suspects established and controlled a network of companies designed to exploit the tax treatment of goods traded between EU member states.
The alleged operation involved smartphone transactions through businesses and so-called missing traders operating in Germany, Albania and Sweden. Prosecutors estimate that the activities caused VAT losses of approximately €80 million in Sweden and €34 million in Germany.
According to the official announcement of the arrests, the operation forms part of a wider investigation known as Midas, which is examining organised cross-border tax fraud.
Searches across several countries
The arrests were accompanied by searches and seizures in Cyprus, Greece and Italy, conducted with the assistance of national police, financial investigators and tax authorities.
Prosecutors said 12 searches had been carried out at premises connected with the suspects and companies under investigation.
Assets of up to €80,000 were frozen, while investigators also seized or took action against bank accounts, vehicles and property.
The operation involved cooperation between Germany’s tax authorities, Cyprus’s financial intelligence and cybercrime units, the Greek financial police and Italy’s Guardia di Finanza.
The suspects are believed to have played leading roles in organising and controlling the alleged scheme, although prosecutors have not publicly established their individual criminal responsibility.
The investigation remains subject to proceedings before the competent German courts. All suspects are presumed innocent unless proven guilty.
How the alleged fraud operated
The case concerns a form of tax evasion known as missing-trader intra-community fraud, commonly described as carousel VAT fraud.
Under the EU’s VAT system, qualifying business-to-business transactions involving goods transported between member states are generally exempt from VAT in the country of dispatch.
The purchaser accounts for VAT under the rules applicable in the destination country, while subsequent domestic sales normally involve VAT being charged to the buyer.
Fraudsters can exploit those arrangements by establishing companies that purchase goods through cross-border transactions before reselling them domestically.
A missing trader collects VAT from the purchaser but fails to remit it to the relevant tax authority. Other companies in the transaction chain may then seek deductions or refunds.
The same goods can pass through several businesses and, in some arrangements, move repeatedly between countries, allowing the fraud to be repeated.
Smartphones and electronic equipment are particularly attractive because they are relatively expensive, easily transported and can be traded in large volumes.
The complexity of the arrangements makes investigations difficult when businesses are established in several jurisdictions and transactions move rapidly between companies.
A wider European problem
The latest arrests follow another substantial VAT fraud operation announced earlier this month.
That operation, known as Hermes, involved searches across eight countries and allegations concerning the sale of mobile phones and other electronic devices.
Although separate from Midas, the investigation illustrates the scale and organisation of suspected VAT fraud involving internationally traded consumer electronics.
According to the EPPO‘s 2025 annual report, prosecutors were handling 3,602 active investigations at the end of last year, with estimated potential damage exceeding €67 billion.
Of that amount, more than €45 billion related to suspected VAT and customs fraud.
Those figures concern estimated losses under investigation, rather than sums established by final court judgments or amounts that have already been recovered.
Protecting European tax revenues
The financial consequences extend beyond the immediate losses attributed to individual schemes.
VAT is a major source of revenue for national governments and forms part of the system used to calculate certain contributions to the EU budget.
Fraudulent transactions can also distort competition by allowing dishonest operators to offer prices that legitimate businesses cannot match.
The Commission’s 2025 VAT gap report estimated that EU countries failed to collect approximately €128 billion in expected VAT revenue in 2023.
That broader figure includes losses arising from several causes, including administrative errors and insolvency, and cannot be attributed entirely to criminal fraud.
The latest arrests also demonstrate the importance of cross-border investigative cooperation when suspected financial offences involve companies, transactions and assets located in different countries.
In the Midas investigation, prosecutors must now establish the precise roles of the suspects, prove the alleged transactions and determine whether criminal proceedings can result in convictions and financial recovery.
The arrests represent another stage in the investigation, not a judicial finding that the alleged €114 million fraud has been proved.
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