Here's a breakdown of the Netflix rom-com's biggest moments in its third season. Spoilers ahead...

Welcome back, Deadline: Legal newsletter readers. Supreme Court justices were off the bench this week because they’re in between their October and November hearing sessions. But they still made plenty of news, in both their written work and public comments.

They started by adding two potent cases to a docket that is growing this term in both size and importance. Following last week’s agreement to review a discovery dispute over Elon Musk’s purported government efficiency effort, on Monday the court added two more appeals: on race in middle school admissions and congressional authority to ban home distilling. The court will keep adding cases throughout the year, with all the rulings in argued cases typically coming by July.

Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Neil Gorsuch were together again, speaking out for the second week in a row about a case the court refused to hear. Last week, Gorsuch joined Sotomayor to lament what they saw as unjust prosecution. This week, the Trump appointee joined the Obama appointee to critique what they saw as constitutional problems with car seizures in Chicago. It’s not new for this duo to team up in a certain type of case that lends itself to bipartisan agreement, but they have been ramping up that agreement so far this term.

Sotomayor’s statement appeared on the order list, which, as regular readers know, is an important document that announces the latest actions on pending petitions. That’s where we learned about the two new cases that the court took up and the (much longer) list of cases the court rejected. It takes four justices on the nine-member bench to grant review, and the court denies most petitions.

But Sotomayor’s statement reminds us that the justices occasionally offer their thoughts even when, as here, they agree with the denial but still find it important to highlight broader issues. These writings help us understand the justices’ priorities and what new cases the court might take up in the future.

Another sort of signal came from Justice Samuel Alito, who didn’t explain himself but noted that he wanted to review one of the petitions the court denied on the list. The failed petition came from Missouri officials who wanted the court to revive a rule that registered sex offenders must put signs on their doors for Halloween that read, “No candy or treats at this residence.” An appeals court said the rule wrongly compelled speech under the First Amendment. Although Alito merely noted, without explanation, his difference of opinion, the vote fits with his overall approach, because he generally backs law enforcement and has split from his colleagues in other First Amendment disputes.

Alito had company later in the week when the court rejected the Trump administration’s request to immediately enforce its preferred policy on gender-affirming care in prison. The justices did not explain the rare (albeit temporary) win for transgender people at a court that has ruled against them in a series of other cases. But whatever the justices were thinking, we know it wasn’t unanimous, because Alito and Justice Clarence Thomas both indicated (also without explanation) that they wanted to grant the government’s request.

Justice Elena Kagan made news outside her written work, with an appearance at a law school in Washington, D.C., the sort of speaking engagement that the justices will do from time to time. Kagan, who was dean of Harvard Law School before she became a justice, gave her GOP-appointed colleagues a failing grade when it comes to democracy. Reprising impassioned criticisms of rulings on voting and campaign finance that she has made in dissenting opinions, the Obama appointee said the court “has kind of blinded itself to the very deleterious effect of their rulings on how the political system works and has created a democracy that does not work as well as it should.”

Kagan apparently agreed with her colleagues this week in an election case, when the Supreme Court granted a Republican-backed request from New Hampshire to block the use of student IDs for voting in the midterms. In a brief unsigned order, the high court chided a lower court judge for, as the justices saw it, improperly interfering with state rules right before an election. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson was the only one to publish a dissent, in which she contended the judge was justified in trying to protect voting rights.

The justices are still off the bench for another week, as they are set to return to the courtroom in November to hear the next batch of regularly scheduled arguments. But as Election Day approaches on Nov. 3, they will continue to field unscheduled emergency applications on voting and whatever else comes their way.

Subscribe to the Deadline: Legal newsletter for expert analysis on the top legal stories of the week, including updates from the Supreme Court and developments in the Trump administration’s legal cases.

The post SCOTUS Week in Review: Back to school, home spirits and a rare decision appeared first on MS NOW.

A Malta-flagged tanker carrying Russian diesel is heading for New York after the fuel deal between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Reuters reported in an exclusive on 23 October, citing LSEG shipping data. Two weeks earlier, the US Treasury temporarily waived sanctions on Russian diesel.

The tanker is due in the US on 7 November, four days after Americans vote in the midterms. So the first US-bound cargo cannot reach American pumps before the election. Energy analysts also doubt the deal will lower diesel prices meaningfully. US fuel prices rose mainly because the war with Iran disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump, however, has blamed Ukraine’s strikes on Russian refineries.

Loaded on the day Moscow promised

The medium-sized tanker Agioi Fanendes took on 40,000 metric tons of ultra-low sulfur diesel at the Baltic port of Primorsk on 22 October, shipping data showed. In March, Ukraine’s General Staff said its drones hit the Transneft oil terminal at that same port.

A day before the loading, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak announced that the first tanker would sail for the US on 22 October. He pledged more shipments and said Russia would meet US needs within its capabilities.

From a pledge to a partial lift

On 9 October, Trump wrote that Russia would immediately supply over 300,000 tons of diesel “to the American and Global Marketplace.” Another 500,000 tons would follow in November, then 1 million tons “immediately thereafter.”

Moscow had banned diesel exports on 8 July, after Ukrainian drone strikes shut down refineries and caused fuel shortages inside Russia. The Russian government stated on 10 October that it had partially lifted the ban, clearing 500,000 tons for the world market at this stage. Russian diesel shipments to Türkiye and Brazil have since resumed, boosting Moscow’s war revenue.

Trump has made other moves to cut diesel prices before the vote, Reuters reported. He waived parts of a new sanctions law against Russia. He also threatened Europe with a US diesel export ban unless countries released more fuel from their emergency reserves.

La préfecture de l'Ariège a interdit les rassemblements ce samedi 24 octobre 2026 dans les centres-villes de Foix, Pamiers, Lavelanet et Saint-Girons, de 6 heures à 23 h 59. Cette décision fait suite aux violences du...

MS NOW’s Michael Steele slammed Donald Trump’s “11th-hour move” ahead of the midterm election, as the Department of Justice sued Alaska, seeking to delay certification of the state’s Senate election in the event the Republican incumbent loses.

On Thursday, the department asked a federal court to block certification of the results if Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan loses by fewer votes than another candidate, Daniel J. Sullivan, receives. Alaska courts have allowed the other Sullivan to remain on the ballot. The Justice Department is arguing that voters could confuse the two candidates, and that such confusion could potentially affect the outcome of what is expected to be a close race against Democratic nominee Mary Peltola.

“Every step this administration is taking, all the lies that they have told the American people about their sense of making sure elections are fair and free, have just all led to this,” Steele said Friday, shortly after the lawsuit became public.

“The Weeknight” co-host called Attorney General Todd Blanche “the worst of the worst” and said the Justice Department was doing the president’s bidding. Steele argued that the Constitution leaves election administration to the states and that “the federal government and the Department of Justice have absolutely zero role here.”

Trump has previously criticized Alaska’s “crazy voting system.” The state uses a ranked-choice system, in which voters list their candidates in order of preference. If no one wins a majority of first-choice votes, the last-place candidate is eliminated and those votes go to voters’ next choices until one candidate wins.

Steele said the lawsuit shows that Republicans are “afraid” because they have “done jack to give the voters a reason to vote for them.”

“So now, in the 11th hour, they’re going to go and try to manipulate an outcome that’s already foretold by the voters who started early voting, who are already in the game,” he added.

Steele predicted that voters would see through Republican efforts and that the party would get “their you-know-what’s handed to them” on Election Day.

“They have sown and built mistrust in the system that’s coming back to bite them, because we do not trust them. We do not trust their word. We know you’re lying to us,” he said. “And now you’re going to have to reap what you sowed.”

You can watch Steele’s comments in the clip at the top of the page.

The post Michael Steele blasts Trump’s ‘11th-hour’ lawsuit targeting Alaska Senate race appeared first on MS NOW.

La préfète des Hautes-Pyrénées annonce ce vendredi soir l'interdiction de la manifestation déclarée contre la vie chère qui devait se dérouler samedi matin à partir de 10 heures place Verdun. "Afin de préserver...

Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson broke with her fellow justices Thursday regarding a fight over student ID and the midterm elections.

The post Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson Breaks with SCOTUS in New Hampshire Voter ID Fight appeared first on Breitbart.

An overwhelming majority of polls in Brazil indicate that conservative Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro is ahead of socialist President Lula da Silva.

The post Brazil: Flávio Bolsonaro Ahead of Socialist Lula in Most Polls Hours Before Runoff appeared first on Breitbart.

A list of Hollywood celebrities and other well-known figures are pouring money into the coffers of radical Democrat socialists running for office in Michigan, including Barbra Streisand, Danny DeVito, rapper Macklemore, and Susan Sarandon.

The post Danny DeVito, Barbra Streisand Among Hollywood Celebrities Pouring Cash into Radical Democrat Candidates in Michigan appeared first on Breitbart.

New Yorkers won't be voting on any citywide offices this year, but they do have five ballot initiatives that could shape the city's future more than any politician on this year's ballot. Mayor Zohran Mamdani created a version of the Trump administration's infamous Department of Government Efficiency in New York called the Commission on Government Efficiency (COGE). The plan is for COGE to modernize city operations and accelerate public infrastructure and permitting—in that vein, COGE placed five proposals before voters on the November ballot, largely targeting the bureaucratic processes governing new construction and business activity across the five boroughs.

Questions 1, 2, and 3 on the ballot would end or reduce the use of public hearings in different city review processes. Question 1 would, according to the ballot language, "simplify [the] process to use public space for uses such as ramps, planters and cafes, by removing mandatory hearings and Council disapproval of sidewalk cafes, while maintaining community and Council input." Question 2 would "reduce paperwork for City contractors by authorizing [the] Procurement Policy Board to simplify [the] contractor questionnaire….[And] remove mandatory hearing for required client services report." Question 3 would "simplify review of street safety projects to reduce construction timelines," among other changes. Question 4 is about simplifying permitting.

These policies were not directly introduced by Mamdani, but they reflect a governing philosophy that New York City and other big cities desperately need: a local government that won't allow a small group of organized opponents to obstruct progress for the city at large indefinitely.

Nowhere is the bottleneck against much-needed development clearer than at public review hearings. In theory, a public hearing is democracy at its purest: Every voice is heard. But in practice, it usually becomes a slow-motion filibuster. The most persistent and best-organized opponents get a megaphone, with little to no input from the millions of New Yorkers who would broadly benefit from more housing, better infrastructure, and businesses that can open without getting wrapped in red tape.

The 2026 ballot questions, if approved, would take small steps toward addressing these problems. If they all passed, it wouldn't be a seismic change—a planter here or a parcel of land there. But that's kind of the point: Should routine administrative decisions require another round of formal public review hearings to hold up any change, big or small?

The post Even Under Mamdani, New York City's Ballot Questions Might Cut Red Tape and Public Review Hearings appeared first on Reason Magazine.

SAO PAULO, Brazil— About 125 million Brazilians voted Oct. 4 on machines that print no paper ballots. Less than four hours after polls closed, the country knew its presidential election was headed to a runoff between conservative challenger Flavio Bolsonaro and leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

That process has been in place for over three decades, and Brazilians have become accustomed to its speed, simplicity, accuracy and routine. The system is robustly audited, completely disconnected from the Internet, and is the largest digital voting system deployed on the planet.

Eleven days before the U.S. midterms, Brazil’s system, analysts say, could offer Americans a more secure way to vote. 

The system has been widely praised and was also mentioned in President Donald Trump’s 2025 executive order on elections, where he cited Brazil’s biometric voter identification as an example. Yet Brazil’s count runs partially on the kind of paperless machines that the president has vowed to scrap.

STATE DEPARTMENT CONSIDERS SHARING PASSPORT RECORDS FOR VOTER CITIZENSHIP CHECKS

One citizen, one vote: digitally checked

Over the years, Brazil merged federal, state and municipal databases into a digital voting record, whereby voter identity, eligibility and single ability to vote can (and usually must) be verified biometrically. Nearly 9 in 10 voters unlock the machines with a fingerprint.

Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court, or TSE, which designs the machines and oversees elections, says there has been no proven fraud since their 1996 debut. The 499,248 machines used on Oct. 4 never connected to the internet. Their software was open to inspection by parties, universities and watchdogs for 11 months before being digitally signed and sealed in public. Last December, the Brazilian government invited a record 149 outsiders to try to break the system; evaluators concluded nothing they found could alter results or reveal how anyone voted.

On election day, randomly drawn machines are fed paper ballots on camera as federal auditors and foreign observers watch and specifically track results. 

Meanwhile, at closing, every machine used at every polling station prints its tally, which is then posted in front of the polling place with a QR code, so anyone can check it against the national count. In an email to Fox News Digital, TSE said each file’s digital signature "confirms that the result was produced by the electronic voting machine registered for that polling station."

Karina Stange Calandrin, a political scientist and professor at Instituto Brasileiro de Mercado de Capitais (IBMEC), says the system combines three traits rarely found together: voting is electronic, votes hashed to voter eligibility are stored locally in the machine and tallying is automated.

"It is an extremely secure and safe system. The machines never connect to the Internet and even the central database system used to transmit tallied votes to TSE must match results issued physically and locally by each individual machine without human interference," she said. Corrupting it, she added, would require breaking the seal of each machine and installing software that wouldn’t match the TSE’s version, automatically disqualifying its tally — a scale of collusion so large that it "simply could not pass undetected."

COLOMBIA'S 'EL TIGRE' SECURES PRESIDENCY AS LEFTIST RIVAL FINALLY CONCEDES DEFEAT

The machines passed their toughest political test in 2022, when former President Jair Bolsonaro, now serving a 27-year sentence for plotting to overturn his 2022 defeat, spent years attacking their credibility without evidence. Bolsonaro is presently serving time under house arrest.

This year, for the first time, a Bolsonaro appointee ran the TSE: Justice Kassio Nunes Marques. Bolsonaro’s eldest son, Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, finished first with 47% to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s 45%. The machines at the center of the senior Bolsonaro’s controversy may yet hand victory to his son.

Florencia Ferrer, CEO of e-stategiapublica, which has audited elections in 17 countries, has no doubt the Brazilian system is the most modern and secure in the world. "In India votes are electronic, but each voter gets a printed version of their vote to take home, which weakens voter safety and augments coercion rates," she says, adding that Estonia’s internet voting and the Philippines’ electronically tallied paper ballots carry their own risks.

An engineer from the University of São Paulo’s Polytechnic School who audited the machines in 2014, and declined to be named due to the sensitive nature of his work, agreed. "While no system is completely infallible... we have found no traces of tampering, wrong-doing or malicious intent," he told Fox News Digital.

Still, some defend higher scrutiny. Security researchers say a clean record is not proof enough, and the Carter Center said voters should at least see a printed version of their ballot deposited into a separate area of the machine; otherwise, results integrity rests on software alone. Germany’s top court ruled in 2009 that voters must be able to check their ballot without expert help, effectively barring a Brazilian-like system.

Brazil’s machine has traveled mostly on loan to countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Paraguay adopted it permanently in 2006, with machines that now print each individual vote.

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"It’s obvious Washington and the remainder of the U.S. are way behind both technology as well as security when it comes to polling on voting day," Ferrer said. U.S. elections are run in thousands of local jurisdictions under 50 sets of state rules and about 30% of 2024 ballots came by mail, which is slower to process. Brazil has one national election authority, compulsory voting and no mail-in ballots.

Brazilians will vote this coming Sunday on Oct. 25. The winner is expected to be known and certified in under five hours.

"The question is not whether Brazil has invented a perfect voting machine. No voting system is perfect. It is whether democracies can combine the speed and consistency of digital tabulation with independent verification, public scrutiny and rules that citizens across the political spectrum have reason to trust," Ferrer said.

Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., lashed out at President Donald Trump on Friday after he accused her of using a fake name and revived longstanding allegations surrounding her former marriage.

"The pedophile protection party's president is laundering right-wing conspiracy theories through the most corrupt DOJ in American history," Omar wrote on X.

"Whenever the news turns bad, this creep reaches for one name: mine," she continued. "So let's make it crystal clear. My name has always been Ilhan Omar."

ILHAN OMAR HIT WITH EXPULSION THREAT AS GOP LAWMAKER VOWS TO BOOT HER FROM CONGRESS OVER DOJ PROBE

Omar then turned her fire on Vice President JD Vance, adding, "Maybe you should focus on what your VP's real name is."

The verbal pushback came as Trump called on Omar to resign from Congress Thursday after Fox News Digital reported that Omar's birth name is Ilhan Nur Said Elmi, according to two people familiar with the ongoing federal investigation, including a law enforcement source.

A Justice Department court filing this week, related to a search warrant for her Washington-area home, identified the Minnesota Democrat as "Congresswoman Ilhan Nur Said Elmi, a/k/a Ilhan Abdullahi Omar." 

Omar's office disputed Fox News Digital's reporting, insisting, "Ilhan Omar is her real name." Omar has not been charged with a crime.

ILHAN OMAR'S TURBULENT WEEK EXPLAINED: THE DUELING PROBES THAT THREW THE SOMALI-BORN PROGRESSIVE INTO CHAOS

"It was just revealed that Ilhan Omar's name is not Ilhan Omar," Trump wrote on Truth Social Thursday, accusing the congresswoman of using a "fake name" and calling for her immediate resignation. Trump also revived longstanding allegations that Omar's former husband, Ahmed Nur Said Elmi, is her brother — claims Omar has repeatedly denied. He pointed out that the name used in the DOJ filings matched that of the man she allegedly married and is related to.

When asked during an MS NOW interview this week whether there was any familial relationship with Elmi, Omar responded, "Not to my knowledge." Her spokesperson later said the answer was sarcastic and reiterated that Omar "repeatedly and unequivocally" denied the allegation.

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

Federal investigators are probing whether Omar or her father made false statements on immigration paperwork. 

Agents searched Omar's Washington, D.C., residence earlier this month and seized her cellphone and passport, while her sister has also been questioned as part of the investigation, Fox News Digital previously reported.

Fox News Digital's "Who's Who in Chaos Inc." is a living database mapping the organizations, local chapters, international networks and funders organizing or amplifying major protest movements.

The directory identifies each group's mission, ideology, organizational role and documented protest activity, distinguishing direct organizers and participants from supporters and amplifiers.

The database will be continuously updated and organized by country as new organizations, chapters, coalitions and connections emerge, providing a running picture of how local protest movements connect to broader national and transnational networks.

WHO'S WHO IN THE 287-GROUP FRANCE PROTEST ECOSYSTEM

ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST (50)

1. Action citoyenne antiraciste antifasciste Beaucaire — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
2. Action Antifasciste 16 / Action AntiFa16 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Antifascist collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Action Antifasciste Amiens & Alentours — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Action Antifasciste Angevine (3A) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
5. Action antifasciste de l’Ain — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Action Antifasciste Deux-Sèvres — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. AFA Dijon / Dijon Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. AFA39 - Jura Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. AG anti-fasciste 72 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
10. AG Antifasciste de Brest — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
11. Collectif antifasciste du 11ème — Antifascist Collective of the 11th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Collectif antifasciste du 20e — Antifascist Collective of the 20th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Comité antifasciste du 19e — Antifascist Committee of the 19th — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. Antifa Paris 20e — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Antifa Paris 20ème — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
16. Antifas Marseille 1er — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.
17. Antifasciste Paris 20e — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: It's participated in many anti-government protests.
18. Caen Antifa Squad — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Antifascist collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. Collectif Antifasciste Lorient et Environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Collectif Antifasciste de Lutte Montrouge et Environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Collectif Nîmois Antifasciste et Queer — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Collectif Antifasciste du Bassin Minier — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Collectif Antifasciste Orléans — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Collectif de Vigilance Antifasciste (CVA) 22 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
25. Collectif féministe antifa 71 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. Front Féministe Antiraciste Antifasciste Juif — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
27. Garde Antifasciste 53 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
28. Groupe antifasciste Charvieu et environs — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
29. Gwened Antifa Crew (Vannes) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
30. Kreiz Breizh Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
31. La Piraterie Antifasciste (Genève) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
32. Lutte antifasciste forezienne — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
33. Millevaches Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited.
34. Morlaix Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
35. Nissa Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
36. Orléans Riposte Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
37. Rafahl43 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
38. Réseau Antifasciste Var — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.
39. Riposte Antifasciste Marseille — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
40. Riposte Antifasciste Nantaise — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
41. Rouen Antifasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
42. Saint-Denis Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
43. Suresnes anti-fascist anti-racist — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
44. Tours AntiFasciste — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
45. CRAAAME — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
46. No pasaran 84 — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
47. AMAARS (Assemblée Morbihan (Est) Antifasciste Antiraciste Rurale et Solidaire) — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization where cited. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
48. Choisyenne Anti-Fascist Solidarity — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
49. Ciao Fachos — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
50. Pays d'Auray Antifa — ANTIFA / ANTIFASCIST: Local or regional antifascist/Antifa organization or collective; current evidence links it to the Oct. 24-25 Orléans antifascist mobilization.

STUDENT / YOUTH (27)

1. G.E.L 72 - Groupe Étudiant Libertaire Sarthe — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Jeunes Écologistes du Loiret — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Le Poing Levé Orléans — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Solidaires Étudiant-e-s Montpellier — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Young Struggle — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. AFGES – Les étudiant·e·s d’Alsace — STUDENT / YOUTH: Historically called Association fédérative générale des étudiants de Strasbourg. Student federation in Alsace, centered in Strasbourg.
7. Communist Youth of Greece — COMMUNIST: A Greek communist youth organization that has publicly supported French students, connecting their education demands to opposition to military spending and government austerity. It has also supported communist protesters in Madrid, Spain, and Greece.
8. Coordination nationale lycéenne — STUDENT / YOUTH: High-school coordination It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Étudiants Musulmans de France (EMF) — Muslim Students of France: A Muslim student association involved in student representation and campus solidarity whose social-media activity appears in the protest research; its exact Oct. 17 role remains unconfirmed.
10. Fédération des associations générales étudiantes (FAGE) — Federation of General Student Associations: A national student federation that joined calls for student mobilization against the "extremely violent repression" of youth. It shared footage of its members marching on Oct. 17, with the hashtags #manifestation #genz #17octobre.
11. Fédération Syndicale Étudiante (FSE) — Student Trade Union Federation: A left-wing student organization whose activists appeared in demonstrations and announced "Democratic and Antifascist Vigilance Committees," linking high-school grievances to the treatment of anti-Israel activists and union members. On Saturday, it posted videos with its trademark solid red flags. One message read: "In Bordeaux, protesters invade the house of the mayor! On October 17, the whole country is on a standstill. Everyone is mobilizing for better living conditions, and against cutting the budget for public service! In Bordeaux, we hear echoing in the protest: Only one solution, the Revolution! The mobilization of the 17 continues: let's block everywhere in France!" It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
12. Jeunesse du Monde — COMMUNIST PUBLICATION: A communist publication associated with the Organisation Communiste de France; separate organizational participation in the October 17 protests has not been established.
13. La Jeunesse Communists — COMMUNIST: A group coordinating communist youth activism visible in the French demonstrations, including hammer-and-sickle flags and banners calling for "Class War!"
14. La Relève Lycéenne — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Le Poing Levé — The Raised Fist — REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST: A revolutionary student and youth organization associated with Révolution Permanente that works to connect high-school and university protests.
16. Les Lycéens! — The High School Students!: A high-school student organization active in the early school blockades.
17. Rassemblement pour l'égalité et la démocratie Jeunes — Youth for Equality and Democracy: A youth civic and political organization associated with organizing support for students in Seine-Saint-Denis; its specific Oct. 17 role has not been independently established.
18. Renouveau lycéen — High School Renewal: A high-school student organization identified in coverage of the October school mobilization.
19. Solidaires Étudiant·e·s — Solidaires Students: A left-wing student union that supported the high-school movement and helped connect university students with the October demonstrations.
20. Solidaires Étudiant·e·s — Student Solidarity — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Solidarité Étudiante 14 — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student organization It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Student Solidarity.es Nancy — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Student Union Federation — STUDENT / YOUTH: Student or youth organization involved in education, youth representation or protest mobilization.
24. Union de la Jeunesse Communiste (UJC) — Communist Youth Union — COMMUNIST: A French communist youth organization that called on supporters to join and amplify the student struggle.
25. Union Étudiante — Student Union: A national university student union that helped mobilize students for the Oct. 6 demonstrations and encouraged participation in the broader movement.
26. Union nationale des étudiants de France (UNEF) — National Union of Students of France: One of France's established student unions, it was among the organizers of the Oct. 6 nationwide demonstrations.
27. Union syndicale lycéenne (USL) — High School Students' Union: A French high-school student union that helped organize the initial school blockades and October demonstrations before publicly supporting students joining the Oct. 17 Yellow Vest mobilization.

COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST (27)

1. Gauche Républicaine et Socialiste (GRS) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. La France Insoumise (LFI) 18 — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. NPA-A Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Parti Communiste Français Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Parti Socialiste Loiret — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Union pour la Reconstruction Communiste (URC) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Unité Rouge (07-26-38) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. BreakThrough News — COMMUNIST SINGHAM NETWORK: A New York-based outlet that reported on French student demonstrations and previewed their participation in the October 17 cost-of-living mobilization.
9. Extinction Rebellion — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call.
10. Fasci-Milé (PACA / Vaucluse) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter.
11. Indian Alliance Paris — COMMUNIST SINGHAM NETWORK: A France-based Indian diaspora organization that connected French and Indian youth protests through its social-media messaging. It has partnered with the SIngham network's People's Forum for an event.
12. International Communist League — TROTSKYIST: An international communist organization whose French publication Le Bolchévik called on labor unions to mobilize in support of the school protests.
13. Organisation communiste révolutionnaire — REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST: A communist organization identified in the wider research whose precise legal identity and direct October protest activities require additional verification.
14. La France insoumise (LFI) — France Unbowed — LEFT-POPULIST / SOCIALIST: A political movement whose elected officials supported student blockades, including lawmaker Louis Boyard, who waved a Palestinian flag alongside students at Paris-Est-Créteil University.
15. Marseille Unite Communiste Libertaire — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter.
16. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste - NPA Charente (NPA 16) — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Political party — local chapter It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste - NPA L'Anticapitaliste Nancy 54 — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste – L’Anticapitaliste — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. Parti communiste français (PCF) — French Communist Party — COMMUNIST: Party leader Fabien Roussel publicly supported student demonstrators in Paris alongside communist elected officials and activists as demonstrators carried party flags.
20. Parti de l'égalité socialiste — Socialist Equality Party — TROTSKYIST: A French socialist organization that called for workers' action committees and broader mobilization in support of the student movement.
21. Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR) — Party of the Indigenous of the Republic — DECOLONIAL POLITICAL MOVEMENT: A political organization that defended the student revolt and circulated imagery of protesters outside Lycée Paul Éluard holding a Palestinian flag.
22. Révolution Permanente — Permanent Revolution — TROTSKYIST: A revolutionary socialist organization and publication that reported on university blockades and encouraged solidarity between high-school and university students.
23. Révolution Permanente Angoulême — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Local political/media chapter It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Revolutionary Communist Group — COMMUNIST: A British revolutionary communist organization that published an article connecting the French student revolt to opposition to capitalism, imperialism and support for Palestine.
25. Union Communiste Libertaire — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) France — COMMUNIST / SOCIALIST / TROTSKYIST: Communist, socialist, Trotskyist, anticapitalist or revolutionary-left organization or chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
27. World Socialist Web Site — TROTSKYIST MEDIA: An international socialist publication that covered the French school blockades and placed them within a broader argument about austerity, militarization and capitalism.

LABOR UNION (24)

1. CGT Eure-et-Loir — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Comité Droits et Libertés Solidarité 77 Sud — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Femmes solidaires du Montargois — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Solidaires Laval — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. SUD éducation 33 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. SUD éducation 36-37 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. SUD éducation 44 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. SUD éducation 85 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Union syndicale Solidaires 61 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Union syndicale Solidaires 87 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Confédération générale du travail ArianeGroup Issac union - CGT ArianeGroup Issac union — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Confédération paysanne — Peasant Confederation: A farmers' union that called on agricultural workers to join Oct. 17 protests, linking rural economic grievances with the national mobilization.
13. FNEC FP-FO — National Federation of Education, Culture and Vocational Training–Workers' Force: Force Ouvrière's education federation, which joined calls supporting high-school demonstrations.
14. Force Ouvrière (FO) — Workers' Force: A national labor confederation whose education affiliates joined calls supporting high-school students.
15. Solidaires 35 departmental union — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. Solidaires 44 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. SUD éducation — SUD Education: A left-wing education union that joined mobilization calls involving students and education workers.
18. SUD PTT 45 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization.
19. SUD social protection 93 — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Syndicat National de l'Enseignement Technique Agricole Public - Fédération syndicale unitaire — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Syndicat national des enseignements de second degré (SNES-FSU) — National Union of Secondary Education: A major secondary-school personnel union that supported strikes and demonstrations in solidarity with students.
22. Syndicat National des Techniciens de la Production Cinématographique et de Télévision - National Union of Cinematographic and Television Production Technicians — LABOR UNION: Labor union, sectoral union or local union branch involved in worker representation and mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (UNSA) — National Union of Autonomous Trade Unions: A national trade-union federation whose education organizations supported the school movement.
24. Union syndicale Solidaires — Solidaires Trade Union: A left-wing labor federation whose regional branches promoted Oct. 17 demonstrations and strikes after earlier student solidarity mobilizations. It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.

MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST (19)

1. Amnesty International Orléans — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. ASTI Orléans — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peuples 66 - MRAP 66 — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Observatoire du racisme en politique (Paris) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. All Refugees — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Amnesty International France: The French section of Amnesty International that reported on police treatment of minors during the school protests.
7. Association Marocaine des Droits Humains PARIS IDF - AMDH PARIS IDF (Moroccan Association of Human Rights) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Association of Maghreb Workers of France — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Citizens' Assembly of Originals of Turkey (The) - L'ACORT — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Coordination Sans-Papiers 75 — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Euro-Maghreb Citizenship and Culture Network (REMCC) — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Fédération des Associations de Solidarité avec Tou·te·s les Immigré·e·s — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Fédération Droit Au Logement — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. Fondation Frantz Fanon — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Handi-Social — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l'amitié entre les peuples (MRAP) — Movement Against Racism and for Friendship Between Peoples: An antiracism organization identified in earlier coalition activity around the student demonstrations.
17. Pan-Asian Generation - Génération panasiatique — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. Rights Ahead!! — MIGRANT / HUMAN RIGHTS / ANTIRACIST: Migrant-rights, refugee-support, human-rights or antiracist organization. It is supporting the Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. SOS Racisme — SOS Racism: A French antiracism organization included in coalition activity supporting the school movement.

FEMINIST / LGBTQ (16)

1. Collectif féministe 45 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Féministes en tous genres 45 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. GAGL45 Centre LGBT+ — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. GRIF - Groupe Radical Intersectionnel Féministe Orléans — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Lille Radiqueer — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Mouvement Français pour le Planning Familial 93 - MFPF 93 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Planning Familial du Loiret — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. #NousToutes France — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization.
9. Bordeaux Feminist Collages — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Football Club Paris Arc en Ciel — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. LABEL GOUINE — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Les dégos (formerly degommeuses) — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Nous Toutes 35 / Rennes — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
14. NousToutes - #NousToutes — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. NousToutes Paris 19/20 — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. PROUD•E•S AUBER — FEMINIST / LGBTQ: Feminist, women’s-rights, LGBTQ or queer activist organization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.

ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE (13)

1. Alternatiba Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Extinction Rebellion La Rochelle — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Extinction Rebellion Tours — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Greenpeace Le Mans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Réseau pour les Alternatives Forestières (Limousin) — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Soulèvements de la Terre Essonne 91 — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Soulèvements de la Terre IDF — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Soulèvements de la Terre Indre — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Alternatiba Rouen — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter.
10. Extinction Rebellion Île-de-France — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Les Soulèvements de la Terre — Earth Uprisings: A radical environmental movement that celebrated the student revolt and called for an antifascist uprising.
12. Soulèvements de la Terre Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. Its documented role in the October protest wave is: Supporting / signatory — listed on the Ciao Fachos Oct. 24-25 Orléans national antifascist mobilization call..
13. Uprisings of the Earth Orléans — ENVIRONMENTAL / CLIMATE: Environmental, climate or ecological activist organization or local chapter. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.

PALESTINE SOLIDARITY (11)

1. AFPS Loiret — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. Collectif Orléanais pour une paix juste et durable entre Palestiniens et Israéliens — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Secours Palestinien (Tours) — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. Sound of Sudan — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. Urgence Palestine Orléans (UPO) — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. ACT FOR PALESTINE — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. AGIR POUR LA PALESTINE Collective — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Collectif de Solidarité Palestine 37 — PALESTINE SOLIDARITY: Palestine-solidarity organization or local chapter active in advocacy and protest mobilization.
9. Union juive française pour la paix (UJFP) — French Jewish Union for Peace: A Jewish peace and Palestine-solidarity organization that publicized "support for high school students" who joined protests in early October. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
10. Union juive française pour la paix (UJFP) — French Jewish Union for Peace: A Jewish peace and Palestine-solidarity organization that publicized "support for high school students" who joined protests in early October. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
11. Urgence Palestine — Palestine Emergency: A French Palestine-solidarity organization whose protest-related social-media activity appears in the research, although direct organization of the October 17 demonstrations is not established.

OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST (100)

1. AFA Annemasse — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
2. AFA78 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
3. Association des Ami.e.s de Maurice Rajsfus — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
4. OWL afa Dijon — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
5. ATTAC 45 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
6. Aux actes citoyens — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
7. Cantine des Indigné·es Orléans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
8. Collectif immigrés du Montargois — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
9. Collectif national pour une paix juste et durable — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
10. Collectif Santé Est Loiret — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
11. Contrevents (Côtes d’Armor) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
12. Debout ! — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
13. Fondation Copernic — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
14. France-Cuba Association — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
15. Génération.s — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
16. info gauchO — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
17. L’Après — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
18. La Digue — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
19. La Marche des Solidarités — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
20. Le Boucan des paillettes (La Rochelle) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
21. Le Renouveau Syndical — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
22. Les ami.es de la conf’45 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
23. Les amis de la Commune de Paris — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
24. Les Écologistes Loiret — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
25. Les Voix Éclairées (Yonne) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
26. LHIAA — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
27. Loiret populaire — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
28. Mémoires En Marche Marseille — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
29. MODEF — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
30. Mouvement de la Paix — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
31. Mouvement pour une Alternative Non-violente — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
32. Oaï e Libertat (Nîmes) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
33. Observatoire de l’Extrême Droite 61 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
34. Observatoire National de l’Extrême-Droite (ONED) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
35. Orléans Solidaire et Écologique (OSE) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
36. OST Orléans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
37. Révolution Écologique pour le Vivant (REV) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
38. Ripostes.org — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
39. Solidarité antispéciste (Occitanie) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
40. TSEDEK ! Collectif juif décolonial — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
41. Youtubercule — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
42. 18th in struggle — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
43. Agro in struggle — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
44. Alternative Left Cooperative Network — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
45. ARAC - Republican Association of Veterans — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
46. Asia France Solidarity (SAF) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
47. ASIAD Solidarity and Information Association for Access to Foreigners' Rights — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
48. Association of Families of Sahrawi Prisoners and Disappeared-AFAPREDESA — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
49. Association pour la taxation des transactions financières et pour l’action citoyenne — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
50. ATTAC France — Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Citizen Action: An economic-justice organization that linked protest grievances with opposition to austerity and restrictions on civil liberties. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
51. Attac Paris center — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
52. Caen en Lutte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Local protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
53. Cannabis Sans Frontieres — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
54. Cases Rebelles — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
55. Citizen square — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
56. Collective for the Defense of Young People of Mantois — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
57. Confédération française démocratique du travail Éducation Formation Recherche Publiques — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
58. Confédération générale du travail (CGT) — General Confederation of Labour: One of France's major national labor confederations that supported the October school mobilizations and joined the Oct. 17 cost-of-living protests. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
59. Confédération générale du travail Éduc'action — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: CGT Éduc'action is the education-sector union of France's Confédération générale du travail.
60. Confédération générale du travail of the National Museum of Natural History — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
61. Confédération générale du travail volkswagen — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
62. Confédération nationale du travail (CNT) — National Confederation of Labour — ANARCHO-SYNDICALIST TRADITION: A revolutionary-syndicalist labor organization that endorsed the student movement, declaring that students were right to revolt.
63. Confédération nationale du travail 49 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
64. Confédération nationale du travail Education 93 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
65. Confédération nationale du travail Education Federation — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
66. Coordination nationale du mouvement du 26 septembre — September 26 Movement Coordination: A climate-mobilization network that encouraged participation in Oct. 17 protests and connected environmental concerns with household economic pressures. Current update: It is listed in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization evidence.
67. Counter-Attack — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
68. Elbow to Elbow — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
69. Emancipation Inter-union Tendency — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
70. Fanfare en lutte d'Angoulême — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Activist cultural collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
71. Fédération des conseils de parents d'élèves (FCPE) — Federation of Parents' Councils: A national parents' federation that called on members to demonstrate and announced participation by its national board in Paris.
72. Federation of Tunisian Citizens of Both Shores — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
73. Fédération syndicale unitaire (FSU) — Unitary Trade Union Federation: A major education and public-sector union federation that supported the school mobilization.
74. Fontenay-Diversité Collective — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
75. FRENCH ASSOCIATION — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
76. Indignons-nous, Bloquons tout — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
77. Les Amoureux au ban public — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
78. Let's block everything IDF — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
79. Ligue des droits de l'Homme (LDH) — Human Rights League: A French civil-liberties organization that publicized support for students and criticism of police repression.
80. Ligue des droits de l'Homme - Evreux Ligue des droits de l'Homme section — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
81. Maintenant! — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic / protest movement It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
82. Maison des Peuples et de la Paix — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic / peace association It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
83. Marche des Solidarités — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
84. Neighborhood Assembly — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
85. Nous Tous Paris Nord — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
86. NousTous 93 anti-racist — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
87. Organisation de Solidarité Trans (OST) Angoulême — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Solidarity collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
88. Peuple RÉVOLTÉ — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Protest collective It is participating in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
89. Plural Women — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
90. Popular Riposte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
91. Reach out — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
92. Riposte Populaire — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
93. Rosmerta — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
94. Solidarités Asia France — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
95. TadamunExile70 — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
96. Tendre la Main — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
97. Théâtre 2 l'Acte — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
98. Tout-A-Toi (Langon) — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.
99. Vietnam Dioxin Collective — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem. It is supporting in the documented Oct. 24–25 mobilization.
100. Zora France — OTHER CIVIC / ACTIVIST: Civic, solidarity or activist organization appearing in the protest ecosystem.

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La journée du 17 octobre 2026 n'avait pas donné lieu à des violences ou à des dégradations dans le Tarn-et-Garonne. Néanmoins, les pouvoirs publics restent vigilants à la veille de l'acte II. C'est le sens des deux...

A ship called the Agioi Fanendes, which had just left Russia's Baltic Sea port of Primorsk, was carrying 40,000 metric tons to New York and had been traveling westwards through the Baltic Sea ever since.

Detailed report finds that Israel has committed “mediacide”. Israel has used “interconnected patterns” which have both facilitated genocide and hindered accountability. Media have repeated unverified Israeli claims & stripped away historical context

They criticize the far-right candidate’s positions on labor rights, national sovereignty, poverty, violence, the environment, and human rights.

On Friday, Folha de Sao Paulo published the contents of a letter in which 54 Brazilian Catholic bishops warn that far-right presidential candidate Flavio Bolsonaro threatens the church’s social doctrine, democracy, national sovereignty and the practice of the common good.

RELATED:

Lula Urges Young and Elderly Brazilians to Defeat Bolsonaro

“We cannot remain neutral, lest our conscience or history condemn us in the future. Those who remained silent in the face of totalitarian threats that materialized in 20th-century Europe left a shameful legacy for future generations,” stated the “Letter from Catholic Bishops to the People of God Ahead of the Second Round of the 2026 Presidential Election.”

The signatories say they are in communion with the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) and aligned with the message issued by the organization’s Permanent Council, which defended the constitution and respect for the vote.

Besides urging voters to evaluate the records of the two candidates facing off in the Oct. 25 runoff, the bishops list the main positions through which Bolsonaro contradicts church teachings.

Labor Issues

The far-right candidate has consistently opposed eliminating the six-days-on, one-day-off work schedule and has proposed hourly pay, which “does not recognize the dignity of the worker and could bring this issue back to the forefront.”

National Sovereignty

Flavio Bolsonaro “promises Brazil’s submission to the United States, participated in a conspiracy to impose tariffs on Brazilian products, advocates foreign interference in elections, and promises to hand over our rare earth resources for U.S. exploitation.”

Poverty

The bishops cite the apostolic exhortation Dilexi Te and say the Liberal Party “has always publicly opposed social programs and the fight against poverty,” even though Flavio Bolsonaro now says he will maintain some of those programs.

🇧🇷⛪️ Creencias y política chocan en Brasil: crece la polémica por la promesa religiosa de Bolsonaro

✝️ Miles de fieles conmemoraron el aniversario de Nuestra Señora Aparecida, patrona del país sudamericano, en medio de la controversia por la promesa de campaña del candidato a la… pic.twitter.com/5AgyIQGEzv

— Sputnik Mundo (@SputnikMundo) October 14, 2026

The text reads, “Beliefs and politics collide in Brazil: controversy grows over a religious pledge made by Bolsonaro. Thousands of the faithful commemorated the anniversary of Our Lady of Aparecida—the patron saint of the South American nation—amidst controversy surrounding a campaign promise by presidential candidate Flavio Bolsonaro to declare that the nation belongs to Jesus Christ.

Catholics and representatives of Afro-Brazilian religions have warned of potential risks of exclusion and discrimination. Although the campaign asserted that this is merely a symbolic expression of faith, the debate has reignited questions regarding religious freedom and respect for the diversity of beliefs within Brazil.”

Violence

The bishops criticize Bolsonaro’s promise to expand access to firearms, “as his father did during his administration.” The issue had already been criticized in the homily delivered by the archbishop of Aparecida, who preached a message of “unarmed peace” during Mass on the Feast of Our Lady.

Environment

The bishops accuse Flavio Bolsonaro of denying the climate crisis and seeking to continue the “devastating policies” of his father, Jair Bolsonaro. They cite the environmental licensing law approved in 2025, known as the “Devastation Law.”

Human Rights and Democracy

The bishops recalled that the far-right candidate “publicly expresses support for torture” and that his family honored Col. Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, a torturer during the military dictatorship.

Flavio Bolsonaro “made several statements that threaten the constitutional order” and, if elected, would govern with a majority in Congress and the Supreme Federal Court (STF), “creating the conditions for a usurpation of power,” the bishops warned.

The Brazilian Situation

Without mentioning Lula, the letter states that the Workers’ Party candidate, “although he has also been the subject of criticism, has always demonstrated responsibility toward the poor and our Common Home, and has acted within the limits of the democratic order, respecting the Constitution.”

“Whether one likes the current government or not cannot be a reason to hand the country over to someone who demonstrates such a contradiction with the teachings of our church,” the bishops say. They also urge Catholics not to abstain from voting.

Among the signatories are Bishop Jose Ionilton Lisboa de Oliveira, president of the Pastoral Land Commission, and the archbishops of Porto Velho, Roque Paloschi; Feira de Santana, Zanoni Demettino Castro; and Uberaba, Paulo Mendes Peixoto. The list includes bishops from Brazil’s Amazon, Northeast, Southeast, Central-West, and South regions.

The letter adds to the existing rivalry between Flavio Bolsonaro and the Catholic Church during the 2026 presidential campaign. In September, the Brazilian Commission for Justice and Peace delivered a report to the bishops detailing 58 attacks by the far right against Catholics and their church since 2018.

teleSUR/ JF

Sources: Folha de Sao Paulo – Brasil de Fato

An ad earlier this week from Ohio gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy sparked outrage from both sides of the aisle, but a political strategist in the state says that the record of his opponent, former health director Amy Acton, is what ultimately makes the difference in the race.

The ad features Acton’s estranged mother, Donna Arthur, accusing her daughter of lying about her childhood and questioning her fitness to serve as governor. Acton responded by saying she and her brother were removed from their mother’s custody after her stepfather was accused of sexually abusing her, and Ramaswamy was quickly blasted by Democrats and some Republicans over the ad, which he has defended and spent millions to run over the next couple of weeks.

The controversy over the ad went viral on social media and was even commented on by President Donald Trump, who strongly defended Ramaswamy. Ohio attorney and political strategist Mehek Cooke told Fox News Digital that Acton’s record is what should be under the microscope, not the ad.

"I think that we have to really shift from Vivek's recent ad into the most important question for Ohioans is, who do you want governing the state of Ohio? We clearly can't trust Amy Acton, and she has a record of that," Cooke told Fox News Digital.

RAMASWAMY TORCHES DEM RIVAL OVER 'OUTRAGEOUS' COVID-19 CLAIM: 'SPEWING LIES'

Acton’s record involves controversies both professionally and personally, many of which have been focused on by ads in the state of Ohio.

Acton served as health director under Republican Gov. Mike DeWine during the first months of COVID-19, when Ohio closed schools, shuttered bars and restaurants, restricted businesses and imposed a statewide stay-at-home order.

She also signed orders restricting nursing-home visitors, closing senior centers and adult daycare facilities, limiting mass gatherings and closing gyms and personal-service businesses before leaving the position amid pushback for the negative impact the lockdowns had.

'GENERATION COVID' EXPLORES THE LASTING TOLL OF PANDEMIC-ERA SCHOOL CLOSURES

"She worked as a health director for Mike DeWine and left after masking our children, shutting down our state, and yes, Mike DeWine's name is on those orders, but at the end of the day, it was Amy Acton's signature," Cooke said. "And she's the one who pushed for locking down our kids. I don't ever want to hire somebody who quits on the state during a pandemic. I can't imagine if she had another meltdown, whether it was managing our state budget or anything else. So people don't trust Amy."

Acton’s handling of nursing homes has also drawn criticism in pro-Ramaswamy advertisements on the airwaves. Ohio imposed a broad visitor ban at nursing homes and similar facilities in March 2020, separating residents from family members during the early months of the pandemic.

The Ohio Department of Health was later sued over its refusal to release facility-level COVID-19 death data. An Ohio appeals court ruled that the department violated the state’s public-records law by refusing to provide information about nursing-home deaths.

‘COVID 2.0’: LAWMAKERS PUSH BACK ON SWEEPING HEALTH 'POLICE POWER' IN KEY BATTLEGROUND STATE

The ruling involved the health department as an agency and did not establish that Acton personally ordered the records to be withheld. However, critics have continued to argue that the controversy raises questions about transparency during her tenure.

Acton’s closure orders also became the subject of litigation from Ohio gyms. In the Rock House Fitness case, a court described the state’s actions as "arbitrary, unreasonable, and oppressive," though subsequent legal proceedings and changes to the state’s orders complicated the dispute.

More recently, five current and former state-government workers told the Washington Examiner that Acton was sometimes absent from pandemic strategy meetings and emotionally volatile while leading the state’s response. One source alleged that she was found curled up on the floor before an emergency meeting, while another said she was seen crying in a bathroom.

A separate 2019 police report has also become a campaign issue. Bexley police responded to Acton’s home after a reported domestic dispute involving her husband. According to reporting based on the police report, Acton’s daughter told police that Acton had been drinking, throwing things and breaking glass. The report also said Acton pulled a mirror from a wall, shattering it.

No one was injured and no charges were filed. Acton’s campaign described the episode as a normal marital argument and disputed claims that it demonstrated alcohol abuse. Acton has called broader accusations that she is an alcoholic or drug addict "lies" and "a complete fabrication."

Cooke explained that supporting law enforcement will be a critical attribute the next governor needs and that Acton has shown she is weak in that area, pointing to an Acton comment that appeared to compare ICE agents to the KKK and tying Acton to the "defund the police" ideology popular with socialist candidates across the country.

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"There are people coming out there wearing masks, with all the gear on," Acton said earlier this year during a City Club of Cleveland forum. "We don’t even know who they are. They’re just showing up. Does this not feel like the Ku Klux Klan to anyone?"

While Ramaswamy has faced blowback for using Acton’s mother in an ad, the race had already gotten personal and tied to family, with Acton’s side running ads invoking Ramaswamy’s mother.

"They have run an attack ad on Vivek Ramaswamy's mother and the failure of an Alzheimer's drug, they started attacking family first and I think politics is brutal," Cooke said. "This is a contact sport in terms of anything in your closet. It all goes, but the difference is Vivek actually comes and addresses questions. He talks to people. He explains whether it was his businesses or anything else that he has conducted for the betterment of our economy and Ohioans. Amy continues to hide."

With 11 days until voters decide who will be the next governor of Ohio, Acton has not yet agreed to debate Ramaswamy, which Cooke says is because she can’t articulate the complicated issues.

"They're trying this Joe Biden strategy of hide in the basement, play the victim card, and it's not going to work," Cooke said.

"Amy will never get on a stage because the truth is she doesn't know what she stands for, she's going to have policies written for her by Democratic socialists that are running her party today, and right now, the plan is, let's hide."

Cooke recounted a recent visit to a doctor, who politically identifies as an Independent, where Ramaswamy’s ad came up and described a response that suggests the ad is not as damaging to Ramaswamy as being portrayed in the media.

"He said, ‘I don't care about what's in the ad,’" Cooke explained. "‘I care about her integrity. And the problem is, what does she stand for? I know what Vivek stands for. I have no idea what she stands for.’"

Fox News polling, conducted before the ad fallout, shows a tight race with likely voters favoring Acton over Ramaswamy by 50% to 48%.

The BBC have been “very compliant to Israel." BBC threatened job loss to enforce compliance. “There is a huge amount of anger amongst many BBC journalists and staff who are disgusted at what their organisation is doing

https://www.spreaker.com/show/2952221/episodes/feed

Far from all the political bluster about police being “defunded,” six years after the earth-shaking George Floyd protests swept the US and public approval for law enforcement plummeted, police have never been more politically and monetarily supported than they are now. But when veteran labor reporters and union activists Hamilton Nolan and Jacob Morrison attended the 23rd Quadrennial Convention of the International Union of Police Associations in Las Vegas, Nevada, they found a different kind of union, and a different kind of convention, than they were expecting…

In this special episode of Working People, we speak with Nolan and Morrison about their August reporting trip to the IUPA Convention in Las Vegas.

Additional links/info:

• Hamilton Nolan Substack (How Things Work) and Bluesky page
• Jacob Morrison’s Twitter/X page
• The Valley Labor Report website, YouTube channel, Facebook page, Bluesky page, and Twitter/X page
• Hamilton Nolan & Jacob Morrison, The Real News Network, “Beards and loathing: A cop union convention comes to Las Vegas”
• Hamilton Nolan, How Things Work, “We infiltrated a police union convention in Las Vegas”

Featured Music:

• Jules Taylor, Working People Theme Song

Credits:

• Audio Post-Production: Jules Taylor

Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.

Jacob Morrison:

All right. Welcome everyone to Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. My name is not Maximillian Alvarez. It is Jacob Morrison, host of the Valley Labor Report, the largest union talk radio program in the South.

Hamilton Nolan:

And I’m Hamilton Nolan, a labor journalist based in New York City.

Jacob Morrison:

Hamilton and I marched on the boss and took Max’s microphone so we could introduce the special episode about the recent reporting trip we both went on in Las Vegas and wrote about for The Real News Network and how things work.

Hamilton Nolan:

The conference that we went to took place in late hot August in the Las Vegas desert at the beautiful Paris Las Vegas casino underneath a fake Eiffel Tower.

Jacob Morrison:

Here’s the intro to the piece that we wrote together for The Real News.

Hamilton Nolan:

On a plain blue lit stage in a plain event space at the Paris Hotel in Las Vegas, a gruff man with white hair and a thin goatee is complaining about Las Vegas. How it is too hot, how it is too expensive, and how the hotel’s convention management bureaucracy is driving him nuts. You can’t even move a box from left to right without contacting someone to do that, he barks into the microphone.

Jacob Morrison:

This will become a communal ritual by the end of the week. Without fail, like some sort of morning prayer, the convention begins every day with opening grumblings about the convention itself.

Hamilton Nolan:

We can see why. After all, the organization convening here is supposed to be a strong union representing nearly 20,000 members around the country. Far from all the political bluster about the police being defunded. Six years after the earthshaking George Floyd protests sweat the US and public approval for law enforcement plunged to a generational low. These guys have never been more politically and monetarily supported than they are now.

Jacob Morrison:

But there are only about 50 people here in the room with us. Only 28 delegates, 10 alternates and some wives and family members mixed in. The proceedings are pretty boring and energiless. The attendees are grumpy and the air is thick with middle age resentment.

Hamilton Nolan:

Clearly, the convention organizers and speakers were expecting something much different than this. To be honest, so were we, because it’s 2026, Donald Trump is president again, and this is the 23rd quadrennial convention of the International Union of Police Associations, IUPA, which represents tens of thousands of cops and departments from coast to coast.

Jacob Morrison:

The convention was billed as the premier gathering for law enforcement leadership, an event that you don’t want to miss.

Hamilton Nolan:

But it’s absolutely dead here. Even the speakers and attendees don’t want to be here. In fact, they won’t shut up about it.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Man, that piece is so fire and anyone listening to this, you guys have to go read what Jacob and Hamilton wrote from Las Vegas and thinking about this police union convention that took place in Las Vegas. And I can’t recommend it highly enough. We’ve linked to it in the show notes for this episode. We’ve linked to the additional writing that Hamilton did on it for how things work. But I’ve been dying to actually get you guys on the podcast to talk about it. Now that the reporting trip is over, the pieces are out. There’s so much that I just want to ask you guys about what it was like to be there, what the vibe was, the conversations that you were having that didn’t make it into these pieces. So we got a lot to talk about here, but I guess by way of setting things up and really setting the stage for folks, how the hell did you guys end up at this convention?

Who the hell invited you two assholes to Ayupa’s quadrennial convention in Las Vegas?

Jacob Morrison:

I guess I’ll answer that since I’m the one who got the invitation and I’m not totally sure why, but my best guess is that I got an invitation because I’m the principal officer of an AFL – CIO Labor Council. I actually got multiple invitations in the mail to my house. So IUPA knows where I live, which potentially is a terrifying prospect, but maybe it’ll be okay. Maybe I made a couple of friends who will protect me in IUPA. So I got invitations in the mail to Las Vegas, to the IUPA convention. And I say I’m not totally sure because I did ask a couple of Labor Council presidents if they also got that invitation and they said no. But I think that’s probably

Maximillian Alvarez:

It. Maybe they looked you up and saw the mustache and were like, “Oh yeah, this guy’s with us.”

Jacob Morrison:

Yes, maybe that was it. So I got an invitation in the mail and I thought it would be really funny to go. And so I started asking around for somebody to give me the money to go and I found Max.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Enter Max, they left baby.

Jacob Morrison:

My sugar daddy, Maximilian Alvarez. So I was able to go to Vegas. I though it would be very funny. And so I though it would be funny to go, but I also wanted to turn it into sort of a real piece of reporting. And I’ve done some reporting and I’ve done some journalism, but I’m still not super comfortable with that as a label for myself. And Hamilton has been in the space for a lot longer than I have. He’s done a lot of really serious journalism and in this space specifically. And so I thought that it would be made a lot better by having somebody a little bit more experienced to be tag along with me. So I registered with Hamilton as my guest. Nobody asked any questions at the registration phase. And so that’s how we got the invitation. We can maybe talk about when we actually showed up a little bit later, but Hamilton, is there anything else that you would want to add to the how did we end up there?

Hamilton Nolan:

No. As you said, I was just along for the ride on this. Jacob got the invite for some reason still unknown. Max paid the bills and I just tagged along and I had done some reporting on Ayupa, particularly in 2020 when we were trying to get him kicked out of AFLCO and I’ve never in my life been able to get Ayupa to respond to any of my emails or phone calls. So the chance to attend the convention to me was very exciting and I was excited to tag along.

Maximillian Alvarez:

So at any point walking in there, I mean, I don’t know, you guys are two white guys walking in there who maybe probably feel differently than I would walking in there. But at any point did the sort of like high teenager in you kick in and be like, “Oh shit, these guys know who we are. They’re going to come for us” kind of thing?

Hamilton Nolan:

We both look a little bit like cops to be fair. So either one of us could be a cop. Yeah.

Jacob Morrison:

I’ve got the mustache. Hamilton has the build. So together we make a cop.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, one of the reasons that the pitch was so compelling to me, we all thought it was funny, weird, interesting. There was something fateful about that invitation ending up in Jacob’s mailbox, just like Harry Potter’s Hogwarts letter, finding him somehow. And I think we could all sense that, but we didn’t quite know what we were going to find there. But like you guys lay out in that intro, you had very different expectations for the convention than what you found. So talk about that. What were you expecting and why? And then when you got there, what were you seeing and how were you processing it?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, I will point out, first of all, that Jacob was very concerned about kind of OPSEC while we were doing this, cloak and dagger, are they going to find us out? And when we arrived to register for the convention, we said, “Here we are.” We gave them our names and they were like, “We can’t find you.” So they just typed our name and printed it out and gave us a badge. So there was no security at all. And my initial impressions at least, and you can say yours too, Jacob, but I’ve been to a fair number of union conventions and this was probably the most low energy union convention that I’ve ever been to in my life, which was a surprise to me.

Jacob Morrison:

Yes. On the OPSEC thing, there was a continued sort of incuriousness about who we were at the time. I don’t think anybody ever asked you, Hamilton, what you do for a job, which is crazy.

Hamilton Nolan:

Jacob was trying to workshop his cover story and actually nobody gave a damn at all. Yeah.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah. I talked to this one guy for literally an hour after the convention proceedings were over for the day, and I just kept asking him questions about his job. It was the local president who said in the piece that they’re affiliated with their labor council, but they don’t really do anything over political differences. I spoke to this guy for an hour. He never was curious about me at all. Who is this guy who’s not in IUPA? I mentioned, I’m not in IUPA and no further questions at all.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I’m sure every woman listening to this is saying, “You mean a man didn’t give a shit about anything you had to say?” It’s like big story of the year there, but I guess that’s kind of what I was getting from the reportage that you guys did for this piece is because some of the big questions you and we and you guys as ambassadors for the labor movement were going in there to ask is like, “Why are these guys in the labor movement and do they feel like they’re part of it?” And then you add on all the other politics of the police state that has been ramping up, especially ever since the George Floyd uprisings in 2020. But before we dig into that, I wanted to just ask a little more about the setting here and the sort of Noir-ish kind of presence in this story.

A, because you guys have to humor me and I promise that I was like, “I won’t turn this piece too much into a fake Hunter S. Thompson piece, but I feel like there’s something genuinely kind of overlapping here with what Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas was actually doing and observing at the time in the America that existed back then. And you guys are doing the same in a very different kind of America in a very different Las Vegas where most of that noir has been paved over, blown up and rebuilt and consolidated under a few kind of mega owners of the Strip. So talk a little more about the sort of setting and the proceedings of the convention itself before we dig into the kind of politics of it.

Hamilton Nolan:

Yeah. I mean, Fear and Low in Las Vegas, for those of you who haven’t read it, a large scene in the book is them attending a cop convention while high on a lot of powerful drugs. And Jacob refused to take any mescaline despite my trying to peer pressure him. So we didn’t have the drug part, but Vegas is an extremely fucking weird setting as anybody knows who’s been to the Vegas Strip. Paris, Las Vegas has a huge fake hot air balloon out front and a huge fake Eiffel Tower inside. There’s chandeliers hanging from the ceiling. There’s huge oil paintings of Louis XIV on the outside of the ballroom where we were. And then five steps away is a sign leading to the strip club and the next hotel and a cigar bar where middle-aged guys are sexually harassing the waitresses. So that was kind of the setting that we were in.

And ironically, Vegas, of course, the entire Vegas strip is unionized and the Kulinary Union in Las Vegas, one of the most powerful local unions in America. So Vegas is in a very real sense a union town and we were here for union convention and then the guys proceeded to kind of bitch about the fact that the union imposed a bunch of rules in the hotel. So that sort of came full circle for me.

Maximillian Alvarez:

And Jacob, let me ask, had you ever been to Las Vegas before?

Jacob Morrison:

No. No, I’d never been to Las Vegas.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right, country boy. What was it like going into that for the first time?

Jacob Morrison:

It was definitely crazy. Not only grew up sort of out in the county, but also very religious. And so very different vibes. They call it Sin City for a reason, obviously. And there’s an energy in Las Vegas, obviously, all of the gambling, the drinking, the girls and everything like that was just so contrasted with the very sort of dull, except for Rizzo. And I hope that, Hamilton, you’ll be able to talk about Rizzo, but even that was kind of dull a little bit, people kind of got tired of it. But the convention was just like… There was one time when I got up because there was a part of the convention that was clearly not newsworthy. It was very internal stuff and just not very interesting. So I left to go get lunch, I think. And I happened to be in the elevator up to my room with another officer or with an officer, I’m not an officer, with an officer.

And I asked him where he was going. He was like, “I’m going to take a nap. This is terrible.” I was like, “Oh, is this your first convention?” He said, “Yeah, it’s awful. I hate it basically.” I very, very much underestimated, like you talked about the contrast of what we were expecting. I was expecting not a huge convention, 20,000 members is not a very large international union, but I expected at least a hundred delegates and then some alternates and some family. That’s sort of what I was expecting at the least. The sort of mean I was expecting was maybe 200, maybe 250. And so getting there, there’s only 28 people who can vote on… That was crazy to me. So I was way overestimating how many people would be there and I was way underestimating how big Las Vegas is because part of my plan was I’m going to go down after the convention proceedings to the hotel bar and find one of these guys after the proceedings and shoot the shit with them for a few hours and get super drunk.

I really wanted to do that. And as soon as the proceedings was over and people left, they blended into the thousands of people that were there and there was just no finding anybody or connecting after the convention if you do not get their phone number and talk to them and make plans. There were so few people there and it was kind of… I don’t know.

Hamilton Nolan:

Jacob was envisioning a Holiday Inn. And in fact, the Paris Las Vegas has 3,500 rooms.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Yeah. Well, it’s so wild because I grew up with Las Vegas being a big part of our lives as it was for so many people in the Southwest, particularly Southern California. Because in those sort of post mob town days of Las Vegas in the ’80s and ’90s, they were really trying to and succeeded in rebranding Vegas as the family friendly haven of these massive hotels, these big ridiculously overdone shows and buffets and pools and arcades. It was awesome. I’ve honestly had more fun in Las Vegas with my siblings and cousins in the ’90s when I was a kid than I’ve ever had being there after I was 21 and could drink. I don’t know what that says, but it’s also like I’ve watched Vegas change a lot over the years. A lot, a lot. I’ve seen some of those old hotels get blown up or live television feeds of them getting blown up.

And then you go there after a few years of not going there and all the things you remember are gone or renamed or under a new theme and new ownership. There is something uniquely American that is very intensely expressed in Las Vegas. And again, I feel like that is still the case now in the settings that you guys were in, but I want to talk about the union and what state is IUPA in? What the hell do they do and what were they doing at this convention?

Jacob Morrison:

The state of IUPA, it’s funny, because the turnout was so low, the energy was so low, it felt very familiar to me as the member of a public sector union where we have little… There’s not a whole lot of activity among our members and we don’t have very much power, which was very surprising because of all the reasons that we say in the introduction to the peace, the power of police has basically never been better. The police unions are politically feated and they didn’t even have a congressperson at their convention. I was expecting at least one sort of right-wing congressperson to be there. And the highest ranking official that they got was some deputy assistant under secretary of Homeland Security who is the liaison to local governments. I mean, that was sort of surprising to me. I guess

Maximillian Alvarez:

The state doesn’t need the police when we have a police state.

Jacob Morrison:

That may be part of it or it may be that IUPA, I mentioned this in the piece as well, that because IUPA is such a small union and there are other big police unions like the FOP, the PBA, that maybe this union in particular, and potentially because of its affiliation with the AFL – CIO, I’m not really sure and I wasn’t able to get an interview with Sam Cabral, the international president. I tried multiple times while we were on the trip and wasn’t able to make that happen. He would’ve been the one to answer those questions about sort of national politics within the labor movement and with the administration and with other politicians. And I really hate that I wasn’t able to get that interview, but those are questions that still remain. Is it because the police state doesn’t need the police unions or is it primarily because of the way that IUPA itself as an entity is situated in the political environment and there’s not really much of a need for them when they have the PBA and the FOP to be a liaison to them for law enforcement?

I’m not sure.

Hamilton Nolan:

So yeah, IUPA is a relatively small police union. The Fraternal Order of Police and the Police Benevolent Association are bigger. What makes IUPA interesting is they’re the only police union in the AFL – CIO. So they’re the only pure police union that is formally aligned with what is effectively the labor movement, the AFL – CO, America’s biggest labor federation. So they’re in an interesting political place. I mean, the convention itself, if you say, was this a union convention or a cop convention? It was much more a cop convention. And part of a cop convention, I think this is sort of maybe the symbolic part of all this is like they want to go to Vegas and play golf, man. That’s why people would attend the IUPA convention in Vegas is to go play golf. And part of the reason why Sam Cabral, IUPA’s president, sounded so pissed off every day as he was conducting this convention is I think they had so much busy work to do that he wasn’t able to just let everybody go out and play golf.

But the vendors that showed up next to the convention were like cop stuff, body cams, several of which were stolen from the reception at the last night of the convention, which was funny.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah, there was a vendor for assault boats, right?

Hamilton Nolan:

Yeah. Assault boats.

Jacob Morrison:

Which is correct. The union is not going to be the ones purchasing assault. And so that adds to

Hamilton Nolan:

The – Right. It wasn’t like DSA was there in the vendor section. I mean, it was stuff that cops would want, although they were not allowed to have actual firearms in the hotel. So when they auctioned off a rifle, they just had to have a picture of it and I think to deliver it later on. I

Jacob Morrison:

Tried to get the rifle myself because that would’ve been funny, but unfortunately, my raffle was not picked.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Yeah. I mean, you can only commit so far to the bit, I suppose. And insofar as this was still a labor conference and a union convention where stuff was getting done, I want to talk about that, right? I mean, because there’s so many big questions here that we… And by we, I mean people in the broader labor movement, people connected to it, who support it, who have family members in it, who believe in it, and just working people in general who believe that workers banding together and fighting for our needs together is the way forward. And people like us who have questions of what the hell kind of relationship are we supposed to have to the police? There’s so much kind of intensity in those debates online and in person that also seem to contrast so much with the setting you were in, the discussions that were being had, and the mentalities of the people attending this conference.

So talk more about that. Do they see themselves as part of the labor movement? Do they still operate like a union?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, the most fascinating part of this conference to me was getting to be in the room when a police union is talking to itself, presumably with nobody else in the room, right? There was no obvious press here or anything. So that was actually a very interesting kind of look behind the curtain because of the tone that a lot of the speakers had at the convention. And you saw really the qualities, I guess, that people think about police, but maybe don’t get to see so directly. The defensiveness, the kind of military mindedness, the us against the world thing, the we’re the good guys and they’re the bad guys thing. All of that was very much manifested in the speakers that we had, including some of the speakers were so wacky and sort of bizarre and crazy that you start to worry, these are the guys who are talking to the guys with guns.

I mean, that doesn’t make me feel very good. One of the ones that stood out to me crossing over for the union part is there was a guy who spoke from a legal defense fund that serves police unions and all police unions can pay in to tap into the services of this legal defense fund and they will fund legal defense if you, as a police union member, do anything. And he was like, “It could be easy stuff like a dead body in the back of your car or basic stuff like you walk into the jail cell, the guy’s dead, and next thing you know –

Maximillian Alvarez:

Quick question, wasn’t Harvey Keitel from Pulp Fiction doing this?”

Hamilton Nolan:

I mean, to me it sounded awesome. I was like, “I would love to be in a legal defense.” He was like, “Even if you’re here in Las Vegas off duty, if something happens and something goes down and you got to shoot a guy, I mean, we will come to your defense if it was sort of a police action.” So that was pretty interesting to me.

Jacob Morrison:

And absolutely no sort of hemming and hawing about that either. That’s the thing that really kind of stuck out to me about that. And I guess it makes sense because they’re talking to themselves and they don’t feel like they have to justify it, but there really was no attempt to justify why should you as an off-duty cop from Florida be able to shoot and kill somebody in Las Vegas and have a Cadillac legal defense for it? I mean, why should you have that? No attempt to justify that at all and no attempt to reckon with the way that folks who are asking for more police accountability feel about the police and the reason that they would say they don’t have to, even beyond the fact that they felt like they were talking to themselves and so they don’t have to do that. But they cited approval polls from Gallup and stuff about how something like 74% of Americans have some or a great deal of confidence in their local police.

And so they feel like they have sort of won the propaganda war and it’s us actually who are wrong.

Hamilton Nolan:

I was just going to add, if you’ve been to a lot of union conventions or you spent time in union world period, at any union events, there’s usually a lot of talk about solidarity, the basic union buzzwords, and there was almost none of that at this convention. And that really leapt out to me too. I mean, I’ve never been to a union convention or event of any type where almost nobody said solidarity, union, we’re all together, very little of that at all.

Jacob Morrison:

Certainly no attempts to make alliances or highlight alliances that they have with other unions, which do exist, and you can read the piece for more of that locally, but there were no other unions that were speakers there. I mean, at most union conventions, you’ll have other unions speaking. I mean, I think that at the Letter Carriers Convention, Sean O’Brien spoke, at the UAW convention, Sarah Nelson has spoke.That’s a pretty common thing. At the AFL – CIO conventions in Alabama, we have bunch of union speakers. We’ve had people from the UMWA, we’ve had Sarah Nelson, and no other unions at all, not even other cop unions.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and for that reason, there was so much in the figure of Sam Cabral, IUPA president, and the sort of vibe and mentality that he embodied that echoes the steward of Gondor, just really having this sense of we have no friends, we are the thin blue line defending everyone from the darkness that is always ever creeping, but now the darkness is creeping from within our own ranks and we’re the ones holding society together, yada, yada, yada. It feels like so much of that was dripping from the details that you guys gave in this incredible piece, but –

Jacob Morrison:

Can I say something really quick about Cabral? He gave his speech, I think it was either right before or right after he was reelected president of the International, and not a good speaker, which is fine. Lots of people aren’t good speakers, but he was not a good speaker. I don’t think he would say he was a good speaker, but he had some interesting stuff in his backstory that I really would’ve loved to have asked him about. He said that a big reason that he decided to join the union was because of his dad who was in the Meat Cutters Union, which was a union that ultimately became a part of the UFCW, and about how inspired he was by his dad fighting for people that were being bullied, and how he doesn’t like bullies, and how that was such an inspiration to him. And so when he got on with the police force, he wanted to do that for rank and file officers who were being bullied by management.

And I thought that to me was basically the only time that I heard anything from Cabral that sounded like it tracked with my theory or the way that I think of unions. It seemed like there was a real sort of grain of unionism there in Cabral that I found interesting and I would’ve really liked to have talked to him about, because it seems like that sort… Of solidarity with the common every man, like the every man outside of law enforcement has really been buried. And it made me think of Bill Fletcher. I spoke to him for this piece and he talked about how in AFGE, among some of the law enforcement sections, particularly the federal prison guards, he told me, and this wasn’t in the piece, he told me that these guards, literally every single day, they are surrounded by people who would kill them.

They would, a lot of them would kill these guards at the drop of a hat. And doing that and not having a community outside of this law enforcement community to keep you grounded and to make you realize that that is not the rest of the world, the real world does not operate like everybody is out to kill you. If you don’t have a community that can ground you in a reality that’s outside of that, it sort of breaks your brain and it gets kind of boiled alive. And I wonder if something like that sort of happened to Cabral. It was something that I would’ve loved to have asked him about.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and in terms of what you guys were able to ask other attendees and speakers about, like we said, there’s so much here that you guys got the chance to kind of pose to these union members who are part of the only cop union affiliated with the AFL – CIO. And you write beautifully in this piece, and I’m just going to read it, where you guys say, “It is by no means the largest police union in America, but AIUPA has the distinction of being the only police union that is a member of the AFL – CIO. It joined the Labor Federation in 1979, making it a formal but uncomfortable partner to every progressive labor union and every rank and file union member in the AFL – CIO who has ever had to question why they should be affiliated with a union representing the same kind of cops who beat and arrest them, their union siblings, and their neighbors at protests and on picket lines.” So when you guys talked to them about that, what did they have to say?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, first of all, I’ll say Sam Cabral, all three of us would love to interview you, Sam Cabral, so please reach out to us anytime, open invitation. I, as I mentioned, have covered IUPA a bit, particularly in 2020. Their media relations are kind of interesting to me. They’re very quiet. Absolutely, not only do they not do outreach very much, but they rarely respond to not just me from the left wing magazine, but to almost anybody. If you look them up in Google News, very little news about them apart from the fact that they had to go bankrupt because one of their people got sued for sexual harassment, but that’s a different story. But when you look at what Sam Cabral is on the record having done in the past decade or so, when Ferguson was going on and Michael Brown was killed and Richard Trumpka, who was the head of the AFL – CIO tried to make some positive statements about police reform, Sam Cabral sent a very angry, scathing letter to the AFL – COO, rejecting the idea that there was any racism in policing.

Then fast forward to 2020, George Floyd, once again, the AFL – CO, Richard Trumpka, tries to make some supportive gestures towards Black Lives Matter. And again, Sam Cabral sends an angry, scathing letter saying that the AFL – CO is demonizing police and how dare you do this and how dare you suggest police are racist. And then at this convention, a huge theme of the convention was like the crazies are trying to defund police and putting us all in danger and we’re fighting back and there’s this horrible danger on the horizon in the form of the democratic socialists who are going to defund police once again. And it’s fictional in a sense, but it’s also an interesting kind of look into the mind state. And when you talk about their PR strategy, one thing I learned at this convention, which I did not know before was that IUPA gives an award to journalists almost every year at their conventions.

And they’ve been doing so for decades now. And a lot of them are, it’s sort of like you’re the journalist who wrote great stuff about the cops, an actual award with a plaque and everything. And a lot of them were to, because they had a list of all of them in the brochure. And a lot of them were to sites like lawenforcementnews.com or some of them were to Fox News figures, Greta Van Sustran and stuff like that, who you wouldn’t really be surprised by. But some of them were also to Bob Schaefer from CBS News and people like that who had apparently accepted this award from IUPA. And again, it’s like that bunker mentality of talking to the world that Jacob touched on. It’s like it’s us and our friends and then it’s our enemies. And I think that came through a lot at this convention for me.

Jacob Morrison:

It was funny that this year’s recipient did not come to pick up her prize.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, again, it sounds like hardly anyone came, so I guess we shouldn’t be surprised there, but I wanted to save this for the last 10 minutes after all the heavy lifting you guys have done to go there to Vegas, to be there for this convention, to write about it, to go through all the editing, co-publishing, all that. But we got 10 minutes here to sort of address the big question that the feature piece leads with is are cops part of the labor movement or are they an existential threat to it? I mean, I wanted to sort of ask for your guys’ thoughts on that, understanding that there are plenty of people, including people who listen to the show, people that we have interviewed and worked with who are not your typical sort of DSA defund, all cops are bastards kind of people. But as listeners can hear, you guys have been invested in this question, Hamilton, for longer than any of us, but it’s been something that you’ve looked at, seen, talked about, analyzed for many years.

So I wanted to ask where you stood on that question before the convention, if anything from the convention has changed your mind. And I guess having somehow gotten into this sad, decrepit, soulless convention and seeing a bit how the sausage is made, what do you think the rest of us on the outside who never get to see that need to understand about these kinds of cops and this kind of union?

Hamilton Nolan:

Well, I’ll put my cards on the table because I really do have an opinion on this that’s maybe stronger than a typical journalist you might think of. But in 2020 when the George Floyd protests were happening and Black Lives Matter was happening, there was a national movement within the labor movement to kick IUPA out of the AFL – CO. I was active in that. My union, the Writers Guild of America East, which is an AFL – CO member, passed a resolution. So that came from our entire union urging the AFL – CO to kick out IUPA, which the AFL – CO did not. And I also reported on the AFL – CO and IUPA. And what I saw really was the AFL crazily trying to sweep it under the rug, really, really trying to minimize it. Eventually they sort of formed a commission that came out with the report a year later that they totally buried and didn’t publicize.

And that report, in fact, rejected calls to defund police and rejected calls to kick out IUPA. And the same people that put out that report are still running the AFL – CO. So my belief, and it’s a belief that a lot of other people share and have written eloquently about, is that the goals of police unions are fundamentally incompatible with the solidarity that defines the labor movement. My personal belief is police can have unions. They are workers. They work, they have a job. They can, as far as I’m concerned, have collective bargaining and bargain over their wages and working conditions. But that is a different proposition from them being in our labor federation and being a formal part of the labor movement, because being a part of labor movement demands solidarity. Solidarity is a give and take. You give solidarity and you get the benefit of solidarity.

And that is not something that I think police are existentially capable of doing or that we’ve ever seen police do in the history of America. And everybody who says that, “Oh no, no, we need to keep them close and this is going to make them better,” it’s never come true. And I think at some point we have to recognize that. So I would love to see this issue, and thanks for bringing it up, Max, but I’d love to see the issue once again get elevated because the only way the labor movement’s going to make progress on this is for a lot of people to agitate around it and organize around it within your local unions and elevate that up the chain.

Jacob Morrison:

Yeah. When I talked to Bill Fletcher about this, he has basically the same position as Nolan. And I asked him if that position was, does that sort of run counter to what you told me you’ll recall about the federal prison guards, how if these guards, they don’t have a community outside of law enforcement that sort of grounds them in the real world, then they sort of fly off the handle and become crazy. Is that not an argument for maintaining them as part of our labor movement and engaging with them? And he said that the problem with that is that within the Labor Federation, within the AFL – CIO and within unions that have sections of law enforcement, that never actually happens. Potentially he said that maybe that’s an argument to do it actually, but in the real world that hasn’t happened. I mean, like Hamilton talked about, there was this report and they said, “We believe that there would be more good from engaging our police affiliates than isolating them.” And maybe that’s true.

And I think potentially my interviews with leaders of the Memphis Police Association, maybe they speak to the value of that. I have a full hour up on the Valley Labor Report with the vice president of the Memphis Police Association. And long story short, I was able to write some in The Real News and talked about some in my interview about the ways that the Memphis Police Association very much unlike other police associations has stood in solidarity with unions in Memphis, has supported collective bargaining rights, not just for themselves, but for the other city unions, has supported striking workers and not arrested striking workers when they were called on to harass them by the boss and anti-union forces. And so maybe the unique history of Memphis, maybe there’s a path forward there, but you can’t talk about that as a path forward without recognizing that even though that has been talked about in other places within AFGE, within the AFL – CIO, the leaders of these federations show no appetite to actually make that happen.

And the leaders of the police associations by and large show no appetite to allow that to happen to them. I mean, there’s just no appetite at the international level from IUPA and certainly not from the FOP or the PBA for any sort of reform. And I talked to Covington about this, the vice president of the Memphis Police Association, John Covington, about why would you want to be sort of burdened with the responsibility of responding to the homelessness crisis in this country, the mental health crisis in this country, and every societal ill should not be handled by an armed agent of the state is sort of how I feel about it. And he had his response and it was basically like that these things can get dangerous and so basically we need somebody with a gun who can kill somebody if it gets out of hand.

And he actually even pushed back against having social workers in addition to cop teams because he was like, “If we have a social worker there, then that’s another person that I have to protect as the one with the gun.” And I think that is sort of part of his brain being broken and being always in the world of it’s us against them and everybody is out to kill me. And I don’t think that that is actually the world that we live in. Even when we’re talking about the mental health crisis and the homelessness crisis, I think that by and large, most of those people are not going to be violent unless violence is threatened against or put against them. And that’s just not really something that cops seem willing to tolerate.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and at a certain point, you really got to be able to see past the goodness real are perceived of the individual people wearing badges and think about, to borrow Hamilton’s term, the sort of existential basis of this job and the sort of powers of that badge. There are certain built-in structural foundational incentives that are literally pushing those people, good or not, to do the opposite of what everyone else would have to do in that situation. It’s like arguing why business owners all turn into Jeff Bezos want to be power hungry monsters because they’re literally incentivized to. They’re rewarded for being that. And the state apparatus is constantly giving them benefits for doing that. And the same sort of thing applies to cop unions, right? Why would they have solidarity when they are constantly being kind of enabled by the state to get by without it?

My mind always goes to what union workers and retirees in Wisconsin told me about Act 10 in 2011. When Governor Scott Walker and the Republicans during the Great Recession were capitalizing on people’s pain to just go all out against public sector workers and unions, go after their collective bargaining rights, their wages, their ability to even maintain their unions. But of course, there were carve outs for cop unions, firefighters, and deputy sheriffs. And that kind of pattern has been repeated in so many ways around the country. So it does sort of beg the question of why would they show solidarity with us if they are always sort of incentivized not to and rewarded for it?

Hamilton Nolan:

Something that is so relevant to this discussion I think is that this summer, 2026, the AFL – CO’s convention was held in Minneapolis. They purposely held it in Minneapolis in order to celebrate the Minnesota labor movement’s actions in opposition to ICE. So the whole kind of underlying theme of the AFL – CO convention this year was we are celebrating the Minnesota Labor Movement and what they did to resist ICE, particularly in Minneapolis. And at IUPA’s convention, they have speakers up there celebrating the agreements that local unions strike to help out ICE and help them in their deportation campaign. And it comes down to which side are you on? Everybody in the labor movement knows the song, which side are you on? And I would challenge the AFL – CIO to tell me how you reconcile these two points, how you believe you can have a union in your federation that is celebrating and assisting ICE’s deportation campaign at the same time you as a federation are purportedly celebrating our resistance to that thing.

It doesn’t work.

Jacob Morrison:

The International Union of Police Associations was the only affiliate of the AFL – CIO to not attend the quadrennial convention in June in Minneapolis.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right gang, that’s going to wrap things up for us today. I want to thank our special guests, the incredible labor journalists and real news contributors, Hamilton Nolan and Jacob Morrison. Go follow and support Hamilton Substack, how things work and read his book, The Hammer. Go follow and support Jacob and the Valley Labor Report. My God, we need their work now more than ever. And I cannot stress this enough. Go read their amazing pieces about the IUPA Convention in Las Vegas that we published on the Real News website and that Hamilton published at How Things Work. We’ve linked to both of those in the show notes for this episode. And of course, I want to thank you all for listening and I want to thank you guys for caring about this. We do all of this work for you, but we cannot do it without you.

And that goes for us here at Working People in the Real News and also for Hamilton, Jacob, and every other labor journalist that you support. Working People is brought to you in partnership with In These Times Magazine and The Real News Network. This show is produced by the great Jules Taylor and is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network. We’ll see y’all back here next time for another episode of Working People. And in the meantime, go explore all the great work that we’re doing at The Real News, where we do grassroots reporting that lifts up the voices and stories from the front lines of struggle. Subscribe to our YouTube channel, check out our great podcasts like Under the Shadow and the Battle for Free Speech, and connect with us on social media and get updates on our reporting there and help us do more work like this by going to therealnews.com/donate and becoming a supporter today.

I promise you guys, it really makes a difference. I’m Maximilian Alvarez.

Hamilton Nolan:

I’m Hamilton Nolan.

Jacob Morrison:

I’m Jacob Morrison.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Take care of yourselves.

Jacob Morrison:

Take care of each other.

Hamilton Nolan:

Solidarity forever.