Up to 70,000 police mobilized to curb violence at France protests




France has deployed 70,000 police officers and gendarmes ahead of nationwide demonstrations on Saturday, with authorities warning of a heightened risk of unrest after vandalism and looting damaged about 3,000 businesses the previous week.
RELATED: France Reports 855 Arrests in Paris After Protests
Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu warned late Friday that the threat remained high, particularly from radical far-left groups and criminal elements operating alongside demonstrations called by trade unions, students and the Yellow Vest movement.
Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez announced a large-scale security operation to prevent further violence and looting.
“We will show no mercy to looters and troublemakers,” Nuñez declared. He has faced criticism from the left over police tactics and from the right for failing to prevent the previous week’s unrest.
France to mobilise 70,000 security forces for Saturday protest, interior minister says https://t.co/ok4e8kEy5t https://t.co/ok4e8kEy5t
— Reuters World (@ReutersWorld) October 23, 2026
Authorities have banned gatherings in numerous cities and restricted the routes of other demonstrations on security grounds, prompting criticism from trade unions and human rights organizations.
In major cities, trade union demonstrations were authorized on Saturday only in Paris, Marseille, Strasbourg, Lille, Mulhouse, Grenoble, Toulouse and Amiens.
In Paris, a last-minute change to the union march’s route sparked a dispute between police officials and organizers. Authorities cited the heightened threat following a racist attack on the outskirts of the capital the previous day as they redirected the march from Place de la Nation to Place d’Italie, keeping it away from the city center.
Several museums in the capital, including the Louvre and the Musée d’Orsay, will remain closed, as will the nearby Palace of Versailles. A nighttime curfew in the areas around Place de la République and Les Halles will also remain in force until Monday.
Banks and businesses in central Paris were boarding up shopfronts and windows late Friday and early Saturday in anticipation of possible vandalism, according to observations by Spanish news agency EFE.
Security concerns also extend to Orléans, about 130 kilometers (81 miles) south of Paris, where the far-right National Rally (RN) is holding a congress to formally launch Marine Le Pen’s presidential candidacy, roughly six months before the election.
Authorities estimated that 11,000 people took part in a counter-demonstration in Orléans on Saturday against Le Pen’s party. Organized in opposition to racism, fascism and imperialism, the march proceeded peacefully in a festive atmosphere, according to EFE.

Protesters chanted slogans including “Macron resign, Le Pen to prison” and sang the French national anthem, La Marseillaise, as well as the Spanish-language protest song “The People United Will Never Be Defeated.”
Authorities deployed about 3,000 officers in Orléans to prevent clashes between demonstrators and attendees at the RN congress. The local prefecture authorized Saturday’s march but banned a separate demonstration planned for Sunday.
The security measures reflect the authorities’ efforts to prevent further disorder while allowing some demonstrations to proceed. Restrictions on public gatherings and the deployment of thousands of officers have shaped preparations for Saturday’s rallies across France.
The Czech government has taken a further step towards fundamentally restructuring the country’s public broadcasting system, pushing controversial legislation through its first parliamentary reading after an extraordinary overnight session that triggered demonstrations and clashes with police in Prague.
In the early hours of Saturday, 24 October, the Chamber of Deputies advanced a government proposal abolishing licence fees for Czech Television (ČT) and Czech Radio (ČRo), replacing them with direct financing from the state budget. Opposition attempts to reject the legislation or return it for revision failed.
The decision represents another stage in the confrontation between Prime Minister Andrej Babiš’s governing coalition and organisations defending independent public broadcasting. Critics argue that the proposed financial arrangements could give successive governments greater leverage over the country’s principal public service media institutions.
Hundreds of demonstrators gathered outside parliament on Prague’s Malostranské Square on Friday, protesting against the legislation and the government’s decision to accelerate its parliamentary consideration.
According to the Czech News Agency’s account of the demonstrations, several dozen protesters attempted to force their way into the parliamentary building. Officers from a special police unit prevented their entry.
Police spokeswoman Eva Kropáčová confirmed that the situation was brought under control without arrests. Demonstrators also confronted SPD parliamentarian Jaroslav Foldyna, requiring police intervention.
Inside parliament, the governing coalition of ANO, Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) and the Motorists party imposed limits on parliamentary debate and scheduled the decisive vote for 4.36am.
Of the 177 MPs present, 81 supported rejecting the proposal. The opposition subsequently pledged to continue resisting the legislation during its remaining parliamentary stages.
The central controversy concerns the proposed transfer of financial responsibility for public broadcasters from licence-fee payers to the state.
Under the government’s plan, Czech Television would receive approximately CZK 5.74 billion annually, while Czech Radio would receive CZK 2.07 billion.
Combined funding would amount to approximately CZK 7.8 billion, representing a reduction of around CZK 1.4 billion, or 15 per cent, compared with existing licence-fee revenues.
Culture Minister Oto Klempíř, who developed the proposal, maintains that budget financing is an established European model. The government argues that abolishing the combined CZK 205 monthly household charge would reduce costs for consumers without compromising editorial independence.
However, the dispute extends beyond the immediate financial reductions.
Under the existing system, licence fees provide broadcasters with revenue that is substantially separated from annual government spending decisions. Financing through the state budget introduces a different relationship between broadcasters and political authorities.
Even where allocations are established by legislation, future parliamentary majorities can amend the law governing those payments.
A particularly significant development emerged on Saturday when an examination of the government’s own legislative documentation showed that its regulatory impact assessment had identified direct budget financing as the riskiest funding option.
The accompanying documents explicitly acknowledge the possibility of increased dependence on the state and political pressure without adequate safeguards.
The controversy has attracted criticism from international organisations responsible for defending independent journalism.
In a joint statement issued on 23 October, the European Broadcasting Union, Reporters Without Borders, International Press Institute and other organisations warned that the accelerated parliamentary process was incompatible with the thorough scrutiny required for such legislation.
They highlighted the proposed funding reductions and questioned whether the new arrangements would sufficiently protect the broadcasters’ operational and editorial independence.
Their objections have a specific legal foundation.
Article 5 of the European Media Freedom Act requires EU member states to provide public service broadcasters with adequate, sustainable and predictable financing, based on transparent and objective criteria.
Budget financing is not prohibited under EU legislation. However, financial arrangements must contain safeguards against political interference.
As EU Today previously examined, the European Media Freedom Act establishes legally binding obligations intended to prevent governments from undermining independent journalism through institutional or financial pressure.
The Czech proposal therefore raises questions about whether its safeguards and funding provisions satisfy those requirements.
Employees of Czech Television and Czech Radio have announced a nationwide strike for Tuesday, 3 November, organised by the Veřejnoprávně initiative.
The industrial action follows an earlier warning strike in June, when journalists and other broadcasting employees protested against the government’s plans.
A further public demonstration is scheduled for Sunday, 25 October, in Prague’s Old Town Square.
The confrontation also reflects the broader political divisions that have emerged since Babiš returned to government in December 2025.
Opposition politicians have drawn comparisons with political intervention in public broadcasting elsewhere in Central Europe, particularly Hungary and Slovakia.
The government rejects accusations that it intends to nationalise public broadcasters or interfere with their editorial decisions.
For the moment, the legislation remains subject to parliamentary scrutiny and has not become law. Its passage would nevertheless change the financial relationship between the Czech state and two of the country’s most established news institutions.
The central question is whether future governments would acquire additional means of influencing broadcasters through their budgets, even without exercising direct control over individual editorial decisions.
Italy’s diesel protests reveal class contradictions: productive petty bourgeoisie crushed by costs, metropolitan subproletariat exploding in rage.
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Diesel fuel as an indicator of class struggle
Over the past three weeks, Italy has laid bare—all at once and unfiltered—its fundamental social reality. On one side are truck drivers, farmers, fishermen, steelworkers, and a mass of young people who cannot even put a name to their own anger. On the other is an institutional apparatus that, instead of asking why the real people of the country have taken to the streets, convenes high-level meetings on public order and prepares yet another decree. Anyone familiar with the principles of historical materialism knows that situations like these should not be interpreted through the lens of crime reporting. They should be seen as moments when class contradictions—suppressed for years beneath the surface of managed consensus—become visible to the naked eye.
This article does not intend to provide a chronicle of the clashes, which have already been extensively covered. Instead, it aims to lay out the facts and ask what they reveal about the nature of the Italian state at this stage, about the social composition of those protesting, and about the structural inability of the ruling bloc to offer a response that is not repressive.
It all begins, as is often the case, with a budget item. Decree-Law No. 162 of September 17, 2026, had provided for a temporary reduction in the excise tax on diesel fuel until October 5; once that deadline passed, the government did not extend it. The average price has returned to nearly 2.50 euros per liter. For a small Calabrian truck owner who owns just one truck and works as a subcontractor for large retailers, that figure determines whether the month ends in the black or in the red.
The first spontaneous protests broke out in Calabria in early October. Then came Puglia, starting October 11, followed by Basilicata, Sicily, Campania, Molise, and finally Lazio, with picket lines at ports and blockades on the main thoroughfares. Truck drivers were joined by farmers, then by fishing communities. In front of the fish market in Termoli, a banner appeared featuring a skeleton and the words “You’ve reduced us to the bone”; in San Benedetto del Tronto, fishing boats remained in port. In supermarkets across Abruzzo, Molise, Puglia, Campania, and Calabria, the shelves emptied, and people rushed to stock up as they hadn’t since the COVID-19 pandemic.
Let’s pause to consider who these people are, because the sociology of the protest matters more than the slogans. We are not dealing with the classic industrial proletariat, the one found in large Fordist concentrations. We are dealing with a productive petty bourgeoisie in the process of proletarianization: the small business owner, the independent farmer, the fisherman with his own boat. Marx had precisely described—in Chapter 1 of the Manifesto—the fate of these intermediate strata, crushed between big capital, which absorbs them, and the wage-labor condition into which they ultimately plunge. The trucker blocking the highway today is formally an entrepreneur. In substance, his business is a disguised wage: the client dictates his rates, energy costs dictate his expenses, the state levies the excise tax, and he bears the risk. He is self-employed only in the sense that no one guarantees him anything.
In this sense, diesel fuel is more than just a fuel. It is the point where global oil rent—now spiraling out of control due to the Hormuz crisis—travels down the logistics chain until it is offloaded onto those at the very end. Financial capital speculating on futures, large retailers who refuse to renegotiate transport contracts, and the state collecting excise taxes: three forms of appropriation of value produced by others, all converging on the same social body.
The Second Front: The metropolitan subproletariat
On October 17, the protest changed in nature and geography. A hashtag that appeared out of nowhere on social media, “Italia in piazza,” called for demonstrations against the high cost of living, gas prices, and the tax burden. In Milan, Piazza Duomo became a battlefield; in Turin, a Feltrinelli bookstore was ransacked; in Bologna, clashes broke out in front of the train station involving water cannons and tear gas; the following day, in Milan alone, 271 people were taken to the police station, and as many as 220 were minors—among those detained were 12-year-olds, most of whom were second-generation Italians.
On the same day, in Rome, the CGIL’s national march and two other demonstrations against the high cost of living brought some 25,000 people into the streets without any incidents. This contrast must be kept in mind, because it disproves the government’s favorite myth of a single, violent protest. There are at least two distinct movements: one organized, with union roots and specific demands, and one disorganized, very young, urban, and lacking political leadership.
The second movement is the most interesting from a theoretical standpoint, and the most dangerous from a political standpoint. Marx had a term for the uprooted masses lacking class consciousness who, in times of crisis, can be mobilized by anyone who offers them a role: Lumpenproletariat. Using that word today does not mean insulting those young people. It means recognizing their objective position: children of the suburbs of Milan and Turin, often from immigrant families, excluded from the labor market even before entering it, raised in a world of conspicuous consumption that is never within their reach. It is a cognitive dissonance between imagination and reality, and the risk that this violence will be co-opted for reactionary purposes, as happened with the masses of unemployed and war veterans in the 1920s and 1930s.
The lesson of the 18th Brumaire also holds true in reverse. The underclass has no program of its own, and precisely for this reason it can become raw material for any project: that of those who want to set things ablaze, but also that of those who need an internal enemy to justify austerity measures. It is no coincidence that the government has chosen to speak almost exclusively about them, and almost never about the truck drivers in Gioia Tauro or the workers of the former Ilva plant who, in those same weeks, were striking in Taranto and Genoa to find out if they would still have a factory.
The state as a business committee
Il Manifesto defines modern state power as the committee that administers the common affairs of the bourgeois class. This formulation has often been dismissed as overly simplistic. The last two weeks offer an almost textbook-like illustration of it.
On October 18, following the clashes, the Prime Minister convened a summit on public order to evaluate further measures against those who exploit legitimate demonstrations. The October 19 summit resulted in the announcement of a decree-law that preempts measures from the security bill stalled in the Senate: deferred arrest for group vandalism, harsher penalties for roadblocks, and the strengthening of the “Strade Sicure” initiative in Milan with more military personnel. The League has called for the inclusion of preventive detention for minors as well. This would mark the eighth security package in four years.
Consider the sequence of events. A government that could not find the resources to extend the excise tax discount managed, in forty-eight hours, to find the resources to send the military onto the streets of Milan. An administration that, since March, has been issuing fuel decrees with two- or three-week deadlines—renewed only when the industry threatens a strike—is instead enacting emergency and permanent legislation on repression. Even the 300-million tax credit for the trucking industry, approved in May, still lacked an implementing decree by the end of June, to the point that industry associations were asking for it to be released. Social support arrives late, just in time, and in dribs and drabs; criminal legislation arrives immediately, and is designed to stay.
This does not stem from the malice of individual ministers, and those who think in terms of class need not demonize anyone. It stems from the role the state plays in a peripheral Western social formation, caught between European budget constraints and Atlantic rearmament commitments. We have military spending that will approach 45 billion in 2026 and austerity measures totaling approximately 23 billion. Caught in this vise, the state cannot redistribute wealth without breaking with its external guarantors, and so it does the only thing left to it: it manages the conflict as a matter of public order. Engels wrote this in The Origin of the Family: the state arises where class antagonisms become irreconcilable, as a power that claims to stand above society and that distances itself from it more and more.
The farce of contradictions
While the substance of the institutional response is consistent, its surface is a catalog of absurdities. It is worth listing them, because that is where the crisis of hegemony is most clearly visible.
The first concerns the diagnosis. Justice Minister Nordio spoke of probable criminal infiltration within the truckers’ blockades. Interior Minister Piantedosi, when questioned about the young people in Milan, admitted that there was still no evidence they were being manipulated. Two ministers from the same government: one sees organized crime behind the trucks, the other finds no orchestration behind the looting. Each chooses the interpretation that serves to delegitimize the crowd before them, and neither of them asks how much a full tank of gas costs.
The second issue concerns the passing of the buck. Milan Mayor Sala complained about an inadequate number of officers on the streets; Piantedosi responded by accusing him of being a representative of a “radical chic” left unable to condemn the violent protesters without exception. A group of mayors observed, with unintentional clarity, that pointing fingers at one another won’t lower gas prices. It is a perfect snapshot of a political class in which the majority and the opposition argue over the number of police needed, without either side questioning the system that fuels the anger.
The third issue concerns language. Meloni wrote that protesting against the high cost of living is a civil right, while sending a police officer to the hospital is the work of hooligans. Tajani called it unacceptable for the opposition to fan the flames. On October 22, Tajani himself welcomed the lifting of the strikes by the major trucking organizations, explaining that strikes do not lower diesel prices and only harm citizens and businesses. The right to protest is thus recognized in the abstract but denied in any concrete form that might produce results. You can protest, as long as the protest doesn’t disturb anyone; but a protest that doesn’t disturb anyone is a protest that no one hears. It is the old paradox of formal democracy that Marxist criticism has always denounced: equal freedoms on paper, unequal power relations in reality.
The fourth contradiction is the most serious. The government invokes the rule of law while drafting regulations—such as the preventive detention of 12-year-olds—that even its own commentators deem at risk of being unconstitutional. The state that demands that young people in the suburbs respect the rules is the same one that, to defend itself against them, is willing to violate its own.
The crisis is systemic
Gramsci, in his Quaderni, offered the most frequently cited definition of crisis: the old is dying and the new cannot be born, and during this interregnum the most varied pathological phenomena occur (readers are invited to consult Quaderni, Q. 3, 34). It is difficult to find a more accurate image for Italy in October 2026. The old social contract, founded on household savings, small businesses, and family-centered welfare, no longer holds. There is no new historical bloc. In between lie the pathological phenomena: youth gangs filming themselves as they ransack a jewelry store, ministers accusing one another, and a barrage of decrees.
Lenin, in the second chapter of The Failure of the Second International, way back in 1915, added that a crisis becomes revolutionary when those at the bottom no longer want to live as before and those at the top can no longer govern as before. The first condition is beginning to manifest itself in Italy. The second is evident in the paralysis of an executive branch that oscillates between last-minute extensions and punitive measures. The third element—the decisive one—is missing: a political force capable of transforming discontent into a program. The mass parties have been reduced to opinion-making groups and personal fiefdoms; the parliamentary left is demanding more police officers in Milan; the confederal unions have called for a general strike on November 20—five weeks after the clashes—and tend to meekly comply with government diktats just to keep their now-entrenched privileges intact. Meanwhile, in Milan, an “October 17 Movement” has emerged thatannounces demonstrations every Saturday until the government falls. Without roots, without organization, without theory, it is unlikely to go far. But its very emergence shows just how vast the void left behind is.
Herein lies the crux of the matter. I have argued elsewhere that the struggle today is not horizontal—between the right and the left—but vertical, between the people and the elites, and that those who reduce the conflict to a horizontal plane do so because they do not want people to understand where the problem lies. The events of October confirm this. The government has done everything in its power to transform a vertical conflict—over the cost of living and income distribution—into a horizontal one: Italians versus second-generation immigrants, law-abiding citizens versus hooligans, the productive North versus the South that blocks the roads. The slogan that appeared on the roadblocks, “The South Is Italy Too,” is the simplest response to this maneuver.
A class analysis that stops at national borders would be incomplete. The price of diesel in Cosenza depends on the Strait of Hormuz, and the Strait of Hormuz is closed or choked off because of a war that Italy did not decide on but supported as part of its Atlantic alignment. As early as March, the first fuel decree was justified by the international crisis linked to the war in Iran. Since then, the government has tried to keep up with rising prices through temporary discounts, while continuing to commit to rearmament goals and European austerity.
It is the old Leninist thesis on imperialism, updated to a condition of subordination. A country that does not control its own energy policy or its own foreign policy ends up passing on the costs of other people’s wars to the working classes. Sanctions against Russia have already driven up utility bills; the war in the Gulf is now driving up fuel prices. The bill always lands at the same address: the truck driver, the fisherman, the suburban family watching their grocery cart empty. While defense industry stocks rise, the real country grinds to a halt.
This is why Italy’s social crisis cannot be resolved with yet another extension of the fuel tax. It can be resolved—if at all—by breaking the constraints that make redistribution impossible: the European budget constraint in its current form, the military spending target, and the automatic alignment with wars that Italy endures without having any interest in them. Peace, energy sovereignty, and social justice are not three separate demands. They are the same demand viewed from three angles.
Who is asking for mercy, and from whom?
There is one image that stands out from these past weeks, and it is the skeleton on the banner in Termoli. It is not an image of revolt. It is an image of supplication: a people exposing their emaciated bodies and asking to be seen. The institutions have responded to this plea with the language of the criminal code, with mutual accusations between ministers and mayors, and with a tally of those arrested.
It must be stated clearly, because clarity is a duty of analysis: the devastation of a bookstore or the looting of a jewelry store is not class struggle. They are a symptom of a society that has ceased to offer its young people any sense of belonging, and the left, by romanticizing them, commits the same error as the right, which merely criminalizes them. Both fail to ask themselves how to transform that anger into consciousness. But it is equally clear that a state capable of responding to need only through force has lost its function as a social organism and has been reduced to an apparatus for defending those in power.
Italian history is all too familiar with these developments. Major social crises without political direction have always ended up shifting to the right, with an order imposed from above on the ruins of a fragmented movement. The alternative exists only if someone resumes the patient work that Gramsci called the “construction of hegemony”: organizing truck drivers and young people in the suburbs, fishermen and workers in Taranto, within a single vision that addresses wages, energy, peace, and sovereignty. This is not a task for talk shows or executive orders.
It is a political task in the oldest sense of the term, and institutional Italy, for now, has shown that it does not even want to acknowledge it.
NICOLAS TUCAT / AFP via Getty Images
As France prepares for another weekend of protests, some of its most famous streets and landmarks are bracing and boarding up.
NICOLAS TUCAT / AFP via Getty Images
Last weekend, student-led cost-of-living protests devolved in some places into violent riots and looting.
This weekend, the interior ministry has said it will increase police presence, deploying some 70,000 officers across the country on Saturday. The protests are expected to draw support from various groups and organizations, including the gilets jaunes, or yellow vests.
On Saturday morning, military officers and a multipurpose intervention vehicle could be seen positioned outside of Paris' National Assembly building.
Luc Auffret/Anadolu via Getty Images
Luxury stores including Dior, Louis Vuitton, Cartier, and Moncler all have stores on the Avenue des Champs-Élysées.
Some 1,500 businesses were targeted in last weekend's vandalism, said Alexandre Bompard, the CEO of Carrefour, one of France's largest supermarket chains.
Luc Auffret/Anadolu via Getty Images
Business leaders including Thierry Guibert, CEO of Lacoste, and Nicolas Houzé, executive chairman of Galeries Lafayette, all spoke out in the aftermath of last weekend's damage.
"We cannot allow violence to destroy what generations have put so much energy into building," Guibert wrote on X.
Mouneb Taim/Anadolu via Getty Images
Among the areas targeted in last weekend's violence in Paris were the Marais shopping district and the Place de la République.
Speaking to Business Insider's correspondent Nathan Rennolds last weekend, one shopkeeper in Paris said looters had "taken everything."
Wu Huiwo/Xinhua via Getty Images
In a notice on its website, the Louvre says the museum will be closed on Saturday and all reservations will be reimbursed. The Louvre closed its doors earlier this week after student protests blocked the entrances.
The Grand Palais and Musée d'Orsay are also closed for the day.
In an update issued on Thursday, the US Embassy in France warned Americans to avoid demonstrations and said curfews across the country, including in some Paris neighborhoods, might continue. It also advised Americans in Paris for the NFL game on Sunday, October 25, to exercise caution.
Muhammed Said Tako/Anadolu via Getty Images
Protests are also expected in countries including Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Albania.
French police used tear gas to disperse demonstrators in Lyon on Saturday morning, 24 October, as 70,000 police officers and gendarmes were deployed nationwide to prevent a repetition of the violence and looting that accompanied last weekend’s mass protests.
In Paris, trade unions agreed to a revised demonstration route after the administrative court rejected their challenge to a last-minute police order. The march will proceed from Porte d’Italie to Porte de Vincennes, rather than between Bastille and Nation as originally agreed, with the procession scheduled to begin at 2pm.
Elsewhere, emergency judicial decisions have complicated the government’s security arrangements. Courts have suspended restrictions in Limoges and several municipalities around Marseille, while other cities remain subject to extensive bans on public gatherings.
The developments follow last weekend’s nationwide unrest, when approximately 550,000 people demonstrated against rising living costs, deteriorating public services and conditions in French schools. Violence erupted in several cities, leaving businesses looted, public buildings damaged and police officers injured.
Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez has ordered the deployment of 10,000 additional officers compared with 17 October. The operation includes specialist police units, armoured vehicles, helicopters and water cannon.
According to the government’s official security instructions, prefects must examine proposed demonstration routes, assess the reliability of organisers and take preventive measures where there is evidence of a risk to public order.
The authorities are particularly concerned about organised groups exploiting otherwise peaceful demonstrations to attack commercial premises and government buildings.
Security services expect between 400,000 and 500,000 people to participate in Saturday’s mobilisation. The government has warned that calls for renewed violence and looting have circulated online.
The previous weekend’s disturbances resulted in thousands of arrests. Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin said 217 people had already received prison sentences, with approximately half described as first-time offenders.
The government’s measures have prompted an increasingly contentious legal dispute over the constitutional protection of public demonstrations.
The French Human Rights League has challenged restrictions in several cities, including Brest, Quimper, Caen, Marseille, Lille and Montpellier. It argues that extensive prohibitions interfere with freedom of assembly, expression and movement.
In Marseille, negotiations between local authorities and trade unions resulted in permission for a demonstration along an agreed route through the city. A separate administrative court decision subsequently suspended parts of the wider departmental ban, allowing gatherings in Gardanne, Istres, Martigues, Miramas and Tarascon.
The administrative court in Limoges also suspended restrictions on gatherings of more than ten people in the city centre and overturned an associated curfew.
In Lyon, however, restrictions remained in force across a large central area. Police dispersed approximately 150 demonstrators near Lyon III University shortly before 11am after participants blocked traffic close to the prohibited perimeter.
President Emmanuel Macron has argued that protecting public order must take priority following the destruction witnessed on 17 October.
His suggestion on Thursday that demonstrations not organised by recognised trade unions should generally be prohibited prompted legal challenges from opposition parties and civil liberties organisations.
In a ruling delivered on 23 October, the Conseil d’État rejected challenges to Macron’s remarks, finding that they did not themselves constitute a binding nationwide prohibition. The court nevertheless reaffirmed that prefects must assess individual demonstrations according to the circumstances and risks involved.
The ruling leaves local restrictions subject to judicial scrutiny rather than providing the government with unrestricted authority to prohibit protests.
Meanwhile, the movement’s original demands remain unresolved. What began with secondary-school students protesting against staff shortages, overcrowding and educational conditions has expanded into a broader mobilisation involving trade unions, university students and Yellow Vest campaigners.
Macron met representatives of secondary-school students on Friday, but participants subsequently called for demonstrations to continue until concrete proposals were presented.
The renewed mobilisation comes six months before France’s presidential election, in which Macron cannot seek a third consecutive term.
Political tensions are also evident in Orléans, where thousands of demonstrators gathered on Saturday to oppose the National Rally’s weekend party congress. Authorities deployed additional security personnel and restricted the location of the protest.
For the government, the immediate objective is to prevent another outbreak of large-scale violence. For unions and civil liberties organisations, the dispute increasingly concerns the conditions under which public protest may legitimately be restricted.
As EU Today reported ahead of Saturday’s demonstrations, the central legal question is whether prohibitions are proportionate to identifiable security risks.
The courts have now begun answering that question differently across France, leaving the authorities to enforce a patchwork of restrictions as the country’s social and political confrontation continues.
NBA star LeBron James was shown practicing his golf swing during the playing of the United States national anthem before his 76ers debut on Tuesday. Later in the week, President Donald Trump called James' conduct a "TOTAL DISGRACE" on social media.
The story itself is quite simple. James practiced his golf swing during "The Star-Spangled Banner." Trump criticized him for it. And yet, the headline writers at ESPN apparently didn't see it quite as clearly.
According to ESPN.com on Thursday, "Trump criticizes LeBron James for not standing still during the national anthem."
Take a look:
Here's the full clip of James during the national anthem:
Describing what James did as merely "not standing still" is an awfully charitable characterization. He wasn't shifting his feet or adjusting his uniform. He was practicing his golf swing while the national anthem played.
The framing minimizes the conduct at the center of the controversy. ESPN suggested James' behavior was innocuous and Trump's criticism was excessive.
That was the point. ESPN must feel it has an obligation to protect James. The headline writers must have also agreed James was wrong. Otherwise, there would be no reason to sanitize it as James merely failing to "stand still."
At least athletes who kneel during the anthem generally claim that they are doing so as a form of protest. James offered no such explanation. He simply sought to make a mockery of the anthem.
It also wasn't the first time. James was caught practicing his swing during the national anthem on Christmas Day last year.
There’s something cringe about a star American athlete who previously criticized NBA executive Daryl Morey for supporting Hong Kong protesters now behaving this way during the U.S. national anthem.
At this stage of his career, the NBA also has to ask how much James still benefits its brand.
James turns 42 in December. He has averaged 15 points per game through his first two games this season and, unsurprisingly at his age, is a shell of his former self.
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His basketball legacy is secure. James is one of the greatest players in NBA history. But he has become a net negative through his declining play and consistently anti-American messaging.

Thousands of Venezuelans marched through the streets of Caracas and other cities on Thursday against the nation's socialist regime to demand presidential elections and the safe return of anti-socialist opposition leader María Corina Machado to the country.
The post Venezuelan Anti-Socialists Hold Nationwide Peaceful Protests Demanding Elections appeared first on Breitbart.
'Nightcaps' is a daily column that catches you up on the biggest sports, news, and culture stories you may have missed while pretending to do work at your desk. It runs Monday-Friday on OutKick.com.
We're eight days out, folks.
Eight days away from Halloween. Hard to believe, right? October is flying by, and for good reason. We've got a TON going on right now — and that doesn't even include the World Series, which starts tonight.
Show of hands ... who's paying attention? I know there's this big debate about small market teams and lack of interest ... blah, blah, blah.
I don't care. Anything — and I mean anything — beats having to watch the Dodgers. Give me some fresh blood in the Fall Classic. I don't even like the Rays, but I'll take them over the alternative.
Obviously, we're all rooting for the Brewers, right? Feels like that's a pretty unanimous choice. If you haven't watched a single second of Brewers baseball this year, do me a favor and watch the first inning tonight.
Wait till you see this Jacob Misiorowski pitch. He's gonna blow your minds.
On that note, welcome to a Friday Nightcaps — the one where fans (you guys!) weigh in on two things that are pretty top-of-mind at the moment ...
Penalties in the NFL, and the ongoing anthem controversies in both the W and NBA.
Spoiler alert: You're sick of both! I don't blame you.
What else? I've got bedlam in Boone, I thought Kirk Herbstreit was actually really good alongside Al Michaels last night (see, I can be nice!), and let's check in with UGA fans after last week's horrible loss to Auburn.
They're doing great!
OK, grab you some bologna for National Bologna Day, and settle in for a Friday 'Cap!
I'm certain we've celebrated this day before, because I contend that bologna is one of the more — if not the most — underrated meats on the market.
People dunk on bologna all the time, and it's baffling to me. I don't get it.
I'd put a fried bologna sammy over any sammy in this country. I'm dead serious. It's rare that you can find one anymore, but if you do, you're in for quite a ride. Nice thick slice of bologna? Cheese? Toasted bun. The best.
Mount Rushmore of deli meats? Sure! Why not?
1. Bologna (duh)
2. Pepperoni (not sure it counts as a deli meat, but I get it from my Publix deli, so it counts today)
3. Turkey (gotta be sandwich-sliced though. If it's too thin, I walk away. Thinly sliced turkey is for the birds)
4. Roast beef (I had chicken in this spot last year, but I've evolved)
And that concludes our culinary portion of today's class! Gordon Ramsay would be proud.
OK, let's go ahead and get started by addressing some fan frustration from this past week. First, we'll start with last night's flag-fest in Chicago:
Yikes. Look, I don't even think last night was that bad when you compare it to the rest of the year, but still ... the flags in the NFL are out of control right now.
I believe Al Michaels made a comment about it last night. Whenever there's a big play, you almost expect a flag. You're STUNNED when you don't see one.
That's not a great place to be. There's no flow in these games anymore. No rhythm. It's just a three-hour ref show at this point. I don't know who to blame, by the way.
The players? The coaches? The league for, at times, forgetting it's actually tackle football? Everyone probably shares some of it.
Bottom line? It's hurting the product. Something has to change.
Moving on ...
Yesterday, I asked the class how y'all felt about the ongoing anthem debates raging in both the WNBA and with LeBron James. I was curious, mainly because I'm personally just over it all.
I don't care anymore. I think it's all silly and the players doing it are insufferable, but I'm just tired of giving them oxygen at this point. It's not worth it.
You guys agreed.
Here's a quick sampling of some of the responses I received — and I received DOZENS of emails last night.
Yeah, I cannot stand LeBron James. He's awful, and has been for decades now. He's the worst. But it's 2026. We've known this about LeBron for YEARS now.
Why should I let it bother me anymore? What's the point? Why am I letting LEBRON JAMES or the WNBA girls affect my mood? It's silly. I'm over it.
Most of you are, too.
OK, let's rapid-fire this Friday class into a big weekend of FOOTBALL. First up? I give Herbie and Al Michaels a lot of grief, but I thought Kirk was actually really good last night.
He absolutely nailed the most pivotal moment of the game:
I was screaming at the TV the second I saw it happen. That play was straight out of the Bill Belichick handbook. I thought it was actually brilliant by Mike Vrabel, and I'm no Mike Vrabel fan.
It's the right call. If you somehow stop them, you have to waste a timeout. That's one.
They're gonna go for it because Ben Johnson is Ben Johnson. The chances of getting another stop on 4th and inches are very slim. If you don't, the game is basically over because you're only going to have one timeout left and they'll have a new set of downs.
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I'd take my chances with the 58-yard field goal any day of the week in that spot. Good work, Herbie! Less of the dog, and more of THAT!
Next? While everyone was watching that Bears-Pats ending, I was dialed in on the App. State-JMU game over in Boone.
And buddy, it was college football at its finest:
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I mean, it's just the best. This season, more than any other I can remember, has really separated college and the NFL for me. Right now, college football is clearly No. 1 and it's not particularly close.
It's just a better all-around product at the moment, and the gap is getting wider by the week.
OK, that's it for today. Good class, everyone. While we're talking some college football, I leave you with this incredible message board regarding the University of Georgia football team.
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It just means more in the SEC, baby!
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See you Monday.

Golden State Valkyries head coach Natalie Nakase called her team’s national anthem absences part of its pregame routine Friday, but did not explain who established that routine or why.
OutKick had been trying to ask players and coaches about the anthem absences since Game 1. But after attending all 13 formal press conferences during the first three games without being called on, OutKick had to wait until Friday’s media availability ahead of Game 4 to ask those questions directly.
"What do you do during those 90 seconds that you’re off the court?" OutKick asked.
ATLANTA DREAM, GOLDEN STATE VALKYRIES SKIP NATIONAL ANTHEM FOR THIRD STRAIGHT WNBA FINALS GAME
"I’m with my staff, so I’m focused on my plays. That’s what I’m doing right now," Nakase responded.
Golden State’s public relations staff then moved to the next reporter. OutKick did not get an opportunity to ask why those preparations needed to happen during the anthem, rather than before or afterward.
The Valkyries and Atlanta Dream have been off the court during the national anthem before all three WNBA Finals games. In each game, players left shortly before the performance and returned seconds after it ended.
Earlier in the exchange, OutKick had asked Nakase whose decision it was for the team to be absent and why it followed that routine.
"We’re two years in," Nakase said. "That’s been part of our pregame."
Asked again who decided and why, Nakase said, "I really don’t know."
"I understand your question," she added. "I’m not trying to, you know, not answer your question. It’s just part of our pregame."
Valkyries forward Gabby Williams was born in Nevada, holds U.S. and French citizenship and represents France in international competition.
OutKick asked whether Golden State’s absence during the national anthem was a protest.
"No," Williams said.
Asked why the team was off the court during the U.S. national anthem, she responded: "That’s been the routine for like, seven years now."
A Valkyries public relations representative then said, "Next question."
Golden State is in its second season, and Williams joined the franchise this year. She played for Chicago from 2018–20 and Seattle from 2022–25, making the Valkyries the third WNBA team she has played for. Her seven-year reference would span her time with all three franchises, though she did not explain how the routine began or whether it was the same at each stop.
VANCE CONDEMNS 'DISGRACEFUL' WNBA NATIONAL ANTHEM WALKOUTS, SAYS PLAYERS SHOULD SHOW MORE GRATITUDE
There is a political history behind WNBA teams staying off the court during the anthem. During the 2017 Finals, Los Angeles Sparks players voted to remain in the locker room as a show of solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement, according to ESPN’s reporting at the time.
Atlanta also published players’ union messaging about anthem protests in its Aug. 2, 2020, game notes. The statement said "the anthem does not represent freedom, justice and liberty for all Americans" and that players would "continue to protest" in various forms.
A protest can become a routine without ceasing to be a protest. Williams denied that Golden State’s absences are a demonstration, but saying the practice has lasted for years does not explain its purpose. Neither Williams nor Nakase explained who established Golden State’s routine or why it puts players off the court specifically during the anthem.
Dream guard Rhyne Howard was asked about calls to exclude players from Team USA if they do not stand for the national anthem during the WNBA season.
Riley Gaines and former Georgia state Rep. Vernon Jones have argued that athletes’ conduct during the anthem should carry consequences when they seek to represent the United States internationally.
Howard represented the United States at September’s FIBA Women’s Basketball World Cup, where she stood for the national anthem.
"I mean, are we just talking about these three games or are we talking about the full season?" Howard asked.
OutKick clarified that the question concerned both.
"I don’t think I’ve been on the floor for the national anthem for any of my tenure in Atlanta, so if that’s what people are gonna look to nitpick for then so be it," Howard said.
"But as far as competing for your team, when I go put on USA jersey I’m out for the national anthem every time, there’s no doubt about it."
"Yes, I love the country that I play for and I love what we have here," she added.
Howard also questioned the focus on the anthem during the WNBA Finals.
OutKick followed up: "Is there a reason you’re not on the court for the anthem?"
Howard and an Atlanta public relations representative both responded, "Next question."
OutKick also sought to ask Angel Reese, Howard’s Dream and Team USA teammate, about the criticism.
Most players and coaches were available throughout the 30-minute media window. Reese and Atlanta coach Karl Smesko were each required to be available for only 15 minutes.
Reporters could jump in with questions during the other interviews Friday, but Atlanta public relations staff selected the questioners during Reese’s availability. OutKick was not called on and did not get an opportunity to ask her.
Smesko was asked why his team had left the court shortly before each Finals anthem and returned shortly afterward, and whose decision that was.
"We’re just kind of focused on the Finals," Smesko said.
OutKick followed up by asking whether he had any comment on the anthem and his team’s absences on the league’s biggest stage.
"No," Smesko said.
An Atlanta public relations representative then moved the session to the next question.
The WNBA’s 2026 official rulebook says players, coaches and trainers are to "stand and line up in a dignified posture" along the sidelines or on the foul line during the national anthem.
The Associated Press reported Tuesday that the league suspended its anthem protocols in 2017. The provision remains in the 2026 rulebook, and OutKick has asked the WNBA to clarify its current requirements and enforcement.
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OutKick has also asked about possible discipline and exemptions, and sought comment from the NBA league office.
The WNBA, NBA and both teams’ front offices have not responded to OutKick’s emailed requests for comment about the anthem absences. Friday’s responses came from players and coaches during media availabilities.
The coaches and players have described a pregame routine that includes jogging off the court just prior to the national anthem and returning seconds after it ends.
It's time for a new pregame routine.


The months-long protests in Albania have reached a new escalation, with university students strengthening their mobilization since mid-October.
Concerns about study expenses, poor employment prospects, and low wages have added impetus to a movement that has demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Edi Rama and urgent action on the widespread corruption weighing on the country.
“Students have brought the Flamingo Revolution into a new phase,” wrote the Solidarity Albania platform. “In a capital where living costs devour 170% of the median net wage, public universities are starved to force youth into economic exile.”
“When a generation rises for its basic rights, the only legitimate response is total solidarity,” they added.
“Tirana’s struggle stands shoulder-to-shoulder with student strikes in France and India, and with liberation struggles in Palestine, Sudan, and the Congo, and elsewhere.”
Mass mobilizations against elite tourism projects, the devastation of Albania’s natural resources, and corruption have been ongoing since May this year – evolving in what was dubbed the Flamingo Revolution.
For the past months, demonstrations have continued on a daily basis, Enriko Peçuli from the progressive party Lëvizja Bashkë told BreakThrough News. “Some days you saw more people on the streets, sometimes a bit less, but gatherings continued basically every night: the energy was there.”
On October 13, when the latest upsurge began, “you could sense in the city that something was going to happen,” Peçuli adds. When students assembled in large numbers near the Ministry of Education and part of the building caught fire, police violence erupted, Peçuli says – and has continued for ten days in a row.
The authorities’ violent response has drawn comparisons to the institutional response to youth mobilizations in France, yet it represents a new element in local mobilizations. During other significant demonstrations, including the student protests in 2018, it was not as pronounced, Peçuli says – possibly indicating Rama’s worsening position.
Ever since the beginning of the protests, the prime minister has tried to deflect responsibility and avoided the protesters’ core demand: his resignation.
When the Flamingo Revolution started, Peçuli describes, Rama tried to blame it on foreign powers. He has named the governments of Greece, Iran, and Russia as culprits for the mobilizations. “It’s only gotten worse with time,” the activist points out. “He’s becoming more and more arrogant, he uses a language of violence.”
After the escalation of the past days, Rama attempted – in a way – to establish dialogue with the students. This was resolutely rejected, as Peçuli notes that protesters will not agree to anything less than the government’s resignation.
“It’s spontaneous rage pushing people into the streets,” he said, nodding to the events’ decentralized character that some have credited for at least part of the demonstrations’ longevity.
“We don’t have trade unions or big student movements [like the ones in France], society is generally not organized in the same way,” Peçuli points out – but there’s no sign of backing down.
“Rama might have offered dialogue, but it’s difficult to take that seriously after the past 10 days. After you’ve sanctioned breaking people’s heads, your right to call for dialogue is a bit limited.”

Thousands of protesters marched to the headquarters of the Election Commission of India (ECI) in Delhi and to other government offices in several cities across India on Friday, October 23, as part of the ongoing nationwide demonstrations against alleged electoral fraud and manipulations.
Protesters in Delhi carrying the national flag shouted slogans against the election fraud and the attacks on people’s right to vote, right to protest, and basic democracy in the country. They were stopped by the security forces deployed in large numbers who had barricaded all the routes leading to the ECI office hours before the protests began. Some of the protesters were also detained.
Similar protests were held across different parts of the country on Friday and earlier this week. The protests in Delhi were called by People Against SIR, a group of over 300 organizations formed recently to coordinate ongoing protests. The group includes major trade and farmers unions, student and youth movements, and other sections of civil society.
A large number of farmers also participated in the protests which have been ongoing since the beginning of the month and are expected to intensify in the coming days as all opposition parties and civil society groups have already called for a large demonstration in Delhi on November 1 over the failure of the government to respond to their demands so far.
The march on Friday was converted to a public meeting after it was stopped by the security forces. Several people addressed the protesters, pointing out the complete disregard to the basic rights of citizens by the Narendra Modi-led government.
Some of them also questioned the legitimacy of the ultra-right-wing government, claiming it was a result of a stolen mandate.
The Narendra Modi government has imposed an undeclared emergency in the country by making it an offense to wave the national flag, arresting activists, and letting the police and pro-regime thugs repeatedly attack protesters, women and journalists, People Against SIR said in a press release on Thursday.
The failure of the constitutional institutions, including the Supreme Court of India to intervene against the blatant misuse of state power and their failure to protect the basic rights of the people confirms the state of democracy in the country, it underlined.
Two leaders of the CJP were sent to seven days of judicial custody after they tried to unfurl the national flag in central Delhi last week in an attempt to resist the government’s clampdown on the protesters.
Hundreds of people, mostly young activists, have been detained, and beaten by the security forces since the beginning of the protests. Several of the women protesters and journalists have complained about police and pro-government thugs molesting and beating them during the protests.
The government has repeatedly used sections of the law to restrict movement and barricaded the central parts of the capital city for weeks now.
The protesters decried the restrictions imposed by the government against protests in the capital and other places, calling it a violation of the right to peaceful protest. They announced that they will not let India become a “police state.”
The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) is an ongoing process initiated by the ECI to revise the electoral rolls in the country. The opposition has alleged that the process was illegal and was initiated with the intention to manipulate elections to benefit the ruling ultra-right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has been in power since 2014.
Several reports in the local newspapers have also claimed the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar violated established legal procedures and made changes in the SIR process arbitrarily on several occasions to benefit the ruling party.
Over 130 million voters, around 14% of all registered electorates in the country as per the 2024 data, have been removed from India’s decentralized electoral rolls since the process began last year. In some states a quarter to half of all electorates were removed.
The number is significant especially given the fact that in India’s First Past the Post system, the victory margins in elections are often very small.
Some have claimed that many of the voters removed from the roll were from religious minority communities or sections of the working class which have generally voted against the BJP.
One of the major demands of the ongoing protests is the removal of the SIR process altogether. Protesters have also demanded the removal of the sitting CEC and for legal action to be taken against him, as well as the re-inclusion of all the people whose names have been removed from the electoral rolls.
A suspected terrorist attack near Paris Friday added to tensions across France as the nation prepares for more potential violence Saturday.
Seventy thousand law enforcement officers, along with helicopters, armored vehicles and water cannons, will be deployed across France as President Emmanuel Macron’s government tries to ward off another weekend of violent protests.
"The strategy adopted for the coming days is to ban protests requested by individuals or groups with no legitimate authority," Macron said ahead of the weekend after canceling his planned trip to Nigeria and Senegal originally scheduled for next week.
"The rules are simple, and I think they're just common sense," Macron added. "The general recommendation is that there should be no demonstrations in the coming days."
FRANCE'S MACRON BLAMES PROTESTS ON 'ULTRA-LEFT GROUPS WHOSE AIM IS TO BRING DOWN THE REPUBLIC'
"Where trade unions submit requests to hold demonstrations, prefects will examine them in accordance with the law," he added, "but alternative routes will be proposed" to protect city centers, businesses and public buildings.
Adding to security concerns, a suspected terrorist attack occurred in the city of Trappes, west of Paris. A 39-year-old man was arrested by police after one person was killed and four others, including a 12-year-old girl, were wounded in what was originally said to be a "relatively random" shooting.
Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez has since told local media, "The motive may be racist. The investigation is ongoing, but this is clearly a terrorist crime."
The AFP reported the suspect appeared to fire randomly from a vehicle, and the mayor told reporters the dead victim and at least one of the wounded were "of African origin."
Macron said "the nation is standing with" the victims of this "terrible ordeal."
FRANCE COULD FACE EVEN WORSE DESTRUCTION WITH SECOND WEEKEND OF PLANNED RIOTS, STATE DEPT WARNS
Ahead of Saturday's protests and after acknowledging that police had "lost control" during last weekend's unrest, Nuñez, the interior minister, said his ministry is "ready for tomorrow. We will be extremely vigilant, extremely firm, and we will let absolutely nothing pass."
Reuters reports that the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France, or UNEF, one of the nation’s oldest student unions, has said its planned rallies will go on as scheduled despite police rejecting their permit requests. Police have so far only approved a union demonstration in Paris, Reuters reported, while denying requests from UNEF and the "Yellow Vest" movement, an anti-establishment force that first emerged in 2018.
Macron also took aim at those he says are behind the violence, saying, "Last Saturday, we had political and seditious acts by ultra-left groups whose aim is to bring down the Republic."
Earlier this week, Fabian Vanhemelryck, secretary general of the Alliance Police Nationale union, said political figures deserved blame because of "those who excuse the inexcusable, justify violence and prefer to overwrite police officers rather than condemn those who attack them."
He also said the "state that abandons its police officers in the face of increasingly uninhibited violence, while demanding that they accept, remain(s) silent and continue(s) to hold the line."
Major French institutions, like the Louvre and the Musée d'Orsay, will be closed in anticipation of Saturday’s planned protests, and 24 Metro stations across Paris will be closed. A Ligue 1 soccer match between Paris Saint-Germain and Olympique Lyonnais, scheduled for Sunday night at Parc des Princes in the capital, has also been postponed to Monday evening.
The NFL game between the Pittsburgh Steelers and the New Orleans Saints, scheduled for Sunday afternoon at Stade de France just north of central Paris, is still set to be played as scheduled, yet some weekend events around the game have been canceled.
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The Stade de France is the same stadium that hosted an international soccer match between France and neighboring Germany during the Nov. 13, 2015 terror attacks.
Explosions were heard outside the stadium during the game that night, with then-French President François Hollande in attendance. Fans were held inside the stadium for hours while authorities dealt with the attacks unfolding around Paris that night.
The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to this report.

Fox News Digital's "Who's Who in Chaos Inc." is a living database mapping the organizations, local chapters, international networks and funders organizing or amplifying major protest movements.
The directory identifies each group's mission, ideology, organizational role and documented protest activity, distinguishing direct organizers and participants from supporters and amplifiers.
The database will be continuously updated and organized by country as new organizations, chapters, coalitions and connections emerge, providing a running picture of how local protest movements connect to broader national and transnational networks.

Fox News Digital's "Who's Who in Chaos Inc." is a living database mapping the organizations, local chapters, international networks and funders organizing or amplifying major protest movements.
The directory identifies each group's mission, ideology, organizational role and documented protest activity, distinguishing direct organizers and participants from supporters and amplifiers.
The database will be continuously updated and organized by country as new organizations, chapters, coalitions and connections emerge, providing a running picture of how local protest movements connect to broader national and transnational networks.
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Hundreds of thousands are set to take to the streets in cities across France on Saturday, October 24, once again protesting austerity and the cost of living crisis. Demonstrations are set to go ahead despite an extremely repressive response from the government and local authorities, including curfews and bans.
Over the past couple of days, a growing number of cities and regions have announced protest bans, drawing criticism from trade unions and progressive groups. “The government has banned demonstrations on Saturday in Lyon, Marseille, Rouen, Grenoble, Le Havre, Bourg-en-Bresse, Le Mans, Toulon, Chambéry, Perpignan,” wrote Clémence Guetté of La France Insoumise on October 22. “New bans are coming down every hour. Is this what democracy looks like?”
Many of the bans are being contested in court, with the final outcome yet to be determined.
French President Emmanuel Macron failed to revise his stance on the protests in the same period, announcing that only trade union mobilizations will be allowed on Saturday. “Where they are not organized by trade unions, we will ban them wherever we can,” Macron stated.
The government announced the intention of deploying troops to “guard” the demonstrations. The idea was announced after nationwide protests on October 17 – attended by roughly 800,000 people – turned into riots against the erosion of education services and overall living standards.
This institutional response has been heavily criticized by progressive forces that joined students on the streets. As Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu’s administration insisted on framing the mobilization exclusively as a security issue, including in meetings with political parties, left forces denounced the strategy for failing to address concrete issues.
Paul Vannier of La France Insoumise said the government was engaging in “a strategy of letting the situation rot,” insisting that it should instead shape a solution to students’ demands. This would include freezing prices, increasing wages, making higher education more accessible, and allocating €10 billion for the education system.
The French left has also sounded the alarm about the long-term consequences of the violent repression of the protests: thousands of youth were arrested during the mobilization, and dozens were injured – some of them very seriously.
While alarming, this course of events is not surprising, La France Insoumise pointed out. The party compared the repression observed in French cities to the one witnessed during protests in Kanaky in 2024: “a state of emergency, extended curfews, a general ban on demonstrations, the blocking of TikTok, nearly 3,000 security personnel deployed with army support, armored vehicles, and the massive use of LBD launchers and grenades.”
“What the state tested in 2024 in Kanaky, it is now applying in 2026 to its own youth, with the same men in charge,” the media outlet L’Insoumission wrote.
It is in this context that progressive forces in France have reiterated calls for the public to respond to the students’ call and protect their right to protest on Saturday. “On October 24, we once again call on all activists to put on their red [trade union] vests so that young people and workers can exercise their right to demonstrate and to make their demands heard,” the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) wrote.

“We are witnessing an authoritarian shift that goes hand in hand with the government’s stubborn refusal to own up to its record and to call into question its unjust policy in favor of the wealthiest,” dozens of trade unionists, advocates, and cultural workers wrote in an appeal, calling for support for the protests.
“This choice is irresponsible and dangerous for democracy, and for the physical integrity of those who defend it without the framework of these mobilizations,” they stated. “It paves the way for the far right to come to power.”
Security forces to include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism after worst street violence in years
France will deploy about 70,000 police around the country on Saturday as the government seeks to prevent more civil unrest after some of the worst street violence in years erupted on the fringes of cost-of-living protests last weekend.
The interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, said on Friday the security forces would include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism operations and hostage rescues, adding that there had been social media calls for violence from “ultra-left” groups.
Continue reading...
© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters
Security forces to include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism after worst street violence in years
France will deploy about 70,000 police around the country on Saturday as the government seeks to prevent more civil unrest after some of the worst street violence in years erupted on the fringes of cost-of-living protests last weekend.
The interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, said on Friday the security forces would include elite units usually used for counter-terrorism operations and hostage rescues, adding that there had been social media calls for violence from “ultra-left” groups.
Continue reading...
© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters

© Photograph: Abdul Saboor/Reuters