At least 10,561 gang members have been convicted by Salvadoran courts over the past four years since the start of the crackdown on gangs began in 2022, Attorney General Rodolfo Delgado detailed on Tuesday.

The post El Salvador Logs over 10,500 Gang Member Convictions Since 2022 appeared first on Breitbart.

The Donald Trump administration has done with Ukrainians and Sudanese this week what it did last month with Salvadorans: it has not terminated Temporary Protected Status (TPS), but it has not renewed it either. The program that provides legal immigration status to 101,000 Ukrainians and 1,800 Sudanese citizens was set to expire on Monday, but the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has declined to comment, which for now leaves them protected from deportation.

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Honduras’ conservative-majority Congress approved a motion to seek funding for a new maximum-security prison modeled on El Salvador’s Cecot, aiming to confront a surge of violence that has left more than 1,000 people dead in just over ten months.

According to reports from the National Penitentiary Institute, the plan is to concentrate all inmates belonging to the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18 gangs in a single module, as El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele has done.

The proposal would rely on borrowing to finance the construction, and it follows a visit by a congressional delegation to El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center (Cecot), which has been criticized for human rights violations, masss incarceration and the detention of thousands of people who were jailed without proven links to gangs.

RELATED: Honduras Approves Sweeping Anti-Gang, Prison Security Law

“The approval of the motion to build a new maximum-security prison is part of the measures to strengthen prison security and confront crime firmly,” Congress President Tomás Zambrano said on social media. He added that the aim is not to carry out an identical replica but to “identify those successful models” and build a system adapted to local reality.

The motion will allow the government to identify resources for building a new maximum security prison, while the Ministry of Finance announced that it will begin studies to quantify the work, but it does not mean that the construction budget has already been set or that work has begun. For now, the process focuses on quantifying investment, identifying potential sources of financing, and determining the terrain where the establishment will be built.

Text reads: “Prision funds in Honduras: The National Congress approved managing resources to plan a new maximum security prison. Institutions will assess costs, land and financing options such as international bonds or loans.”

The project is considered in the context of measures approved in September to tighten detention conditions for individuals identified by the Honduran state as members of terrorist groups. The reforms include a special regime of maximum security, restrictions on communication and visits, enhanced surveillance and other prison control measures.

Debt and Doubts Loom

The proposal relies on public debt to finance the infrastructure. That choice has drawn concern, as has the logistical question of transplanting a model from El Salvador, a country whose territory is comparable to a single Honduran department, into a nation of more than 10 million people with far more complex territorial dynamics.

The motion had the support of the Freedom and Refoundation party (LIBRE), whose lawmakers nevertheless accused the National Party of applying a double standard. They recalled that Congress rejected a similar proposal from former President Xiomara Castro (2022-2026) to build a maximum-security prison far from urban areas, citing environmental impact and possible human rights violations.

Honduras reduced its homicide rate between 2024 and 2025, but extortion, drug trafficking, assaults and territorial control by organized bands persist. More than 25 massacres, roughly 240 femicides and over 1,000 violent deaths were recorded during the current administration of the right-wing President Nasry Asfura.

Text reads: “They used to reject the maximum security prison and now sell it as a solution! The deputy
@SergioC11938796 pointed out the contradiction of the National Party: it opposed the penal in Cisne Islands and now promotes another one in Santa Bárbara, also warned that building more prisons does not guarantee to solve the insecurity in Honduras.”

The final location will depend on the technical judgment of the National Penitentiary Institute and defense institutions. To define the technical and financial route, the legislature’s leadership convened a working group bringing together party heads, legislative commissions, the Security and Finance secretariats, the National Police, the Armed Forces and the National Agency against Organized Crime.

Now, with the motion passed, the next steps consist of quantifying the investment, defining the terrain, establishing the sources of financing and specifying the technical conditions for building and operating the prison.

Deadly Haitian gangs over the weekend ambushed members of an international security force deployed in Haiti, kidnapping four Salvadoran Air Force members, authorities confirmed Monday.

The post Haiti Gangs Ambush Foreign Troops, Kidnap Four Salvadoran Air Force Members appeared first on Breitbart.

Celia Salmerón had never voted for a Republican candidate. Not until 2024. Then, in the presidential election, she became one of many Latino voters who believed Donald Trump when he promised at every rally that he would deport all criminals and improve the economy. Two years after giving him her support, Salmerón — like so many other Hispanic voters — regrets her decision and says she will vote for the Democratic Party in the midterm elections on November 3. “For everything he’s doing to poor people, for separating parents from their children,” she says as she inserts hair extensions.

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In late August, President Donald Trump's administration carried out its first deportation flight to Haiti since the Supreme Court allowed it to end temporary protected status (TPS) for the embattled country in June. "There are no extraordinary and temporary conditions in Haiti that prevent Haitian nationals…from returning in safety," the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) claimed in its TPS revocation, describing a country the State Department warns Americans not to visit "for any reason."

The Trump administration has eroded America's humanitarian avenues, including TPS, which shields migrants from deportation. As a result, many noncitizens may become undocumented and could be forced to return to unsafe places.

The DHS secretary may grant TPS for countries facing armed conflicts, natural disasters, or other disruptive events. TPS designations last anywhere from six to 18 months and may be extended. The government has designated 29 countries for TPS since Congress established the status in 1990, offering protection to Salvadorans fleeing a 12-year civil war, Haitians fleeing the 2010 earthquake, and millions of others. The Biden administration repeatedly made and extended TPS designations, but the Trump administration has been working to terminate them.

There were 1.3 million people living in the U.S. under TPS in March 2025, according to the Pew Research Center. By August 2026, the Trump administration had ended TPS for 13 countries, leaving 1 million people without its protections. Once someone loses TPS, he reverts to his previous immigration status, which is often undocumented. Over 600,000 Venezuelans, 330,000 Haitians, 170,000 Salvadorans, and 100,000 Ukrainians had TPS protections as of March 2025, according to the Congressional Research Service.

Critics often point out that TPS isn't really "temporary." That's frequently true: Although some designations have been brief, others have been decades-long. Designations for Haiti, Syria, Honduras, Nepal, Somalia, and El Salvador have all lasted at least 14 years, according to the Migration Policy Institute (MPI).

This says more about the U.S. immigration system and presidential power than it does about TPS. "In the absence of Congress acting to legalize what has become a long-settled unauthorized immigrant population, Republican and Democratic administrations, lawmakers, immigrants, and foreign governments had come to tacitly rely on TPS despite its nominally temporary nature," notes the MPI. Immigration policy is increasingly subject to presidential whims, and due to lengthy processing times and narrow qualifications, more durable immigration pathways such as asylum and refugee status are often inaccessible to eventual TPS beneficiaries. An immigrant-friendly president may use TPS designations to temporarily shield noncitizen populations, but an anti-immigrant successor can also revoke those protections. In either scenario, a TPS holder faces uncertainty.

In a rare bipartisan immigration effort last February, Reps. Laura Gillen (D–N.Y.) and Mike Lawler (R–N.Y.) introduced a bill to extend TPS for Haiti for three years. It passed the House this April and has been languishing in the Senate since. Its future, too, is uncertain.

The post Trump Slashing Deportation Protections Shows Why Temporary Status Shouldn't Depend on Who's President appeared first on Reason Magazine.

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele announced on October 13 his intention to release nearly 50% of the prisoners accused of collaborating with gangs in the country. According to the president, the measure would involve early release, albeit conditional.

“We have a plan that would benefit roughly 50% (give or take) of the prisoners in El Salvador who have collaborated with gangs … In other words, early release – meaning they are guilty but are released conditionally. Released under supervision,” Bukele told the press.

In this regard, he said that his government would evaluate the situation of each detainee to keep the country free from the structural violence that has plagued it for decades: “Considering that we come from a country where violence was part of everyday life and gangs were the real government, the real dictatorship. These people lived under that yoke, but it is not the same to be among those who enforced it as it is to simply survive that reality.”

If we take into account the figure provided by the authorities (according to which nearly 100,000 people are currently detained on various charges) this could mean the release of tens of thousands of people.

Domestic criticism of El Salvador’s mass incarceration

Before Bukele took office, El Salvador was in the throes of a severe crisis of insecurity and violence. His administration imposed a perpetual state of emergency that began in 2022 and has led to the imprisonment of thousands of Salvadorans accused of belonging to gangs (or “maras”) that controlled large swaths of the Central American country.

And while the pacification of the streets has been celebrated by a significant portion of the population, the harsh actions of the government and its police and military forces have drawn criticism from various human rights organizations, which have accused the government of excessive use of force, mistreatment of prisoners, and the unjust detention of individuals who do not belong to gangs.

Read more: CECOT: Bukele’s mega prison where “the only way out is in a coffin”

Another criticism has been leveled at the practice of mass trials, which charge and convict a large number of people at the same time. Rights groups say this has led to countless errors in the treatment of individual defendants. Added to this are allegations of arbitrary detentions, crimes against humanity, and disappearances.

International outrage at 252 Venezuelans detained in El Salvador

The prison system implemented by Bukele in El Salvador has also faced international criticism. The Central American country became a focal point of controversy when hundreds of people deported from the United States were detained in the Salvadoran prison system, which drew widespread criticism of the Bukele government.

Bukele, however, had defended the decision and reaffirmed his alliance with the Donald Trump administration and his participation in the Washington-led geopolitical and military initiative known as Shield of the Americas.

Read more: Maduro gov’t negotiates return of 252 Venezuelans detained by US in El Salvador

The news of the possible release of tens of thousands of detainees sparked even more intrigue, considering that Bukele’s announcement came immediately after his conversation with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in which they discussed combating “malign foreign influence.” However, it remains unclear how the two issues are linked, according to El País.

Digital surveillance and data leaks may seem far removed from everyday life, but they are becoming increasingly common. In Venezuela, for example, authorities blocked messaging apps and social media platforms including Signal, X, TikTok and Telegram, as well as YouTube, VPN services and websites. In Nicaragua, independent media outlets had their domains blocked. In Paraguay, a leak from the electoral authorities exposed the data of nearly seven million people. And in Argentina, more than 665,000 medical records were put up for sale.

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A federal appeals court will examine Tuesday whether a federal judge can proceed with a criminal contempt investigation into the Trump administration related to the deportation of Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador in March 2025.

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There are two diametrically opposed portrayals of David Eduardo Mejía Martínez: U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) presents him as a “criminal” and a member of the notorious Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang who, because he poses a danger to the community, should be deported to El Salvador. A federal judge, by contrast, describes him as an exemplary migrant: with no tattoos and no criminal record, in steady employment, and who has filed taxes since arriving in the United States in 2014. The judge also said he is the father of two children who are U.S. citizens and the main provider for his family.

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A anedota foi contada pelo jornalista Carlos Dada, fundador do site El Faro, de El Salvador, durante o festival Piauí.

Ele estava em um debate na Europa explicando como funciona a política de segurança pública do presidente de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, quando foi interpelado por um empresário brasileiro, que lhe disse: “precisamos de um Bukele no Brasil”. 

Dada, que conhece o Brasil e fala português, pediu mais explicações. “Qual é o problema que enfrentamos na segurança pública?” O interlocutor explicou que as favelas aqui, assim como as comunidades pobres em El Salvador, são dominadas por organizações criminosas. O jornalista respondeu: “Então é fácil resolver o problema. Basta lançar bombas nas favelas”. Surpreso, o brasileiro retrucou: “Mas não podemos fazer isso”. “E por quê?”, perguntou Dada. “Porque iríamos matar gente inocente”.

“Pronto, então você já entendeu o que é o modelo Bukele”.

Carlos Dada é meu amigo desde a fundação da Agência Pública, e é uma das pessoas que conhece mais profundamente o que significa na prática o tal “modelo Bukele” defendido por vários candidatos da direita. À frente do El Faro, primeiro site jornalístico do continente e um dos mais premiados, ele viu o número de encarceramentos do país se tornar o maior do mundo em apenas alguns anos, relativamente à população. 

Hoje, 1 em cada 50 salvadorenhos estão na prisão, ou 120 mil dentre 6 milhões de cidadãos. Se transportado para o Brasil, isso significaria mais de 4 milhões de brasileiros na cadeia. Atualmente temos mais de 960 mil presos, terceira maior população carcerária do mundo. 

O “modelo Bukele” é defendido por empresários como aqueles da cúpula da Fiesp que, em 31 de agosto, fez um evento com candidatos da direita, entre eles o ex-juiz Sérgio Moro, candidato ao governo do Paraná pelo PL e o candidato a Senador por SP, Guilherme Derrite (PP) para ouvirem o ministro de Segurança Pública de El Salvador, Gustavo Villatoro. O presidente da Fiesp, Paulo Skaf, disse na ocasião: “O que precisamos como sociedade é dar o apoio que for necessário para que um novo governo possa fazer as transformações que o Brasil necessita e para que as pessoas possam sentir segurança” – reforçando sua torcida por um “novo governo”.

O que o empresariado de São Paulo não sabe é que o “sucesso” da redução imediata da criminalidade pelo governo Bukele não se deveu a um plano milagroso, mas a um acordo com os líderes das organizações criminosas mais conhecidas, como a Mara Salvatrucha. Quem descobriu detalhes destes acordos foi Carlos Dada e sua equipe.

“O acordo incluiu a libertação ilegal e em segredo de alguns chefões que já estavam presos. Implicou também o alívio de medidas em cadeias de segurança máxima. Seus parentes sim podiam visitá-los, eles tinham mais horas livres, tinham muitas saídas a hospitais onde se reuniam com seu pessoal”, explica. Do lado dos criminosos, a promessa era baixar o número de homicídios e garantir o voto a Bukele em suas comunidades. 

A equipe do El Faro recebeu vazamentos de documentos mostrando como as “saidinhas” de chefões se tornaram muito mais frequentes, assim como as visitas. E eles obtiveram áudios nos quais um ministro de Bukele pessoalmente confessa ter tirado o chefão chamado Crook da cadeia e o levado em seu carro até a Guatemala. A viagem foi confirmada por um registro insuspeito: durante todo o trajeto a namorada do criminoso tirou fotos e postou no seu Instagram, tentando esconder o namorado. “Mas apareciam os braços e as tatuagens dele”, explica Dada. 

A coisa ficou ainda mais escancarada, explica Dada, quando alguns destes líderes foram presos no México e extraditados para os Estados Unidos. Dada e seus colegas conseguiram comprovar que a própria justiça americana beneficiou estes criminosos – a pedido do governo Trump. 

“Os criminosos estavam para ser julgados nos EUA, e alguns assinaram acordos como testemunhas protegidas e revelaram este pacto com Bukele. Dá um Fast Forward. Trump ganha a presidência nos Estados Unidos, Bukele lhe oferece a megacadeia para imigrantes e os dois viram os melhores amigos do mundo”, continua. 

Logo nas primeiras levas de imigrantes venezuelanos enviados para El Salvador, os jornalistas do El Faro perceberam um detento que não era venezuelano. 

“Você se lembra daquele famoso vídeo em que o avião desce, recebem em San Salvador os venezuelanos, cortam o cabelo deles, e os levam algemados? Todos nós vimos esse vídeo no mundo todo, mas nós vimos uma coisa a mais: entre esses venezuelanos vinha um sujeito que não era venezuelano, que conhecemos pelas tatuagens. Era um dos doze capturados da Mara Salvatrucha”. 

Ao analisar os documentos, descobriram que o procurador-geral da Justiça, o que equivale a nosso Ministro da Justiça, pediu ao juiz federal para suspender as acusações contra o criminoso, argumentando interesses de política exterior.

“É incrível o que aconteceu, Natalia!” 

Por conta destas revelações, Dada e os jornalistas do El Faro passaram a ser perseguidos pelo governo Bukele. Primeiro foi espionagem: invadiram os celulares de todos com o software israelense Pegasus, enviaram drones às suas casas, mantiveram agentes de inteligência na porta das suas casas. Depois vieram as ameaças anônimas, ameaças de morte, ameaças de carro-bomba. Depois Bukele os acusou em cadeia nacional de lavagem de dinheiro. Fizeram auditorias por evasão de impostos. Depois, começaram a embargar propriedades dos sócios. Em um determinado momento, eles foram avisados que não deveriam retornar ao país. Seriam presos.

Hoje, toda a redação está fora do país. E no total, 50 jornalistas já deixaram El Salvador.

Tudo isso é fruto do “modelo Bukele”, que decretou um estado de exceção que já foi renovado mais de cinquenta vezes, dando poder total ao presidente sobre todas as forças de segurança. Através dele, qualquer policial tem o direito de prender qualquer pessoa sem nenhuma ordem judicial, e esta pessoa vai imediatamente para uma das prisões do país. 

Não existe mais direito à defesa.

“Se Bukele controla o Poder Legislativo, o Poder Judiciário, o Poder Executivo, a Procuradoria-Geral da República, a Procuradoria de Direitos Humanos, a Polícia e o Exército, e os controla por cima da lei, na prática é Bukele quem decide quem é criminoso e quem não é criminoso”, resume Dada.

Ao longo de mais de uma hora de conversa, Dada me explicou outros aspectos do tal “modelo Bukele” que são de embrulhar o estômago, como a morte de mais de 400 pessoas por tortura nas prisões – morreram por espancamento – e as audiências de custódia, que agora são realizadas de forma massiva, com 100 ou 200 presos sendo avaliados de uma só vez por um juiz.

Há histórias apavorantes. Um homem foi preso apenas porque ficou nervoso quando abordado pela polícia; em uma cidadezinha, uma cooperativa de taxistas foi denunciada pela cooperativa rival. Foi todo mundo encarcerado como se fossem criminosos.

Por tudo isso, Dada ficou muito surpreso com o evento da Fiesp, que fez questão de assistir por inteiro pelo YouTube. Ele, que é admirador do Brasil e acompanha de perto nossa política, disse que “me pareceu muito preocupante que depois que um ministro faz uma apresentação na qual não mostra o modelo Bukele, mas o que eles querem vender”, o discurso tenha sido tão aplaudido.

“É uma face construída por uma eficiente equipe de propaganda que é o que chamam de ‘modelo Bukele’. E o ministro apresentou seu modelo Bukele em termos bíblicos, como uma luta entre o bem e o mal, literalmente disse: entre os seres de luz e as criaturas da escuridão”.

Dada estranhou os aplausos efusivos de uma plateia qualificada como aquela. “O que eu creio que isso deveria fazer é deixar todo mundo de orelha em pé”.

Among so many faces, Roberto Mosquera remembered one in particular the day he arrived in Eswatini, a small country tucked away in southern Africa. He kept seeing that face over the following 14 months, which passed slowly and unbearably in the compressed world between the white and gray walls of the maximum-security cell at Matsapha prison. The man is serious, tall, dark-skinned and wears round glasses. His name is Jabulani Kunene and he is the prison official in charge. For more than a year, Mosquera has asked him the same question every time he passes by: “How long are you going to keep me locked up here?” Kunene has always given him the same answer: “I don’t know, Roberto, I don’t know.”

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