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Móviles plegables: qué ganas, qué pierdes y cuánto duran de verdad

22 October 2026 at 04:30

La expectación ante la llegada del iPhone Duo, que se agotó en reservas online y tiene un plazo de entrega de tres meses, ha vuelto a poner en el centro de la actualidad tecnológica a este tipo de dispositivos. En realidad, la propuesta del primer smartphone plegable de Apple es muy similar a la que hemos visto durante los últimos años en fabricantes como Samsung, Huawei o Motorola: un teléfono que se abre para mostrar una pantalla enorme con la que es posible leer, ver vídeos, consultar documentos o trabajar con varias aplicaciones a la vez de forma más cómoda que con un terminal tradicional. Sin embargo, esa versatilidad tiene un precio, tanto económico como práctico. Las preguntas que muchos se hacen antes de tomar la decisión de adquirirlo son obvias: ¿Merece la pena pagar más por un móvil que se dobla? ¿Es tan delicado como puede parecer? ¿Puede sustituir realmente a una tablet?

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© Carlos Barria (REUTERS)

El presidente de Apple, John Ternus, presenta el iPhone Duo en Cupertino, California (Estados Unidos), el 9 de septiembre.

FCC product testing ban deepens US-China tech decoupling

12 October 2026 at 21:32

The US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is moving to bar every Chinese lab from testing electronics for the US market, a sector China dominates. And Chinese media and commentators say that Beijing, having already retaliated with three countermeasures, is ready to strike back again. The FCC said on October 7 that it will vote on […]

The post FCC product testing ban deepens US-China tech decoupling appeared first on Asia Times.

Quante influenze esterne in Ue. Chi sono e come difendersi

12 October 2026 at 14:26

Circa 700 think tank interagiscono con le istituzioni dell’Ue, un centinaio dei quali con sede a Bruxelles. Secondo un rapporto dell’Alto Commissariato per le Politiche Sociali (HCSP), organismo legato al governo francese, essi forniscono competenze, plasmano i dibattiti politici e fungono da canali di influenza, ma l’ecosistema sta diventando più fragile e conteso. I finanziamenti si concentrano tra governi stranieri, fondazioni e grandi aziende, mentre le fonti filantropiche tradizionali si indeboliscono. I fondi cinesi, ancora modesti, diventano visibili, compreso il sostegno della Missione cinese presso l’Ue e di aziende come Huawei e Shein. Il Qatargate avrebbe dovuto essere un campanello d’allarme. Ha invece rivelato un problema irrisolto: l’influenza straniera raramente si manifesta apertamente. Passa attraverso società di lobbying e consulenza, Ong, studi legali e gruppi di pressione, spesso in nome dei diritti umani, dell’ambiente o della lotta alla corruzione. Gran parte di ciò è legale: la domanda è se le istituzioni europee sappiano chi plasma le politiche, per chi e con chi.

In Germania nel 2021, il Meclemburgo-Pomerania Anteriore ha istituito la Stiftung Klima- und Umweltschutz MV: sulla carta una fondazione ambientalista, ma con un braccio commerciale che aiutava le aziende di Nord Stream 2 ad affrontare le minacce di sanzioni statunitensi, ricevendo circa 192 milioni di euro dalla Nord Stream 2 AG, controllata da Gazprom. Ma l’influenza passa soprattutto per canali discreti: accesso, reputazione, appoggio dei parlamentari, capacità di trasformare una controversia privata in causa pubblica.

La Fondazione polacco-belga per il dialogo aperto (Odf) opera in questo ambito: guidata dalla cittadina ucraina Lyudmyla Kozlovska, per anni si è impegnata in campagne a favore di imprenditori e politici provenienti da ex repubbliche sovietiche e ha lavorato anche sulla riforma dell’Interpol, sulle sanzioni in stile Magnitsky e sulle norme antiriciclaggio. Nulla di tutto ciò è di per sé scorretto. Le organizzazioni della società civile hanno il diritto di interagire con le istituzioni europee. Ciò che è meno chiaro è se Bruxelles disponga delle garanzie necessarie per distinguere l’attività di lobbying indipendente dalle campagne legate a più ampi conflitti finanziari o geopolitici. Questo è importante perché un’udienza, una lettera di eurodeputati o un incontro a Strasburgo hanno un peso all’estero. Per una figura dell’opposizione o un imprenditore che rischia un processo nel proprio paese, il sostegno politico europeo conferisce legittimità. Il governo che lo perseguita può altrettanto facilmente presentare lo stesso intervento come un’ingerenza straniera. Le istituzioni europee possono finire per essere parte in queste controversie senza volerlo.

Il caso di Mukhtar Ablyazov dimostra come funziona questo meccanismo. Le autorità kazake accusano l’ex presidente di BTA Bank di appropriazione indebita di diversi miliardi di dollari e di coinvolgimento in gravi reati. Lui e i suoi sostenitori affermano che i casi sono politicamente motivati e derivano dalla sua opposizione al governo kazako. Un contenzioso nel Regno Unito ha prodotto sentenze contro Ablyazov per miliardi di dollari, oltre a conclusioni secondo cui aveva violato diversi ordini del tribunale. Nel 2012, la giustizia britannica lo ha condannato alla detenzione in contumacia. La vicenda è diventata politicamente esplosiva in Italia nel 2013, quando sua moglie, Alma Shalabayeva, è stata arrestata ed espulsa. Successivamente, delegazioni parlamentari italiane si sono recate in Kazakistan e i politici europei si sono maggiormente interessati alle questioni relative ai prigionieri politici e alle figure dell’opposizione presenti nel Paese. A distanza di oltre dieci anni, il caso è ancora pendente presso i tribunali italiani.

Ablyazov ha inoltre ottenuto sostegno politico in Europa. Secondo i dati dell’Odf, diverse personalità italiane lo hanno appoggiato pubblicamente. Nel 2015 Brando Benifei è stato uno dei 18 eurodeputati del Pse che hanno firmato una lettera in cui si esortava la Francia a proteggere Ablyazov dall’estradizione. Nel 2019 il Times ha riferito che oltre 1,5 milioni di sterline sarebbero transitati attraverso società di comodo scozzesi prima di raggiungere conti collegati all’ODF. Il quotidiano ha affermato che il denaro era collegato ad attività di lobbying riguardanti Ablyazov e l’imprenditore moldavo Veaceslav Platon. L’Odf ha respinto le accuse. Platon sta attualmente contestando l’estradizione dal Regno Unito alla Moldova, dove i procuratori lo accusano di reati collegati al “russian laundromat”, uno schema attraverso il quale sarebbero stati trasferiti fuori dalla Russia circa 22 miliardi di dollari. Lo schema ricorda molto da vicino il caso Ablyazov.

Le norme sulla trasparenza possono consentire a organizzazioni come Odf, che rappresentano interessi non commerciali, di dichiarare il proprio bilancio complessivo e ampie categorie di finanziamento senza indicare ogni donatore rilevante. Il pubblico può sapere chi svolge attività di lobbying ma senza sapere chi la finanzia.

US-China race is on for the Gulf’s AI future

12 October 2026 at 04:58

China’s artificial intelligence and digital-infrastructure investments in the Gulf Arab states are increasingly colliding with a far larger and more strategically privileged American technology presence, particularly in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While Beijing offers Gulf governments cloud platforms, 5G networks, smart-city systems, surveillance technologies and lower-cost digital infrastructure, Washington offers the […]

The post US-China race is on for the Gulf’s AI future appeared first on Asia Times.

Qualcomm, Huawei reach patent accord

5 October 2026 at 12:17

Qualcomm reached a second patent licensing deal in just under a fortnight through an agreement with Huawei which involves acquiring some of the Chinese vendor’s US-registered technologies.

The arrangement covers Huawei technologies involving compute, AI, networking and others. The same trio plus 5G are part of the overall patent cross-licensing deal.

Executives from each company praised the other’s portfolio and willingness to work together under fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory terms.

Huawei chief IP officer Alan Fan said the licensing arrangement is testament to each company’s role in the global technology landscape.

Qualcomm’s “contributions to modern communication technologies” are “foundational”, he said.

For Qualcomm EVP and GM of its Technology Licensing unit John Han, the deal is validation of its work on 5G and a dedicated permit process for standards essential patents.

Han credited Huawei’s “continued innovation” and IP portfolio “in 5G and other technology fields”.

The agreement comes barely a fortnight after Qualcomm arranged continuity in a global licensing deal with Apple, which is scheduled to renew on 1 April 2027.

The post Qualcomm, Huawei reach patent accord appeared first on Mobile World Live.

Amenaza de EE.UU a empresarios argentines

By: A A
3 October 2026 at 16:58

La Embajada de los Estados Unidos en Argentina envió una advertencia a la Cooperativa CALF, principal distribuidora de energía eléctrica de la Patagonia: amenazó con la revocación o denegación de las visas de ingreso a EE. UU. a un total de 18 directivos de la entidad (16 integrantes del consejo de administración y dos síndicos).

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El mensaje de la diplomacia norteamericana busca interrumpir las negociaciones entre la cooperativa neuquina y la tecnológica china Huawei para construir un data center regional con equipamiento de esa firma.

Según trascendió, la intromisión de Washington responde a cuestiones de seguridad nacional y geoestrategia, debido a que la administración de Donald Trump considera a Huawei una amenaza ligada al Partido Comunista y al Ejército del gigante asiático, susceptible de ser utilizada para espionaje. A esto se le agrega la proximidad a Vaca Muerta. Temen que la posibilidad del crecimiento de la infraestructura tecnológica china impacte sobre el yacimiento, donde operan inversores estadounidenses como Chevron y Continental Resources…

Publicado originalmente por  Pagina12

Huawei spotlights homegrown chips in Mate 90 launch

2 October 2026 at 09:17

Huawei unveiled its Mate 90 smartphone series with a spotlight on its latest in-house chip architecture, amid continued US curbs on advanced semiconductor shipments.

The Mate 90 range comprises four models running on Huawei’s HarmonyOS 7, which the company said supports more than 450,000 apps and services. Pricing starts at CNY5,999 ($895) for the base Mate 90, with the top end Mate 90 RS Ultimate Design reaching CNY12,999.

The premium models use Huawei’s Kirin 9050 Pro chipset, which the vendor claimed delivers a 31% performance boost compared with the previous generation. The chip also integrates Huawei’s LogicFolding technology, which restructures chip wiring vertically to enable denser processing, shorter critical paths and reduced latency.

Price hikes
In a briefing, Huawei executive director and consumer business chief Richard Yu explained the Chinese vendor developed the technology in response to restrictions on advanced semiconductor manufacturing.

“Our LogicFolding technology is just an approach we adopt to improve our capabilities when our access to certain technology is restricted,” he said.

“Currently, the production capacity for advanced semiconductors in China is indeed limited,” Yu noted, adding semiconductor and smartphone production capacity “remains tight” due to the “sharp price increase for memory components over the past two years”.

To that end, he revealed component price hikes had added more than $200 to the cost of each handset, while Huawei’s margins were coming under pressure. “Moving forward, we will have to increase our prices, too,” he concluded.

The post Huawei spotlights homegrown chips in Mate 90 launch appeared first on Mobile World Live.

DeepSeek, Huawei team on AI chip software

30 September 2026 at 15:23

AI start-up DeepSeek partnered with Huawei to launch an open-source programming software toolkit optimised for the vendor’s Ascend chips, as the Chinese companies up efforts to expand the AI market beyond Nvidia’s technology.

DeepSeek stated on its WeChat account the toolkit is free to download and includes the TileLang platform, which can be compared to Nvidia’s Cuda that is widely considered as a global standard for developing AI models.

The Chinese AI company explained TileLang is “simpler to programme, significantly improving development efficiency and simplifying code logic”.

It added the open-source programming includes compute and communication libraries.

DeepSeek stated it worked with Huawei on its Ascend 950 chips and praised the vendor for providing “unwavering and strong support” during R&D.

“To do a good job, one must first have the right tools,” DeepSeek stated, arguing the first step to building an independent, GPU software ecosystem is to establish an easy-to-programme high-level language which “can simultaneously reach the hardware performance limits”.

Bloomberg reported earlier this month DeepSeek plans to deploy at least 160,000 Huawei AI accelerators at a new data centre in Inner Mongolia.

The post DeepSeek, Huawei team on AI chip software appeared first on Mobile World Live.

EU Governments Seek More Time to Remove High-Risk Chinese Telecom Equipment

29 September 2026 at 21:13

European Union governments are seeking greater flexibility over plans to remove equipment supplied by companies considered a security risk from Europe’s telecommunications networks, potentially extending the timetable for replacing Chinese technology already embedded in 5G infrastructure.

A Council draft dated 22 September removes the fixed 36-month phase-out period proposed by the European Commission, according to a document reported on 29 September. Instead, member states want the timetable to take account of the level of identified risk, product and infrastructure lifecycles, normal equipment replacement cycles, interoperability requirements and the availability of suitable alternatives.

The change would not abandon the EU’s attempt to reduce reliance on suppliers considered high risk. It would, however, remove a uniform deadline and give considerably more weight to the practical and financial consequences of replacing equipment already installed across European networks.

The Commission proposed a revision of the EU Cybersecurity Act on 20 January, seeking to establish a common European framework for addressing security risks in information and communications technology supply chains rather than relying principally on separate national measures.

For mobile telecommunications, the practical effect would fall particularly heavily on Chinese suppliers Huawei and ZTE. Under the Commission’s proposal, mobile operators would have three years to remove equipment from suppliers formally classified as high risk.

As EU Today reported when the proposal was unveiled, the measure represented a significant shift from the EU’s existing 5G security framework. Restrictions on Huawei and ZTE have previously depended heavily on decisions taken by individual member states, producing markedly different timetables across the Union.

Operators put replacement cost at €40bn

The pressure to change the timetable follows warnings from Europe’s largest telecommunications groups over the cost of removing existing equipment.

Seventeen industry executives, including senior figures from Deutsche Telekom, Orange and Telefónica, warned earlier this month that replacing equipment affected by the proposed restrictions could cost the sector as much as €40 billion.

The operators argued that such expenditure would draw investment away from fibre networks, further 5G deployment and preparations for 6G. The issue is particularly significant in Germany, Italy and Spain, where Huawei equipment remains extensively used in parts of existing telecommunications infrastructure.

Replacing one supplier’s equipment is not simply a matter of purchasing alternative hardware. Mobile networks contain generations of interconnected equipment installed over many years, while operators must continue providing services during any transition.

The Council’s proposed approach would allow these factors to influence how quickly individual components are removed. Equipment judged to present an immediate or particularly serious risk could face a shorter deadline, while other infrastructure could potentially remain in operation until a scheduled replacement becomes technically and economically practical.

From Huawei to wider supply-chain security

The dispute is broader than Huawei or mobile networks.

The revised Cybersecurity Act is intended to establish an EU-wide framework for dealing with dependence on third-country suppliers across critical ICT infrastructure. The Commission says the legislation would introduce a harmonised and risk-based approach to supply-chain security, including risks associated with foreign interference.

In February, the EU also introduced an ICT Supply Chain Security Toolbox, setting out measures for identifying and mitigating risks associated with critical suppliers. These include multi-vendor strategies and measures intended to reduce dependence on suppliers considered high risk.

The Commission’s January proposal goes considerably further. It covers a range of critical sectors beyond telecommunications, including connected vehicles, electricity infrastructure, water systems, drones, cloud services, medical devices, surveillance technology, space services and semiconductors.

Under the proposed system, restrictions would follow a formal risk assessment initiated by the Commission or at least three member states, accompanied by market and impact assessments.

Huawei has consistently rejected claims that its equipment represents a security threat and has opposed measures that it argues discriminate against suppliers on the basis of their country of origin.

The Commission has taken a different position. Its approach to the security of Europe’s ICT supply chains is increasingly focused not only on technical vulnerabilities but also on strategic dependence on suppliers from third countries.

Deadline now part of negotiations

The Council changes are not final. Member states must agree their negotiating position, while the revised Cybersecurity Act will ultimately require agreement with the European Parliament before becoming law.

The emerging position nevertheless points towards a significant change from the Commission’s original model.

Rather than requiring mobile operators across the EU to remove high-risk equipment within the same 36-month period, governments want deadlines to reflect the risk associated with particular equipment, its remaining operational lifetime and whether suitable replacements are available.

That could leave the EU with the same strategic objective — reducing dependence on suppliers considered a security risk — but a considerably longer and more differentiated timetable for achieving it.

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