The European Union is witnessing a full-blown social revolt. Governing political parties and their economic policies are held in open contempt as public protests and strikes escalate across multiple countries.
Protests, mass marches, and industrial strikes are spreading across the EU in France, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Germany, Ireland, Portugal, and other countries. The grievances are various, from students and teachers over woeful education services, to healthcare professionals and transportation workers denouncing crumby wages and pension cuts.
But at the core is a warmongering, dehumanizing system of capitalist inequality.
Unbearable living costs for basic needs, from food to housing, are driving millions onto the streets in desperation and anger at the lack of adequate political response to their concerns. As one French student said: “Too young to be listened to, old enough to be tear-gassed.”
The entire political system is being brought into disrepute for its dysfunction and indifference towards meeting rudimentary human needs. Then, infuriating all the more, are lies from the elite rulers and their propaganda media about “national defense and threat of war from Russia.”
In Spain this week, an 87-year-old frail woman known as Maricarmen died in hospital after she was evicted from her Madrid home because she could not pay the extortionate rent increase. Her plight has come to galvanize a nationwide protest against Spain’s housing crisis, a crisis that is repeated across every European country. Protesters shouted furiously that the pitiful old woman was “murdered by the state and corporations.”
In France, the brutality of police against student protests has shocked the nation and the world. Nearly 7,000 young people have been arrested, as riot police tear gas and shoot at largely peaceful rallies. Students gathering at the Place de la Bastille in Paris and other cities vow that they will not back down. One student had his hand blown off by a police stun grenade while another teenager lost an eye from a rubber bullet fired at close range.
The Place de la Bastille is where the French Revolution manifested in 1798 against a hated aristocracy amid abject misery. Today, the tensions are boiling towards another momentous rebellion, this time inspiring again similar movements across Europe.
These protests and the inhumane suffering that underlie them are channeling uprisings all over the EU.
There is a palpable sense that populations en masse have had enough of decades of inequality and chronic deprivation inflicted by capitalist policies that enrich a few and are enforced by governments slavishly serving the interests of capital over the needs of the citizen majority.
Western media reports talk about “cash-strapped” governments under pressure from bond markets to reduce record debt levels while workers, students and pensioners demand more public investment and relief from economic hardship.
That is a misleading partial portrayal of the problem. Omitted is the crucial backdrop that European governments are directing vast economic resources towards militarism and the proxy war in Ukraine against Russia. That is what is causing the “cash-strapped governments.” In other words, their declared fiscal straits are a policy choice, not some mysterious dilemma.
The social crisis sweeping across Europe is also seen in the United States and other Western-aligned nations. The background is a failed economic system that no longer provides a modicum of acceptable living conditions. The problem has been decades in the making from growing inequality and diminishing political representation. Today it is even questionable if Western states are democracies, controlled as they are by corporate oligarchies.
Nevertheless, the social crisis that is unfolding across Europe has been intensified and amplified by European political rulers operating in a relentless war mode against Russia.
The European Union has pumped hundreds of billions of euros into Ukraine over the past four years to prop up a NeoNazi regime run by a corrupt dictatorship – all for the objective of defeating Russia. The EU leaders – many of them unelected, like Ursula von der Leyen, Kaja Kallas and António Costa – are driven by an obsessive Russophobia. But that is only part of the explanation.
Other elected leaders and parties like France’s Macron and Germany’s Merz are also despised for their elitism and delusions of grandeur. Merz declares that he wants to make Germany the strongest military in Europe, in total tin-ear deafness to his nation’s economic and social problems and the sinister historical connotations of resurrecting Nazi Germany. Meanwhile, as his government suffers electoral defeat after defeat, European elites deprecate German voters as being blind because they dare to choose parties that are opposed to war with Russia.
There are many grounds for the Europe-wide contempt of ruling parties. Inequality, poverty, unemployment, soaring living costs, declining wages, deteriorating public services. Uncontrolled immigration amid the pressure on inadequate public resources is another cause for grievance. Europe’s complicity in the Israeli genocidal war on Palestinians, and Europe’s complicity in Trump’s aggression towards Iran, Yemen, Cuba, and so on, are other factors.
However, the bogus narrative that governments are “cash-strapped” is a cause for immense public disgust. There are plenty of economic resources to meet public needs. It’s a question of those resources not being permitted to create just and humane societies under the prevailing capitalist system with its priority of enriching a tiny elite class.
The conditions of “tight budgets” and “austerity for the masses” are created by deliberate policies of militarism and fuelling a proxy war in Ukraine.
European “leaders” and their NATO lobbyists like Mark Rutte demand hundreds of billions of euros to boost military industries while at the same time calling for draconian cuts in public spending and social welfare in order to pay for this reckless militarism. The EU is “lending” an additional €90 billion over the next two years alone just to prop up the corrupt regime in Kiev so that it can keep fighting a futile war with Russia. The perverse priority is driven by the military-industrial complex and its corporate investors. It is also driven by an ideological, propagandized mindset that demonizes Russia as an enemy. President Putin and other Russian voices have repeatedly stated that they do not want war with Europe. They say the conflict in Ukraine has root causes that can be resolved through diplomatic engagement. Why are European politicians implacably opposed to peace?
A major factor is covering for internal political and economic failure of the European system. The EU’s economies, as with those in the U.S. and other Western states, are bankrupt dystopias in terms of delivering on social and democratic needs. The failure has been compounded by the costs of war in Ukraine.
That failure is criminal and fatal for the politicians and governments who have overseen the policies. Thus, the political class, including the propaganda news media, cannot admit their criminal policies.
In the face of their own internal contradictions, the European political elites are seeking a solution by externalizing Russia as an enemy. This is the same modus operandi that European rulers have used for the past century and more, unleashing two world wars as a result.
These criminal politicians and their dysfunctional economic system are again pushing war as their escape plan for survival at the expense of millions of lives and at the risk of starting a third world war, one that this time around could involve catastrophic nuclear nemesis.
It is damning of virtually every European government, including primarily the British, that there are no calls for diplomacy and political settlement with Russia. They are committed to waging war on Russia to absolve themselves from the social devastation they are responsible for.
One positive thing, though, is that increasing numbers of people can see through the chicanery and lies. A German student placard summed it up: “We won’t fight your wars… Education not bombs!”
A day of reckoning is imminent. Criminal political leaders and their warmongering system are exposed like never before and in a way that demands total revolt as a proper solution. The consequences are not to be externalized this time. Chickens are coming home to roost, as Malcom X once said.
A French member of the European Parliament and former police commissioner called for attempted-murder charges Thursday after masked protesters set fire to the entrance of a Bordeaux police station, blocking officers inside as smoke filled the building.
Matthieu Valet, now affiliated with the National Rally, said the attackers blocked the main door of the Capucins station and ignited trash bins piled against it while officers were still inside.
“It’s a criminal act of extreme gravity; we could have had a massacre,” MEP Valet wrote on X. “The perpetrators must be found and prosecuted for attempted murder. Ten years after the Viry-Châtillon attack, where police officers were burned alive while trapped in their patrol car, nothing has changed.”
BREAKING: Rioters attempted to murder police officers in Bordeaux, says French MEP.
Criminal rioters blocked the entrance to the Capucins police station and then set the station on fire.
They were actively trying to prevent the police from exiting the building, reported French MEP @mvalet_officiel.
Smoke filled the entire police station while the crowd cheered from outside. Officers tried to put out the flames but suffered from smoke inhalation and needed to evacuate.
French MEP Valet: “It’s a criminal act of extreme gravity; we could have had a massacre! The perpetrators must be found and prosecuted for attempted murder. Ten years after the Viry-Châtillon attack, where police officers were burned alive while trapped in their patrol car, nothing has changed!”
Bordeaux prosecutor Renaud Gaudeul said a group of about 10 hooded individuals deliberately stacked bins at the station’s entrance around 4 p.m. and set them alight during a high-school demonstration. The fire spread quickly along part of the facade. Three national police officers inside escaped through a rear emergency exit. No injuries were reported but the officers reportedly suffered from smoke inhalation.
Prosecutors opened an investigation for destruction of property by a means dangerous to people, committed because of the victims’ status as public officials, and for joining a group formed to prepare violence or property damage during a public demonstration. Those offenses can carry up to 20 years in prison. Authorities have not so far filed attempted-murder charges.
This is not the first time that protesters have been accused of setting buildings on fire and blocking exits. Earlier this week, rioters set fire to the entrance of Vauquelin High School in Paris and blocked the exit with 100 students and staff inside. A harrowing video from BFMTV captured the moment.
BREAKING: Rioters set fire to the entrance of Vauquelin High School in Paris and blocked the exits when staff tried to put the fire out.
A film crew recorded the terrifying attempted murder.
“The school staff was unable to put out the fire. The rioters blocked them just as the extinguisher nozzle came out; they blocked the exit.”
“The fire continues. You see all the silhouettes moving behind it; they continue to feed this fire, making it stronger and stronger. The school staff is not even going to try to put it out anymore; they can’t manage it. We can hear the principal here asking the hundred confined students to step back and move up to the first floor.”
The building was full of staff, students, and journalists, but these rioters appear ready to kill anyone still inside the vocational chemistry school.
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Graffiti reading “Vengeance for Eden” was sprayed on the station wall, referring to a student seriously injured by a police grenade launcher earlier in the protests in the Paris region.
The attack came on the margins of nationwide student blockades and marches over teacher shortages and school conditions, now in their third week. A high school in nearby Lormont was vandalized the same morning. Across France, the protests have produced thousands of arrests since late September, along with repeated use of fireworks mortars, stones and burning barricades.
BREAKING: France in a state of chaos.
Police charge protesters on Place de la Bastille in Paris after students slam them with projectiles.
After the charge, students continue to hurl paving stones.
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The 2016 Viry-Châtillon case, in which officers were burned to death inside their vehicle during unrest outside Paris, remains a frequent reference point in French debates over attacks on police. Interior Ministry officials have defended recent tactics while announcing a temporary suspension of certain stun grenades after some minors picked them up and blew off their hands.
"It’s no longer a firework. It’s a homemade bomb."
Protesting "students" in France, some draped in Algerian flags, craft firework mortars into weapons to target police in Aix-en-Provence.
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In nearly every video, racial and ethnic minorities, mostly Blacks and Arabs, are seen driving much of the unrest and physical violence.
The latest figures from the interior ministry indicate that 761 police officers have been injured in the ongoing unrest, according to Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez in an Oct. 7 hearing before the National Assembly’s law committee.
The count covers injuries since Sept. 28.
On Thursday, Oct. 8 alone, the Interior Ministry reported 48 additional officers and gendarmes injured. Nuñez said arrests and detentions stood at 6,629 as of the evening of Oct. 6.
According to Education Minister Édouard Geffray, about 65 teachers and education staff have been injured in the riots.
Brussels is steering Europe toward totalitarianism and a “Euro-Gestapo” while lecturing Russia on democracy, Slovak MEP Lubos Blaha has warned.
Blaha made the remarks during a European Parliament debate on Tuesday, responding to EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas, who denounced Russia’s recent parliamentary elections as undemocratic.
The politician questioned why Brussels was focusing on Russia while cracking down on dissent within the bloc.
He cited arrests of pro-Palestinian protesters in Germany and the imprisonment of Estonian opposition figures, who he claimed were jailed for opposing war with Russia.
“Are you going to set up the Euro-Gestapo here, Mrs. Kallas, and lock up everyone who wants peace?” he asked.
The Slovak lawmaker also questioned why Brussels was debating Russia’s elections while Europe faced mounting unrest.
“You may not have noticed, but Spain is in the streets, France is in the streets, and you are here dealing with Russian elections. You must be joking,” he said.
Blaha went on to accuse Brussels of double standards over Ukraine’s suspended presidential elections.
“You blame the Russians for having elections, but you don’t mind that [Ukraine’s Vladimir] Zelensky has been governing for three years without any elections, without a mandate,” he said. “You are hypocrites!”
Zelensky’s presidential term expired in May 2024, but elections have remained suspended under martial law.
Blaha also cited the annulment of Romania’s 2024 presidential election, claiming the vote was canceled because “the wrong candidate won.” Romania’s Constitutional Court scrapped the result over alleged irregularities and accusations of Russian interference after EU- and NATO-skeptic Calin Georgescu won the first round. Pro-EU candidate Nicusor Dan won the rerun in May 2025.
The MEP argued that Russia had held elections despite the ongoing conflict and daily Ukrainian missile and drone attacks on its territory.
The September poll saw the ruling United Russia party win nearly 58% of the party-list vote.
Blaha also defended Russian President Vladimir Putin, contrasting his popularity with that of Western European leaders.
“You have nothing to criticize Putin for, Mrs. Kallas,” he declared. “Unlike you and your Merzes and Macrons, he has the support of his own population.”
Recent polls have put German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s approval rating at a record low of 10% in October, while French President Emmanuel Macron’s support fell to 17% in September. Neither Kallas nor European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was directly elected to her current position by voters, having assumed office through the EU’s institutional appointment process.
Blaha belongs to Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico’s Smer-SD party, which opposes EU sanctions on Russia and has criticized Western military assistance to Ukraine.
French students shut down 1,800 schools and brought more than 450,000 people to the streets Tuesday, as the nationwide youth revolt grows against Macron austerity. Danièle Obono, La France Insoumise MP in the French National Assembly, joins Zoe Alexandra and Rania Khalek to unpack how one protest in Saint-Denis over teacher shortages and overcrowded classrooms has transformed into a movement that’s shaking Paris to its core.
Obono lays out a decade of neoliberal attacks on public education under Macron’s austerity agenda, and explains why the viral video of Saint-Denis Mayor Bally Bagayoko shielding students from riot police has transformed him into a symbol of solidarity for young and working-class people across France. And she responds to Trump’s claims that immigrants and Islam are behind the rebellion; Obono argues that a growing movement of working-class youth from diverse neighborhoods singing “La Marseillaise” and demanding their rights is the only answer to the far right:
“We tell Donald Trump to mind his own business. We have absolutely no lessons to learn from him.”
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Rough transcript follows:
[Speaker 1:] Massive student protests have been taking place across France, where students are mobilizing for the right to education and against austerity measures undermining it. Roughly 1,800 high schools shut down on Tuesday, October 7, as students, supported by trade unions, families, and progressive politicians, took to the streets. According to trade unions, over 450,000 people participated in protests across the country. Students at 90% of French universities also organized actions that same day, adding even more weight to this historic mobilization.
The students’ main demands include urgent measures to address the critical situation in French schools: staffing, class sizes, and the condition of school buildings. They are basic demands to make education dignified and high-quality. These protests made international headlines, and even Donald Trump commented on them, which we’ll get to in this interview. The protests are expected to continue.
To talk about the significance of these protests and what they mean for the progressive camp in France, we’re very lucky to be joined by Danielle Obono, a deputy in the French National Assembly with La France Insoumise. Danielle, welcome to the show.
[Speaker 2:] Hi, thank you for having me.
[Speaker 1:] We’re so excited you’re with us. A lot of people in the United States have seen videos of the protests, but perhaps aren’t fully aware of why people have been taking to the streets. Can you tell us about the underlying causes and motivations for these protests? What is the situation of public education in France? And how did almost 2,000 high schools organize to shut down on Tuesday?
[Speaker 2:] The situation is very difficult for students. This historic nationwide movement actually started in a small high school near Paris. At first, teachers—and then teachers and students—decided to mobilize to protest the lack of staff, the condition of the buildings, the overcrowded classrooms, and, overall, the inequalities between schools and teachers. They went on strike, and then the students decided to join in and help their teachers. They blocked the whole school.
That’s how it started. Through social media, they shared videos, and students in other places recognized the same situation. This is also something that has been happening over the past two or three years. You could see videos on social media of teachers showing the appalling state of their classrooms, and students showing the very bad food they had at school, and things like that.
That’s really what sparked the movement. The root cause is ten years of Macron attacking public schools and public education in France, which used to be of a very high standard and accessible to every segment of society. In France, schools are really a symbol of the French Republic and of equality, and a way to access citizenship. It means a lot to people, and people really love public schools.
Over the past ten years, neoliberal policies have attacked this public school system. Macron, an overzealous neoliberal, has been hell-bent on privatizing it and turning it into a market. I think that’s why this movement sparked and happened: because of this decade-long rule by Macron and his attack on social services, especially public education.
[Speaker 1:] There’s a video circulating of the mayor of Saint-Denis, Bally Bagayoko, in the middle of Tuesday’s protest, protecting students from riot police. I’m sure you’ve seen it. Why did Bally’s actions—and the fact that he, along with other left-wing politicians and trade unionists, was on the streets with young people—have such a big impact?
[Speaker 2:] I think there are two reasons. The first is Bally Bagayoko himself, who is the new mayor of Saint-Denis. Saint-Denis is the second-largest city in the Paris region, next to Paris. It was a huge win for us that he won the election. He was immediately attacked because he is a Black Muslim mayor from La France Insoumise. That also created a lot of solidarity among young people, working-class people, and many others in France.
But beyond Bally himself, La France Insoumise members, especially elected officials, have supported the movement from the very start. Two of our MPs went to the first high school that sparked the whole movement. That’s also how it spread in videos: the students welcomed them and started asking us to come support the movement. Then, when the police started attacking the students, we went there to protect them.
Unfortunately, we’ve become used to police brutality and the police attacking social movements. That’s how Macron has dealt with social unrest in the country. We’ve always been part of the movement and supported it. As elected public officials, we go to demonstrations to protect protesters. When they’re arrested or detained, we go to the police stations and make sure everything is all right.
That’s why you could see many of us at the protests. We believe we have to be there to protect the protesters, especially because they’re very young high school students. There’s been a lot of police brutality targeting those young students.
That’s the context of this moment you see, and I think it’s very symbolic of what’s been happening in France: the brutality of the Macron regime, and who is standing beside the people and the students. We are side by side, and now we’re joined by elected officials who have been doing the same thing we’ve been doing.
[Speaker 1:] It’s a really powerful image. As you said, it encapsulates this feeling of the people versus this neoliberal regime. We know that, in addition to protracted social unrest, there have been numerous protests against Macron’s austerity measures. This is happening at a time when his government is facing pressure on the streets and a crisis of institutional legitimacy.
We know that in 2024, when the left-progressive alliance led by La France Insoumise, the New Popular Front, emerged as the largest group in Parliament, Macron blocked it from appointing a prime minister. That seems completely against democracy and the will of the people. Given this institutional crisis, how do you see the high school students’ protests connecting to the broader societal rejection of Macron’s government? And what do you see as an institutional path forward?
[Speaker 2:] The student protests have already spread. On October 6, the call to action was supported by trade unions. That’s one reason so many people came out: parents are taking to the streets with their kids, and grandparents, too. There are lots of videos of elderly people supporting the youth.
It’s already a mass movement, supported by a majority of people in France. It shows how young people are expressing all their anger and opposition to the Macron government. On the demonstrations, you can see posters saying “Macron out,” and another very important slogan is against the far right.
As you pointed out, back in 2024, when we won the election, Macron betrayed the results of the democratic process. The reason he did that was that they wanted the far right to win. Macron himself had decided to call a snap election after the European election, where the far right came first. He said, “Okay, let’s have a snap election and give them power,” but it didn’t happen because the people said, “No way.” We actually won.
This has been going on for years. Young people, especially, have been witnessing everything happening. They’ve also been witnessing what’s going on all over the world, especially the genocide in Gaza. You can see a lot of Palestinian flags and posters at the demonstrations, with people saying, “Give money to the schools, not to fund genocide.” There’s a mass politicization process among young people that is already shaking power.
We are at the end of ten years of Macron in power. Next year will be the presidential election, and a lot of young people—those who are on the streets now—will be voters. They’re calling for an end to Macron, opposing the far right, and many are supporting our movement. At the start of the movement, a lot of media said we were manipulating students, which was very condescending. They thought the students couldn’t have started the movement on their own.
There are two institutional fights we’re going to take on now as members of Parliament. The first is the budget. We’re starting to debate it, and the Macron government had planned to reduce the education budget even further. I think it will be very difficult for them to do that, since the movement is still going on and there will be a lot of pressure. The combination of people in the streets, young people striking, and us battling in the National Assembly will be very interesting to build on over the next month or so, as we head toward the presidential campaign.
The campaign is about the themes being discussed now. I also think it’s interesting that this began with the far right and a lot of xenophobic and racist media discourse. We’ve been countering that with issues like the cost of living, and we’ve been quite successful. This counter-narrative is becoming stronger because of the students’ demands. That’s what we’re talking about, and that’s what the media have to ask the government and everyone about.
I think it’s also very important ideologically that the discourse and narratives center working-class, anti-racist, and solidarity messages.
[Speaker 1:] U.S. President Donald Trump and other cabinet members have made very disparaging comments about the protests, saying that France is enveloped in chaos because there are so many, quote-unquote, illegal immigrants, and that Islam is taking over the country. What do you make of this narrative, and what is your response to Donald Trump?
[Speaker 2:] We would say to Donald Trump that he should mind his own business. We have absolutely no lessons to take from him.
But I think it’s interesting to see how racist, racialized narratives are something the right wing and the far right have been trying to promote here, too. That’s especially because the people who started this movement are from poor, working-class neighborhoods, where there are a lot of people from immigrant backgrounds.
I think it’s all the more powerful because those young people are saying, “We demand equality. We demand to be treated as citizens, not second-class citizens.” When we came to the protest, they started chanting “La Marseillaise,” which is very powerful because they were reclaiming this revolutionary history, but also this French identity, which is very revolutionary—the revolutionary side of laïcité. It was the best answer to people like Donald Trump and the far right and right-wing people: those leading the movement are very diverse, and there’s a lot of solidarity.
It was also interesting that more well-off students—young people studying in high schools in central Paris that are a little wealthier—started protesting in solidarity with students in poorer neighborhoods. You see this coalition of young people reclaiming their rights and demanding equality. I think that’s the best answer to the far right and to the racist and xenophobic discourse against them.
Among the demands of university students, they’re also opposing some of the xenophobic measures implemented against foreign students, especially those from Africa, the Middle East, and elsewhere. So, yes, I think that’s the best thing young people can do right now to answer Mr. Trump.
[Speaker 1:] An extremely powerful response. Of course, he doesn’t speak for the people of the United States. We’ve seen young people across the United States consistently taking to the streets for the past two years, since he took office. I know they’ve also taken great inspiration from French youth. It’s a beautiful outpouring from young people across the world. I love to see it and hear it. Donald Trump is clearly frightened by the example the French people are setting for young people in his own country.
[Speaker 2:] If I may, I think those young students have also been very impacted by the protests they watched on U.S. campuses against the genocide. You can see it in the posts. There’s also been a youth movement in Nepal over the past couple of years, and now, in Germany, students are opposing the war. They’re also leading mass movements.
I think it’s very inspiring because you see young people connecting the dots between their situation at home and a sense of internationalism and solidarity with people all around the world. It’s very inspiring, and it’s a powerful movement. It’s great to be part of it here, and also to feel this sense of an international anti-austerity, anti-imperialist movement led by young people.
[Speaker 1:] Amazing. Incredible. Danielle, thank you so much for joining us here on BT Live. We’re very excited to have you back on soon and see how Macron’s government weathers this youth-led storm.
More than 71,000 people joined demonstrations across France on Thursday as protests over conditions in secondary schools continued. Clashes in Paris and attacks on educational establishments in several cities have increased pressure on Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu, who has promised measures before the end of October.
French police arrested 504 people and reported 48 officers injured during nationwide student demonstrations on Thursday, 8 October, as violent confrontations broke out in central Paris and incidents were reported at schools and police facilities elsewhere in the country.
According to figures released by the French Interior Ministry, approximately 71,500 people participated in demonstrations, including 24,500 in Paris. Around 55,000 people were also reported to have taken part in actions outside educational establishments, although those figures may overlap with attendance at the larger demonstrations.
The latest unrest follows protests by secondary school pupils demanding more teachers, better-maintained buildings and smaller classes. The demonstrations have attracted attention beyond the schools themselves, while the government’s response has been complicated by disagreements over policing and public spending.
Violence at Place de la Bastille
The most serious confrontations on Thursday occurred around Place de la Bastille in Paris, where several thousand demonstrators gathered. Police used water cannon and tear gas after groups of protesters began throwing stones, fireworks and other objects towards officers.
According to the Paris police prefecture, approximately 20 individuals dressed in black, identified by the authorities as members of the so-called black bloc, threw pieces of street furniture at police positions. Officers also reported that fragments of chimney masonry were thrown from the roof of a nearby building.
Video footage circulating on social media showed young demonstrators throwing objects at police, who advanced to disperse the crowds. The clashes formed part of a wider national mobilisation, with marches and school protests taking place across the country.
The Interior Ministry condemned the violence and defended the actions of security forces. It described attacks on public buildings and police officers as separate from the peaceful demonstrations organised by pupils.
Schools and Police Facilities Attacked
Several incidents were reported at schools and public buildings beyond Paris, including attacks on teaching staff and school administrators. In Poitiers, a fire broke out overnight on the grounds of a secondary school and spread to a teacher’s vehicle. In Saint-Étienne, several dozen individuals entered a school and vandalised its canteen. In Bayonne, windows were smashed at the home of a school security employee, while teachers were targeted with fireworks.
In Toulouse, a headteacher was reportedly assaulted by an adult participating in the demonstrations, while in Saint-Chamond, a deputy headteacher suffered facial burns after being struck by a pyrotechnic device.
Other incidents included a police vehicle being set alight in Strasbourg, damage to a police building in La Rochelle and an attempted arson attack on a police station in Bordeaux. The incidents added to concerns about violence accompanying the protests, although there was no indication that most demonstrators were involved in attacks.
Repeated Arrests as Protests Continue
Thursday’s 504 arrests followed 488 detentions reported during demonstrations on Tuesday, 6 October. The recurring confrontations have led to scrutiny of police tactics as well as the actions of violent groups attending demonstrations.
Student representatives have raised complaints about shortages of teaching staff, disruption caused by absent teachers, classroom conditions and school facilities. Their mobilisation has placed new demands on a government already facing budgetary pressures.
Lecornu Promises Action Before End of October
Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu attempted to ease tensions on Wednesday, 7 October, promising that the government would present measures responding to the complaints raised by secondary school pupils before the end of the month.
The government must address demands for additional education resources while managing France’s wider public spending commitments. Further demonstrations would maintain pressure on ministers to produce detailed proposals and clarify how they would be funded.
Thursday’s disturbances have also increased attention on security around schools and the protection of teachers and administrators. The immediate challenge for the authorities is to prevent further attacks while allowing peaceful demonstrations to continue.
Two-weeks long protests by French high-school students demanding better education conditions risk getting more heated due to the French government’s lack of response.
For his part, French prime minister Sébastien Lecornu told parliament on Wednesday (7 October) the first proposals on education reform would be published at the end of the month.
He spoke after 250,000 demonstrators took to the streets across the country on Tuesday (6 October), according to interior ministry fiigures.
But the High School Student Union (Union Syndicaire Lycéenne, USL) said the number was as high as 450,000, including solidarity protests in most universities.
Pupils, joined by parents, teachers, and labour unions, want an end to teacher shortages and urgent renovations of run-down school buildings.
“Today, the balance of power is in our favour,” said Marius Mesnil, the USL’s co-general secretary, on Monday.
The secondary school teachers’ union (Syndicat National des Enseignements de Secondaire, SNES) also called Lecornu’s inaction “unacceptable.”
Some 715 police officers, 215 students and 85 school staff members have been injured during the protests, with 18 internal probes were launched to investigate police brutality since 21 September, when the movement first erupted, after being sparked by a teachers’ protest.
A school in Nantes, in the west of the country, was set on fire, and protesters regularly light trash bins and make barricades in city centres.
The minister of interior has suspended the use of stun grenades after a 15-year-old’s hand was blown off in a violent confrontation with police on Monday.
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Find the full transcript below:
France has been seeing growing protests by high school and university students in recent weeks.
The movement is continuing today with a fourth day of mobilisation. According to the government, the far-left opposition party is fuelling the protests. For Donald Trump, the movement is the result of mass migration and the presence of Islam.
But what are young people actually protesting about? High school students’ anger has been building for some time. One of the tipping points came in June, when temperatures inside many schools rose above 35 degrees. Many classrooms had no fans, let alone air conditioning.
And this happened in buildings that were already often in poor condition. Add to that the fact that absent teachers are frequently not replaced. The result was what you might call a general overheating — both literally and politically.
The government, meanwhile, has accused the left-wing party La France Insoumise (France Unbowed, or LFI) of fuelling the protests. Some commentators have even suggested that the movement was orchestrated by the party from the beginning.
There is little doubt that LFI is supporting the mobilisation and may be trying to benefit politically from it. But dismissing the protests as political manipulation risks ignoring problems that are well documented.
As sociologist and child psychiatrist Laelia Benoit recently toldLe Monde, assuming that high school students cannot think for themselves and must necessarily be manipulated by adults or political parties is, in her words, a way of denying them their ability to act politically.
And many of their demands are supported by both parents and teachers. Teachers, for example, have long complained about the lack of replacements when they are absent.
This is supported by the latest PISA report on France: 87% of French students — as well as school principals — said their school’s capacity to teach was affected by a lack of teachers.
So young people are increasingly asking to be heard. Earlier this week, they put forward their demands, resulting in 10 concrete measures supported by both high school and university students.
Among other things, they are calling for a major programme to renovate schools, more staff, a guaranteed €1 meal at university canteens, and higher housing benefits and grants so that students can live with dignity.
So what is the government offering in response? France has opened an online platform in recent days where students can submit their demands. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu said yesterday that the platform had already received more than 40,000 contributions.
So for now, the government’s message is essentially: go back to class and submit your demands online. The prime minister then pointed to the additional €1 billion he has proposed for the education budget next year.
And as for more immediate measures, he announced five areas of work that should begin at the end of October. They include tackling teacher replacements, improving schools’ material conditions, reorganising school timetables, reforming the university admissions platform which appears to be a nightmare, and thinking about how to give high school students a greater voice.
France’s borrowing costs have risen to levels last seen more than two decades ago as investors shift towards German, Dutch and other lower-risk European debt, placing Paris at the centre of renewed concern over eurozone public finances.
France is emerging as the principal source of concern in Europe’s government bond market as investors reassess the fiscal strength of eurozone states and increasingly move money towards Germany and other countries regarded as safer borrowers.
The yield on French ten-year government debt has reached its highest level since 2002 after rising by about 70 basis points during September. The difference between French and equivalent German borrowing costs approached 160 basis points last week, its widest since 2012, according to market reporting on the sell-off.
The shift represents a sharp reversal in how investors view French sovereign debt. France has traditionally traded close to Germany and benefited from its status as one of the eurozone’s largest and most liquid bond markets. It is now being treated increasingly as a country whose political and fiscal outlook warrants a substantial premium.
The immediate concern is the French budget.
Paris said in September that this year’s deficit would exceed the government’s five per cent target, while the country faces the additional challenge of issuing a record €340 billion of government bonds in 2027. The money will be needed both to finance current expenditure and refinance debt accumulated during the Covid period.
Bond markets, however, are responding to France’s present position rather than promises extending into the next presidential term.
The movement is also beginning to alter longstanding assumptions about which European sovereign borrowers are considered risky.
Italy remains vulnerable. Its ten-year bond spread over Germany rose to about 130 basis points last week, compared with roughly 80 basis points a month earlier. Italian public debt stands at around 138.6 per cent of GDP, and Rome expects its deficit to move above the EU’s three per cent ceiling.
Yet French debt has recently come under greater pressure than Italian debt.
Spain provides an even more striking contrast. During the eurozone sovereign-debt crisis in 2012, Spanish ten-year bonds yielded around five percentage points more than French debt. Spain’s ten-year yield is now approximately 75 basis points below France’s.
The difference reflects stronger Spanish growth and improved confidence in Madrid’s finances, although investors are watching Spanish and Portuguese debt for evidence that the French sell-off is spreading elsewhere in the currency union.
So far, the movement is not comparable with the eurozone crisis of the early 2010s. At that time, Italian bond spreads above Germany exceeded 500 basis points and Greece’s reached thousands of basis points. Current differences remain far smaller.
The direction of capital flows is nevertheless notable. Germany has re-established itself as Europe’s principal bond-market safe haven despite questions earlier this year about Berlin’s increased spending on defence and infrastructure. German ten-year yields fell as investors bought Bunds during the recent turbulence.
Higher sovereign yields feed into the interest costs faced by governments when refinancing debt and can affect borrowing throughout an economy. For a country already running a large deficit, rising yields make efforts to restore the public finances more difficult because an increasing share of expenditure must eventually be devoted to debt servicing.
Pour bien des manifestants, la figure du préfet évoque la répression qu'ils subissent dans la rue — alors même que la fonction est censée garantir l'intérêt général et l'égalité de tous devant la loi, au nom de la République. À mesure que les réformes affaiblissent l'institution préfectorale, ou la politisent, ses missions s'éloignent des préoccupations de la population.
Pejac. — « Triptyque », 2016
pejac.es
« Des manquements graves et persistants des services. » En février 2024, un collectif d'associations écrivait au préfet d'Indre-et-Loire pour lui reprocher la mise au rebut sans justification de plus de cinq cents demandes de titre de séjour au cours des dix-huit mois précédents. De son côté, la préfecture niait toute « pratique administrative abusive envers les usagers étrangers ». Dans un communiqué daté d'avril, elle plaidait un simple allongement des délais de traitement (1). Pourtant, à Tours comme ailleurs, la maltraitance des étrangers s'institutionnalise. Par la volonté politique de limiter l'immigration, mais également à la suite d'importantes restructurations qui dégradent l'exercice de l'État.
Longtemps, des files d'individus contraints d'attendre dans la nuit l'ouverture matinale des guichets ont symbolisé l'encombrement des services destinés aux immigrés (2). Depuis 2021, la dématérialisation des procédures doit les décharger. Le portail de l'administration numérique pour les étrangers en France (ANEF) a vocation à traiter leurs demandes. Mais, en pratique, les dysfonctionnements se multiplient. « Modules de prise de rendez-vous en ligne saturés (…), téléservices mis en place hors de tout cadre légal et réglementaire, déploiement de l'ANEF assorti de nombreux bugs… » : en juin 2024, un rapport de la défenseure des droits dénonçait une inégalité d'accès aux services publics et recommandait d'accroître les effectifs des préfectures les moins diligentes (3).
Au sein de cette administration territoriale, seuls les services des étrangers restent ouverts au public. Le plan « Préfecture nouvelle génération » (PPNG) de 2016 a dématérialisé puis externalisé la délivrance des titres d'identité et des cartes grises. Désormais, les particuliers doivent accomplir toutes les démarches sur des plates-formes. Des conseillers des espaces France services, ouverts dans les mairies — voire des sociétés privées contre rétribution —, peuvent les accompagner. Mais « le service de proximité que constituaient les préfectures, c'est fini, constate un peu amère une ancienne préfète. Ce sera difficile d'y revenir car les effectifs ont fondu depuis quinze ans ».
Dès lors que « les préfectures sont privées de contacts avec les citoyens, plus personne ne connaît leurs missions », regrette l'ancien préfet du Loir-et-Cher Yves Rousset. Plus personne, ou presque. Car nombre de sans-papiers mais aussi de « gilets jaunes » ou de manifestants contre la réforme des retraites, d'agriculteurs ou d'écologistes savent l'implication des préfets dans le maintien de l'ordre public, voire social. Pourquoi, si souvent, l'exercice de l'État au niveau local paraît n'être plus que l'exercice de la force, ou du passage en force, de Sainte-Soline au chantier de l'A69 ?
« Je veux que les Français datent leur bonheur de l'institution préfectorale. » Le 28 pluviôse an VIII (17 février 1800), Napoléon Bonaparte, alors premier consul, fait adopter la loi qui crée la fonction de préfet — du latin praefectus : « homme qui est la tête d'une chose ; gouverneur, intendant, administrateur, chef » (selon le dictionnaire Gaffiot) — nommé par lui et chargé d'administrer un département, assisté dans chaque arrondissement par un sous-préfet. Une fois couronné, Bonaparte considère ces « empereurs aux petits pieds » comme de véritables courroies de transmission de son pouvoir sur l'ensemble du territoire national. Ils assurent la conscription, la perception des impôts et le maintien de l'ordre. Sous le Second Empire, leur pouvoir est renforcé par un décret du 25 mars 1852. « On peut gouverner de loin mais on n'administre que de près », affirment ses attendus. Les préfets se voient chargés de missions comme l'urbanisme avec, à Paris, les figures de Georges-Eugène Haussmann (1853-1870) ou, sous la IIIe République, d'Eugène Poubelle (1883-1896).
Serviteurs de l'État, les préfets doivent obéissance au gouvernement. Sans toujours échapper aux cas de conscience. Nombre d'entre eux et de leurs agents exécutent les ordres de Vichy, qui étatise la police — jusqu'alors municipale — en 1941. Le secrétaire général de la préfecture de Gironde Maurice Papon organise les rafles de citoyens juifs. Mais trente-neuf préfets et sous-préfets meurent au combat, fusillés ou en déportation. Jean Moulin, préfet d'Eure-et-Loir, tient tête à la Wehrmacht lorsqu'elle arrive à Chartres, en juin 1940 (4). À la Libération, la formation et le recrutement des hauts fonctionnaires — en particulier de ceux de la préfectorale — sont néanmoins érigés en « priorité absolue » dans l'exposé des motifs de l'ordonnance du 9 octobre 1945 tant « le procès [des] administrations publiques est ouvert depuis nombre d'années ».
Ce texte est à l'origine de la création de l'École nationale de l'administration (ENA) qui va former une large part des préfets et sous-préfets. En 1950, un décret instaure un statut du corps préfectoral. Ses membres sont placés sous l'autorité directe du ministre de l'intérieur, nommés et révoqués par le président de la République. « Dans les collectivités territoriales de la République, affirme la Constitution de 1958 à son article 72, le représentant de l'État, représentant chacun des membres du gouvernement, a la charge des intérêts nationaux, du contrôle administratif et du respect des lois. » Pendant plusieurs décennies, l'institution donne satisfaction au pouvoir. « Ce qui tient bon dans les coups durs, assure le général de Gaulle à Alain Peyrefitte, c'est le réseau des préfets et des sous-préfets. C'est l'État (5)… »
En janvier 1981, sous l'influence de la « deuxième gauche » représentée par Michel Rocard — et du socialisme municipal (6) —, le congrès extraordinaire du Parti socialiste (PS) réuni à Créteil retient, parmi ses « 110 propositions pour la France », la priorité donnée à la décentralisation : « La fonction d'autorité des préfets sur l'administration des collectivités locales sera supprimée. » Comme le rappelle le juriste Vincent Malapert, depuis la loi dite « municipale » de 1884, « le représentant de l'État [exerçait] une tutelle à la fois sur le maire et sur les actes de la commune. Cette tutelle, élargie aux départements et aux régions, se traduisait par un contrôle a priori : le préfet [était] libre, en opportunité, de contrôler la légalité des actes des collectivités avant que ceux-ci ne soient exécutoires. Il s'agissait de la principale entrave à la libre administration des collectivités (7) ».
Des dizaines de milliers d'agents
De nombreux élus locaux militaient contre cette emprise, notamment Gaston Defferre, maire de Marseille depuis 1953. Nommé au ministère de l'intérieur après l'élection de François Mitterrand en 1981, il fait voter les lois de décentralisation. L'article 2 de celle du 2 mars 1982 dispose que « les délibérations, arrêtés et actes des autorités communales ainsi que les conventions qu'elles passent sont exécutoires de plein droit ». Dès lors, explique Malapert, si le préfet reste le principal garant de l'ordre public, avec autorité sur les forces de police et de gendarmerie, il « se voit dépossédé de son principal instrument de domination sur les collectivités : il ne sera plus en charge [que] du contrôle de légalité exercé a posteriori ». En outre, seul le juge administratif a le pouvoir d'annuler une décision des collectivités locales.
Le premier acte de la décentralisation s'accompagne d'une réforme de l'État au niveau local. Un décret du 10 mai 1982 prévoit que son représentant dans le département porte désormais « le titre de commissaire de la République. (…) Il est le représentant direct du premier ministre et de chacun des ministres. Il dirige sous leur autorité les services des administrations civiles de l'État ». Pour le gouvernement, le changement de titre ne relève pas que du symbole. Le transfert de compétences aux collectivités doit s'accompagner d'un renforcement de l'État sur le « terrain » : les directions départementales — de l'agriculture et des forêts (DDAF), des affaires sanitaires et sociales (DDASS), de l'équipement (DDE), de la jeunesse et des sports (DDJS)… — se voient placées sous la « direction » d'un commissaire de la République — quand le préfet jusqu'alors, aux termes d'un décret de 1964, se contentait de « coordonner » leurs actions décidées par chaque ministère compétent, depuis Paris.
Dans les années 1980 et 1990, la gauche au pouvoir peine cependant à préciser les contours exacts de ce qu'on appelle dès lors la « déconcentration » et, surtout, à doter celle-ci de moyens à la hauteur de son ambition politique, qu'il s'agisse des ressources en crédits et en effectifs ou des prérogatives accordées au préfet (l'intitulé revient en 1988) pour asseoir sa tutelle sur les autres services territoriaux de l'État. Dans les années 2000, la droite accélère la décentralisation. Son « acte II » attribue de nouvelles compétences aux collectivités et leur transfère des dizaines de milliers d'agents. Puis les gouvernements de M. Nicolas Sarkozy affaiblissent les administrations déconcentrées en les fusionnant, pour réaliser des économies.
La manie de tout regrouper caractérise la période. Désormais, le préfet de département doit non seulement composer avec l'ascendant du préfet de région (décret du 29 avril 2004, au titre de la régionalisation de l'action de l'État) mais aussi, à la suite des réformes engagées sous le quinquennat de M. François Hollande, avec le poids politique des élus à la tête de métropoles ou de grandes régions (8). L'ancien préfet de Haute-Loire Yves Rousset raconte dans La préfecture est en feu (Abatos, 2021) l'incessante hostilité du président d'Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes Laurent Wauquiez de 2017 à 2019.
« Comment peut-on être à la fois le représentant neutre de l'État et le serviteur d'un gouvernement ? C'est toute la complexité de notre métier, nous signalait en 2024 M. Christophe Mirmand, alors préfet de la région Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur et président de l'Association du corps préfectoral et des hauts fonctionnaires du ministère de l'intérieur (ACPHFMI). L'administration préfectorale a dû s'adapter aux vagues de déconcentration successives et à la nouvelle organisation territoriale… » En pratique, le préfet tend surtout à devenir une sorte de « conciliateur », selon l'expression de l'historien François Burdeau (9). Hors son rôle de garant de l'ordre public et son autorité sur les forces de police et de gendarmerie, il ne peut, pour le reste, que recourir au dialogue ou à la contractualisation afin d'influencer des politiques publiques dont l'initiative lui échappe : contrats de ville, de plan État-région (CPER), de développement territorial (CDT), de relance et de transition écologique (CRTE)…
« À la recherche de l'État dans les territoires » : sous ce titre, en 2022, un rapport du Sénat dressait un bilan très critique de ces évolutions. « Les réformes s'empilent sans tentative d'en dégager de manière objective et documentée des enseignements pour la prochaine étape ni encore moins d'en estimer les conséquences (10). » Dans un avis portant sur le projet de loi de finances pour 2019, la commission des lois de cette même institution critiquait vertement le plan « Préfecture nouvelle génération » (PPNG) : « 1 300 emplois ont ainsi été supprimés et 700 réaffectés à quatre missions prioritaires : sécurité et ordre public, coordination des politiques publiques, contrôle de la légalité et lutte contre la fraude documentaire. À l'usage, on constate que les besoins techniques et en termes de relations avec les usagers ont été largement sous-évalués, d'où des dysfonctionnements majeurs (11). »
Ils affectent en particulier le contrôle de légalité des dizaines de milliers d'actes adoptés par les collectivités territoriales. « Cette mission contribue à faire de la France un État unitaire. Or elle n'est plus exercée dans de bonnes conditions, observe le professeur de droit Olivier Renaudie. À cause de moyens en personnel insuffisants — qui conduisent certaines préfectures à tirer au sort les actes à contrôler — et d'un manque d'expertise : le contrôle porte sur des actes complexes, notamment dans le domaine de l'urbanisme et de l'environnement, et les agents des préfectures ne sont pas toujours suffisamment formés. » Tandis qu'en 2012, déjà, un rapport parlementaire décrivait les services préfectoraux comme « une véritable passoire » (12), un préfet à la retraite évoque « les grandes métropoles ou les grandes régions, qui ont désormais à leurs services des cabinets juridiques puissants. En cas de contentieux, les préfectures n'ont plus la capacité de faire face ».
Revigorer un corps affaibli
La Cour des comptes observe une diminution des effectifs dans l'ensemble des préfectures et des sous-préfectures entre 2010 et 2020 de l'ordre de 14 %, de près de 28 000 à moins de 24 000, avec une contribution importante des sous-préfectures (- 24 % au cours de la même période) (13). En 2020, selon ce rapport, les sous-préfectures de La Châtre (Indre) ou Nérac-Marmande (Lot-et-Garonne) comptaient ainsi moins de quatre agents (en équivalent temps plein), sous-préfet inclus, « ce qui rend ces structures très fragiles en cas de vacance de poste prolongée ». Alors qu'elles doivent contribuer au contrôle de légalité ou au conseil aux collectivités, plusieurs sous-préfectures ont connu des suppressions (par exemple, Guebwiller et Ribeauvillé dans le Haut-Rhin), des fusions (Ancenis et Châteaubriant en Loire-Atlantique) ou des jumelages. Et le ministère de l'intérieur peut confier la direction de certains arrondissements à un cadre administratif plutôt qu'à un sous-préfet issu de la haute fonction publique.
L'exercice de ces mêmes fonctions tend aussi à se féminiser (35 % de sous-préfètes en 2021), tout comme celles de préfet (38 femmes sur 132, soit 29 %) — la première sous-préfète n'a été nommée qu'en 1974 et la première préfète en 1981 (14). Ces dernières années, les gouvernements successifs ont aussi entendu rajeunir le corps et même, en 2022, rouvrir certaines sous-préfectures — Clamecy (Nièvre), Château-Gontier (Mayenne)… Mais cela ne saurait suffire à revigorer un corps « affaibli », selon l'expression de l'ancienne préfète des Pays de la Loire Nicole Klein lors d'un colloque en 2022 : « Quand le citoyen passe devant la préfecture, surtout dans une grande ville, il ne voit que des migrants qui viennent demander l'asile, ce qui amplifie ce phénomène plus qu'il ne le mérite. (…) Les préfets sont cantonnés depuis plusieurs années à des missions d'ordre public (les “gilets jaunes”, le Covid…). Leur mission consiste à signer des arrêtés pour interdire aux gens de se réunir et de danser dans les bals populaires (là où ils existent encore) (15)… »
Nombre de préfets ou de sous-préfets déplorent la dégradation de l'exercice de leurs fonctions. Elle conduit certains d'entre eux à se rapprocher de l'extrême droite, par exemple au sein du club Les Horaces (16). En 2011, déjà, Mme Marine Le Pen écrivait dans un courrier à la corporation : « Vos éminentes fonctions vous placent directement face aux ravages d'une politique d'amoindrissement de l'État, de découragement de ses personnels et d'inefficacité de sa gouvernance (17). » En mai 2021, dans une autre lettre, c'est aux sept mille plus éminents cadres de l'État que la présidente du Rassemblement national (RN) promettait de revenir sur la réforme de la haute fonction publique supprimant l'ENA ainsi que les corps diplomatique et préfectoral (18).
À la sortie de l'Institut national du service public (INSP), qui remplace l'ENA, les élèves intègrent en effet un corps unique, celui des administrateurs de l'État. Tandis que le corps préfectoral est mis en extinction, M. Emmanuel Macron entend nommer dans les préfectures et les arrondissements des administrateurs d'autres fonctions publiques — territoriale et hospitalière —, mais aussi des cadres d'entreprises. « C'est une réforme de management public qui repose sur la croyance que les pratiques de la fonction publique doivent désormais reposer sur la notion de mission, commente Renaudie. La préfectorale ne sera plus qu'une simple étape dans la carrière d'un cadre parmi d'autres fonctions dans le public ou dans le secteur privé. Certains préfets craignent que ne soient nommés à des postes importants de décision des personnes totalement inexpérimentées. La fonction pourrait être alors menacée par un manque de professionnalisme. »
« Je ne vois pas l'utilité de cette réforme, avoue M. Jean-François Carenco, ancien préfet de la région Île-de-France. Il faut faire attention à ne pas nommer des personnes sans expérience préalable, sans carrure, et qui n'auront pas assez d'indépendance d'esprit par rapport au gouvernement ou aux puissantes collectivités locales. Être préfet, cela ne s'improvise pas. Le danger, c'est que le pouvoir choisisse des amis ou des utilitaires. » Pour apaiser ces craintes, l'ACPHFMI a négocié des garanties. Un décret du 6 avril 2022 relatif aux emplois de préfet et de sous-préfet prévoit, entre autres, que les deux tiers des emplois soient occupés par des hauts fonctionnaires ayant cinq années d'expérience dans les services territoriaux de l'État. Le même texte précise néanmoins qu'un tiers des préfets et des sous-préfets pourront bien être recrutés en dehors de ces critères.
La culture du résultat doit désormais prévaloir. Le 12 mars 2024, le président de la République convoquait sept cents hauts cadres de la fonction publique à une convention managériale pour leur reprocher leur manque de célérité dans la conduite des politiques publiques. « Bien qu'il ait fait un stage en préfecture durant sa scolarité à l'ENA, M. Macron n'a pas de culture administrative, souligne M. Laurent Bigot, ancien sous-préfet devenu “gilet jaune”. Les préfets et les hauts fonctionnaires en général sont payés pour donner leur point de vue et éventuellement mettre en garde en amont d'une décision politique. Ensuite, ils exécutent les ordres. M. Macron ne comprend pas cela. Il pense que les préfets lui résistent, et il ne le supporte pas. » « Les préfets avaient jusqu'à présent une logique de corps avec une idée de la défense des intérêts de l'État qui n'étaient pas forcément ceux du gouvernement, rappelle le professeur de droit Serge Slama. Aujourd'hui, on ne leur demande plus d'être fidèles à l'État et au gouvernement, mais d'être fidèles au prince. »
Son collègue Olivier Cahn s'inquiète : « Ne va-t-on pas se retrouver avec un spoil system comme aux États-Unis, où les hauts fonctionnaires sont remplacés à chaque alternance ? » Si, jusqu'à présent, M. Macron continue à puiser surtout dans l'ancien corps les préfets et les sous-préfets, d'ores et déjà quelques nominations symbolisent la diversification du recrutement. En juillet 2020, la directrice commerciale de Suez Salima Saa devient préfète de la Corrèze. En mars 2021, Mme Régine Engström, ancienne responsable des partenariats stratégiques chez le promoteur Nexity, prend le poste de préfète de région, en Centre-Val de Loire. En août 2023, M. Thibault Lanxade, ancien vice-président du Mouvement des entreprises de France (Medef), est nommé à Châteauroux, dans l'Indre.
Le rapport sénatorial de 2022 insistait sur la « nécessité impérieuse de préserver les préfets d'une politisation qui nuirait à leur crédit dans leur circonscription et, partant, à l'efficacité de l'action de l'État ». Au cours de son histoire, l'institution préfectorale a conquis une forme d'autonomie relative : son autorité (rationnelle-légale) pouvait contrebalancer la légitimité, locale ou nationale, tirée des élections. Il paraît loin le temps où les préfets avaient vocation à les truquer sur ordre du gouvernement, comme dans Lucien Leuwen de Stendhal. Mais, fin 2022, le ministre de l'intérieur a démis Mme Marie Lajus de ses fonctions de préfète d'Indre-et-Loire après qu'elle s'était opposée à la création d'une pépinière de start-up en zone protégée que portaient des élus locaux proches du pouvoir macroniste. Dans la Vienne, de 2022 à 2024, le préfet Jean-Marie Girier — directeur de la première campagne présidentielle de M. Macron — n'a, lui, cessé de contester les décisions de la maire écologiste de Poitiers Léonore Moncond'huy — l'attribution d'une subvention à l'association Alternatiba, l'entrée de la ville au capital d'une coopérative ou encore la nomination d'une directrice générale des services…
La nostalgie d'une administration puissante, sur laquelle l'extrême droite tente de capitaliser, n'empêche pas le corps préfectoral — ou ce qu'il en reste — de concourir à l'exercice managérialisé de l'État. Quand bien même il revêt des formes toujours plus autoritaires. Comme l'explique la politiste Vanessa Codaccioni, avec le renforcement du « paradigme antiterroriste » depuis 2015, les préfectures obtiennent « des pouvoirs renforcés et des prérogatives exorbitantes du droit commun », notamment « faire procéder à des visites domiciliaires, décider de périmètres de sécurité ou prendre des arrêtés d'expulsion », faisant advenir « une justice administrative et policière dont l'objectif est de punir par des voies extrajudiciaires » toute forme d'activisme oppositionnel (19).
Voire par des voies extralégales. « Les manifestations propalestiniennes, parce qu'elles sont susceptibles de générer des troubles à l'ordre public, doivent être interdites. » Le 12 octobre 2023, M. Gérald Darmanin adresse dans un télégramme ces mots aux préfets. La plupart d'entre eux obéissent. « Le ministre de l'intérieur leur demandait pourtant de violer le droit, observe Cahn, car la liberté de manifester est consacrée par le Conseil constitutionnel. » Le plus souvent, les tribunaux administratifs (TA) suspendent d'ailleurs les arrêtés d'interdiction. Le 18 octobre, le Conseil d'État saisi par le comité Action Palestine rappelle qu'il appartient aux seuls préfets d'apprécier s'il y a lieu d'interdire une manifestation localement, et qu'aucune manifestation ne peut être interdite du seul fait de son soutien au peuple palestinien. Mais le préfet des Alpes-Maritimes Hugues Moutouh s'acharne à interdire chaque manifestation hebdomadaire en défense de Gaza, quand bien même à chaque fois le TA de Nice le désavoue. Il n'y renoncera que début janvier 2024.
« Conscient de l'illégalité de ses arrêtés »
« Certains préfets font du zèle et se retrouvent en contradiction avec les lois de la République, se désole M. Slama. Le problème c'est qu'ils sont couverts par leur ministre et qu'ils ne risquent aucune sanction. » En mars 2023, M. Laurent Nuñez, préfet de police (20) à Paris, avait pris l'habitude de publier tous les soirs des arrêtés d'interdiction des manifestations spontanées contre l'utilisation du « 49-3 » pour l'adoption de la réforme des retraites. Ces décisions intervenaient la veille du rassemblement ou le jour même alors qu'ils doivent l'être au moins quarante-huit heures avant, pour permettre un recours. « Le préfet neutralisait ainsi l'action du juge, ce qui suggère qu'il était bien conscient de l'illégalité de ses propres arrêtés, constate Henri Bouillon, maître de conférences en droit public. Celui qui était censé faire respecter la loi prenait des libertés avec elle. »
Le 24 septembre dernier, à peine nommé Place Beauvau, M. Bruno Retailleau annonçait sur TF1 la convocation des dix préfets des départements où « il y a le plus de désordre migratoire pour leur demander d'expulser plus et régulariser moins ». Toutefois, comment appliquer cet ordre ? « Les préfets passent leur temps à prendre des arrêtés de reconduite à la frontière, mais, le problème, c'est qu'il faut des accords avec les pays de provenance qui doivent délivrer des laissez-passer consulaires, et beaucoup refusent, remarque un ancien préfet. Donner l'ordre d'expulser, cela n'a pas de sens. C'est de la pure communication. » Afin de complaire au pouvoir politique ou de satisfaire aux impératifs de performance, les préfets devront-ils désormais se positionner systématiquement à la frontière du droit et passer en force ? La recherche de nouvelles économies a en tout cas amené le premier ministre François Bayrou à proclamer le 8 juillet dernier un renforcement de leurs prérogatives sur ce qu'il reste des services de l'État dans chaque département. À cette occasion, il a aussi annoncé l'extension de leur pouvoir de dérogation aux normes — sociales, environnementales… —, présentées par M. Bayrou comme « stupides ».
(7) Cité par Vincent Malapert, « Décentralisation, déconcentration : le renouveau du préfet depuis les lois Defferre », mémoire de master, Sciences Po, Paris, mai 2020, dans ses développements sur les effets de décentralisation sur l'institution préfectorale.
(9) François Burdeau, Histoire de l'administration française. Du 18e au 20e siècle, Montchrestien, Paris, 1998.
(10) Agnès Canayer et Éric Kerrouche, « À la recherche de l'État dans les territoires », rapport d'information fait au nom de la délégation aux collectivités territoriales, Sénat, Paris, 29 septembre 2022.
(12) Jacques Mézard, rapport d'information fait au nom de la délégation aux collectivités territoriales et à la décentralisation des contrôles de l'État sur les collectivités territoriales, Sénat, Paris, 25 janvier 2012.
(15) Nicole Klein, « Un préfet donc un État affaiblis » dans La République et ses régions, Fondation Res Publica, cahiers imprimés des colloques, no 145, Paris, 2023.
(16) Lire François Denord et Paul Lagneau-Ymonet, « L'élite de l'extrême droite », Le Monde diplomatique, juillet 2024.
The right-populist leader deserves scrutiny but offers clarity on Russia–Ukraine and Iran.
The frontrunner in France’s 2027 presidential race—Marine Le Pen from the right-wing National Rally party—has laid out foreign-policy views that American supporters of realism and restraint can approve of, regardless of how they feel about the rest of her program.
While the National Rally has been successfully marginalized and kept out of power in recent decades, one shouldn’t take it for granted that the French political establishment will find a way to thwart Le Pen—meaning her views could certainly become policy. The latest polls show the consolidation of her lead: According to Toluna-Harris Interactive, in a runoff she would take 57 percent against the centrist candidate (and a former prime minister under President Emmanuel Macron) Édouard Philippe and a staggering 69 percent against Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a far-left firebrand.
Of course, the spring of 2027, when the elections are to take place, is still a long way off. Political fortunes can change—as the left-wing outlet Mediapart’s recent investigation into old social media posts written by a teenage Jordan Bardella, now the National Rally president, is meant to demonstrate—but the National Rally’s supporters see such attacks as evidence of the establishment’s ill-fated and cynical effort to derail Le Pen.
Whatever you may think of her, at least her foreign policy views are coherent. On Iran, Le Pen—once labeled a “Trump ally”—offered a far clearer assessment than Macron with his equivocations. “We would still need to know what Trump wanted to do there,” Le Pen said. “Because for now, we still do not know what he wanted to do. He clearly has not achieved his war aims and he is setting the whole planet on fire.” While Macron tends to caveat his criticisms of Trump’s war with accusations that Iran has sought to destabilize the Middle East, Le Pen simply condemns the war on grounds that it’s bad for the French people.
She’s also warned of global inflation “that will have consequences for all peoples” and argued it is “better to convince the U.S. not to go and wage war against a country and an ancient civilization, a complicated country, and probably much more powerful than Donald Trump imagined.”
The events have confirmed Le Pen’s judgement. A civilization of 90 million people with millennia of history cannot be simply bombed away, as Trump (and the Republican Party) are learning to their distress heading into a difficult midterm election season. Le Pen is well aware that the people in France, like elsewhere, are paying the price for this adventure.
On Ukraine, Le Pen has been equally direct while diverging from Macron more dramatically. She warned the conflict has only two possible trajectories: “Either NATO is drawn into this war, and it will be the Third World War, or we will witness a hundred years’ war.” She has called for a major peace conference, made clear she is willing to talk to both President Vladimir Putin of Russia and President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, and insisted that Germany, Poland, and Turkey be brought into the negotiating process.
She has gone even further, promising to halt French military aid to Ukraine, on the grounds that France cannot afford to sustain the amount of assistance Macron has been authorizing. Here she will have to explain herself in greater detail. A blanket cutoff is not a serious policy if the goal is to bring the war to an end as soon as possible—any settlement would require Kiev’s consent, as well as Moscow’s.
But neither can “support Ukraine for as long as it takes” work without a clearly defined end-game, and France’s fiscal situation dictates it cannot remain the default policy. Negotiations with all parties, including Russia, should not be treated as an appeasement or betrayal. Any serious attempt to settle the war would require Ukraine to make painful compromises on its NATO aspirations and territorial integrity, while Russia would have to compromise too on credible security guarantees for Ukraine or at least a greenlight for Kiev to rebuild and maintain a credible conventional military deterrent. Le Pen has identified the problem and signaled openness to unavoidable parts of the solution, but she still needs to explain the strategy.
Compare that with what the mainstream is offering. Macron is playing up the “Russian threat” and apparent hybrid attacks by Moscow against Europe. Meanwhile, according to the well-informed Le Figaro journalist Georges Malbrunot, French intelligence officers, while acknowledging the threat, believe that Macron overstates it. Macron’s aim, Malbrunot writes, would be to “steer the choices of the French ahead of the presidential election, targeting Le Pen and Melenchon—the two extremes that are lenient toward Russia.”
In a similar vein, Le Pen’s center-right rival, Edouard Philippe, lashed out at her, saying that “weakening Ukraine, as Marine Le Pen wishes, is threatening the security of Europe and France. I will do everything to prevent it.”
Then there is Gabriel Attal, Macron’s protégé and a possible successor. He delivered a grand speech in Reims calling for a “United States of Europe.” Europe’s security, he said, is being attacked by Russia, its economy by China, and its values by the United States. The remedy is a federalist utopia that he promises to build in “a matter of years.”
There might be a compelling case for EU nations to deepen their economic and technological integration. But the grandiloquent federalism talk sounds tone-deaf when what the French voters care most about is purchasing power, immigration, and French security.
This is the state of France’s foreign policy debate. The mainstream candidates are frightening voters with threat narratives, selling unachievable federalist fantasies, and equivocating on the U.S. war with Iran. The one major candidate discussing how to end wars rather than prolong them, and how to engage non-Western great powers rather than simply pick “a good” side over “an evil” one, is described by the establishment as extremist.
This does not mean Le Pen deserves uncritical support. Her historic ties to Russia warrant scrutiny, and her promise to halt aid to Ukraine needs to be coupled with a more detailed policy proposal and a broader strategy to end the war.
She is right on Iran, but her party has also forged close ties with Israel, seemingly based on a common antipathy to Islamism and to fend off accusations of antisemitism. On the Middle East, it remains to be seen whether national interest or ideological anti-Islamism will primarily inform her policies should she be elected president. Also, given her party’s lingering toxicity among the French elites, it’s far from clear that a President Le Pen would be able to attract diplomatic talent from the center-right to translate her instincts into workable policies.
But these are debates worth having. It is no longer credible to simply dismiss Le Pen and offer fearmongering and fantasy as a substitute for a debate. Perhaps the French establishment should ask itself an uncomfortable question: Why is it that voices advocating for diplomacy and sanity come from the camps they call “extreme” (both on the right and on the left)? Instead, the mainstream should make the language of diplomacy and peace its own. If it doesn’t, it should not be surprised when voters turn to those who do.
A one-year-old baby was hospitalized with tinnitus on Tuesday morning after a firework mortar exploded at stroller height next to the baby’s ear during a high-school blockade in Saint-Cyr-l’École, west of Paris.
The heinous attack unfolded around 9 a.m. near the Lycée Mansart. According to RMC which cited police sources, the infant suffered acoustic damage after the mortar blast and was taken to hospital with a non-life-threatening prognosis.
According to Le Figaro, a couple was leaving home with their infant in a stroller when a mortar was fired low to the ground toward them. The father shouted at the youths facing him, “You’re crazy, there’s a one-year-old baby!”
BREAKING: A French physics teacher was doused with gasoline today (Oct. 2) while trying to put out a fire students had lit near a tree in La Ciotat.
The teacher was reportedly temporarily blinded, according to French news reports, when the gasoline was thrown into his eyes.
Youths then began kicking the physics teacher.
The main suspect was reportedly arrested.
Yesterday in Marseille, youths are being investigated for attempted murder after dousing a principal and a vice-principal with gasoline during an attempted arson outside a high school administrative office.
Follow: @RMXnews
Police sources told the paper the group numbered about ten, all masked, and included two girls – one wearing a white scarf and another in a green top. The girl in green is believed to have lit the device; she fled in the opposite direction while the mortar was still active on the ground. The infant suffered tinnitus from the blast noise and, on initial assessment, no other injuries. Firefighters took the child to hospital; the life-threatening prognosis was not engaged.
Witnesses described a chaotic scene. One resident, having breakfast on her balcony, heard loud bangs, went down, and saw the mother caught between the fireworks with the baby crying heavily.
BREAKING: Rioters set fire to the entrance of Vauquelin High School in Paris and blocked the exits when staff tried to put the fire out.
A film crew recorded the terrifying attempted murder.
“The school staff was unable to put out the fire. The rioters blocked them just as the extinguisher nozzle came out; they blocked the exit.”
“The fire continues. You see all the silhouettes moving behind it; they continue to feed this fire, making it stronger and stronger. The school staff is not even going to try to put it out anymore; they can’t manage it. We can hear the principal here asking the hundred confined students to step back and move up to the first floor.”
The building was full of staff, students, and journalists, but these rioters appear ready to kill anyone still inside the vocational chemistry school.
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The suspect was identified from video filmed by another youth at the scene, pursued into a crowd, and arrested, according to reports. French media puts her age at 16 and says she is in custody for “violence with use or threat of a weapon resulting in incapacity not exceeding eight days.” Versailles prosecutor’s office has opened an investigation into the incident.
Officers found a balaclava and physiological saline among the suspect’s belongings.
Sonia Brau, the UDI mayor of Saint-Cyr-l’École, told Le Parisien the trajectory of the firework made the danger unmistakable: “This mortar was aimed right at ground level. So at stroller height! Can you imagine? Someone could also have taken it in the ankles.”
She added that the city faces what she called repeated riots and that officers regularly seize mortars and other explosive devices around schools.
BREAKING: Nelson Mandela High School is currently on fire in the French city of Nantes.
Schools across France are being set on fire as student protests and blockades rage on.
This story is developing.
Follow: @RMXnews https://t.co/pOgOO4w0HQ
The incident occurred in the context of massive riots, largely driven by multicultural Arab and Black youths along with far-left agitators, that started in late September over staffing, class sizes, and building conditions and has repeatedly turned violent.
JUST IN: A school principal was struck directly in the face by a firework mortar during ongoing violent student blockades in France.
The incident happened at Blaise Pascal High School in Rouen.
Later, the entire entrance of the school was set on fire.
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An Indian man who described himself as “masculinist,” “neo-Nazi” and “excited by blood and violence,” went on trial Monday behind closed doors at the Paris Assize Court, accused of leading a Discord group that blackmailed dozens of teenage girls into filming their own sexual abuse and self-mutilation, including carving swastikas into their skin.
Rohan Rane, 29, originally from Pune, arrived in France in 2017 on a residence permit to study at SKEMA Business School in Antibes. Investigators say he later cut off ordinary social ties and described himself as “a psychopath devoid of all emotion,” the newspaper reported.
Rane faces life imprisonment if convicted of sexual extortion, torture and acts of barbarity, corruption of minors and related offenses committed as part of an organized group. The trial is scheduled to run through Friday. Prosecutors say the acts occurred between 2019 and 2021.
Investigators identified 13 victims in the United States, England and the Netherlands, aged 12 to 18 at the time, according to news outlet franceinfo. Le Monde reported that the case against Rane alone involved about 20 victims, mostly American or British. Some were 12, 14 or 15.
Videos recovered by investigators show girls scarring themselves live on camera under orders from Rane and other men in an online community on Discord, the messaging platform. From his room in Antibes, he pressed them to engrave his first name and swastikas on their skin with razor blades. Some went further and penetrated themselves with knives.
Rane administered a Discord server called CVLT, “cult” in English, whose members, drawn from several countries, promoted neo-Nazi and nihilist ideas and referred to victims as “slaves,” Le Monde reported that U.S. authorities have said the network treated neo-Nazism, nihilism and child sexual abuse as core principles. The investigation began after the FBI was alerted to images of a 12-year-old girl whose torso bore the name “Rohan.”
“My goal is to create an inexhaustible reserve of slaves to satisfy my sadism,” he wrote in an August 2020 post. He has also said he has been fascinated since adolescence by “the Aryan brotherhood and fascism,” that he is “excited by blood and violence,” and that “Western feminists all have a rape fantasy.”
Prosecutors allege he forced girls under his influence to cut themselves, insert blunt objects into their genitals, eat their own feces, and attempt suicide, and that he used threats to enforce the orders.
Hippolyte Marquetty, a lawyer for six American victims and for the child-protection group Ecpat, which has joined the case as a civil party, said: “For some, it starts with a meeting, then they talk, and little by little they may be led to take photos of themselves, sometimes naked, to give information about their family, where they live.”
She further stated: “With this data, the relationship transformed, and he threatened to broadcast images of them to their entire community. There is such psychological pressure that they cannot get out of this system. If the FBI had not heard of this affair, some might have been pushed to commit suicide.”
At a hearing in March 2025, Rane said he was “guilty” and declared, “I take responsibility for everything.”
He has also acknowledged his masculinist and fascist ideology. Investigators found a written guide explaining how to manipulate young girls into slaves. He initially described some of the exchanges as consensual role-play before expressing regret, RFI reported. His lawyer, Irina Kratz, has contested the addition of a charge that exposes him to a life sentence.
The victims, now in their twenties, have experienced different levels of recovery.
Marquetty said. “We still have to imagine that some people don’t even know the face of their attacker, they have never seen him.”
Several are expected to testify by videoconference. One plans to appear in person because she needs “to come and express the suffering she suffered, and to “look straight in the eye and say, ‘this is what you did to me, I want you to realize it,’” the lawyer told franceinfo.
The women also hope their testimony will warn others about online violence of this nature.
Lawyers for several victims had asked that the hearing be public. The Paris Assize Court ordered a closed session Monday after a request from American authorities. Beyond the planned broadcast of scenes of torture and humiliation that often involved girls under 15, the court said in its ruling that “the criminal group” of which Rane is suspected of having been the leader “has previously sought to intimidate victims and witnesses” and threatened American prosecutors.
A video is making the rounds in French social media showing a group of French youngsters profaning a church while chanting a rap song that glorifies the Islamic terrorists Mohamed Merah and Salah Abdeslam.
France will maintain controls on all its internal Schengen borders for another six months, adding to a growing network of national checks that has made temporary border control an increasingly persistent feature of Europe’s passport-free area.
France has notified the European Commission that it will extend controls at its internal Schengen borders from 1 November 2026 until 30 April 2027, maintaining checks with Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Spain and Italy as well as at relevant air and sea borders.
The notification, published in the Commission’s official register of temporary internal border controls, means the restrictions currently due to expire on 31 October will continue for another six months.
Paris cites a combination of security and migration concerns, including persistent jihadist threats, antisemitic attacks, organised migrant-smuggling networks and risks associated with irregular movements towards the Channel coast.
The French notification also refers to instability in the Middle East, Afghanistan and Somalia, Russia’s continuing war against Ukraine and security considerations surrounding the Paris Peace Forum on 10–11 November.
France is not alone.
Germany has extended controls on all of its land borders until 15 March 2027, citing irregular migration, migrant smuggling and pressure on its asylum system. Austria is maintaining controls on borders with Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary and Slovenia until the same date, while Poland has notified Brussels of checks on its borders with Germany and Lithuania through 30 March.
Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Italy also have temporary internal controls in force.
The expansion has created an increasingly complicated map inside an area established around the principle that people should normally be able to cross internal borders without routine checks.
The French extension takes that trend into spring 2027.
Under the Schengen Borders Code, governments retain the right to restore controls when they identify a serious threat to public policy or internal security. The Commission stresses that such action must remain exceptional, proportionate and limited to what is necessary.
The revised rules permit controls responding to a foreseeable threat for an initial period of up to six months, with extensions possible under defined conditions. Governments maintaining controls for extended periods must provide additional risk assessments and reporting.
There is therefore no legal contradiction between Schengen membership and temporary border checks. The political question concerns their frequency and duration.
In June, the European Commission had called for a gradual reduction in internal controls where conditions allowed. EU Today reported at the time that Brussels regarded the restoration of normal passport-free movement as possible in several countries.
The direction since then has largely been the opposite.
Migration remains one factor, but national notifications increasingly cite several threats simultaneously: terrorism, organised crime, Russian sabotage, war in Ukraine, Middle Eastern instability and pressure on asylum systems.
That makes it harder to identify a single event after which controls could simply be removed.
The system also creates practical consequences for cross-border regions. Millions of Europeans live in one Schengen state and work, study or conduct business in another. Selective checks can therefore cause delays even when passports are not examined systematically.
France’s controls are especially significant because of the number and economic importance of its neighbours. The extension covers land connections with six countries and internal air and sea routes.
It also comes as the EU operates new systems intended to strengthen the external Schengen frontier. Europe’s Entry/Exit System has introduced biometric registration for many non-EU travellers, while the migration and asylum pact has changed procedures for handling irregular arrivals.
The original political bargain behind Schengen was that stronger management of the common external frontier would support open internal borders.
The growing use of national internal controls shows that several governments remain unwilling to rely on that external system alone when confronted with migration, terrorism and wider security risks.
France’s latest notification is formally temporary. But by the time the new period expires on 30 April 2027, internal checks will have become a long-running feature of travel across several of Europe’s most important borders.
In 2017 the director Christopher Nolan brought Dunkirk back to cinema screens with Dunkirk, a film about the hurried and agonising retreat of the Allied armies from the European mainland in 1940. The German advance through France had been unstoppable, and the Second World War was only months old. That evacuation is the best-known episode […]
Massive school protests are ongoing in France, where students have been mobilizing for their right to education – and against the austerity measures undermining it. Roughly 1,800 high schools were forced to shut down on Tuesday, October 6, as students – supported by trade unions, families, and progressive politicians – took to the streets. According to trade unions, over 450,000 people participated in protests across the country.
Students at 90% of French universities organized actions on the same day, adding even more weight to the historic mobilization.
The students’ main demands include urgent measures to address the critical situation in French schools: a shortage of teaching and support staff, oversized classes, and dilapidated buildings – particularly in working-class areas. Protesters are also calling for more manageable timetables, affordable and quality food and student housing, and an equitable education system.
Austerity at the roots of the protests
The situation in schools is strongly linked to years of neoliberal policies pushed by President Emmanuel Macron and several administrations. The mobilizations are taking place amid widespread discontent over the planned continuation – and harshening – of the same policies.
The country’s public deficit reached 5.1% of GDP in 2025, and debt interest rates represent a growing driver of this deficit. In 2025, the interest burden amounted to around €66 billion across all public administrations; it is expected to reach €91 billion in 2027 and approximately €120 billion in 2030, warned Francesco Tirro for Progetto Me-Ti.
Mainstream economists suggest the only way to address that deficit is through cuts – an approach the current administration is only too eager to try, including through attacks on the pension and education systems.
Police repression against students
In response to the protests, French authorities have unleashed a rarely seen wave of police violence against students. The Ministry of Interior recorded approximately 5,000 arrests between September 21 and October 2, with 85% of those detained underage. Police used rubber bullets and dispersal grenades on children, leading to serious injuries – including protesters losing limbs and vision.
“Footage and testimonies widely reported over the last week raise alarming concerns about the dangerous use of tear gas, batons and restraint techniques by police,” said Anne Savinel-Barras from Amnesty International France. The organization emphasized that authorities must ensure the response to demonstrations is “necessary and proportionate,” and that “children and young people peacefully demanding their right to education are protected rather than being beaten, tear-gassed, or arbitrarily detained.”
Source: Sophie Binet/X
While human rights organizations appealed for an end to state-sanctioned violence against students, things were much quieter among the European political establishment. Where reactions were formulated, they were mild at best.
Unions and left support the students
Different progressive movements have sharpened their support for the student demonstrations over the past week, resulting in thousands of trade union members and dozens of elected officials forming cordons between police and students to shield the youth. “All over the country, union members have turned out in large numbers to provide protection and support for high school students,” one of the main student associations, Union Syndicale Lycéenne, stated on Tuesday.
“Today’s high school and university students are tomorrow’s workers, and they shouldn’t have to pay the price for austerity policies,” the General Confederation of Labor (Confédération Générale du Travail, CGT) emphasized. “When there is a shortage of teachers, when classrooms are overcrowded, when buildings are falling apart, and when young people see their future prospects shrinking, the answer cannot be repression.”
Progressive politicians, notably from La France Insoumise (LFI), also joined the protests, providing physical protection for students. As the mobilization began to roll out from Créteil, home of LFI’s Clémence Guetté and several other members, the left party was among the first to offer support – and remained by their side as repression grew. One of the most notable examples was Saint-Denis mayor Bally Bagayoko, filmed as he protected students from more violence.
“The coming together of labor unions, the youth movement, and the parliamentary left-wing opposition forms a kind of ‘tortoise formation’ of mutual protection, making a broader collective momentum possible,” emphasized left presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
Solidarity statements came from youth organizations in other European countries, including Greece. “Young people are reacting massively to the cuts in education spending, given that the French government, as in the rest of the EU, is spending billions on military equipment at the expense of wages, healthcare and education,” the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE) wrote in a statement, foreshadowing more student struggles to follow.
Paris police chief Patrice Faure on Tuesday banned a pro-Palestinian demonstration planned for Wednesday, the third anniversary of Oct. 7, 2023 attacks in Israel, over “risks of public disorder,” Anadolu reports.
“At the request of Interior Minister Laurent Nunez, I issued an order banning a demonstration ‘against the genocide in Gaza and for respect for the ceasefire’ in Paris on Wednesday,” Faure said on US social media platform X.
He noted that such a demonstration could pose “significant risks of public disorder,” citing a “high terrorist threat” and antisemitic acts that “remain at historically high levels” across France.
“In light of this, and in view of all the risks identified, it is my responsibility to ensure everyone’s safety. I have therefore decided to ban this demonstration,” Faure added.
Israel’s genocidal war launched three years ago in Gaza has killed more than 74,000 people, injured many more and destroyed most of the enclave’s infrastructure.
Marine Le Pen has set out plans to cut French public spending by €140 billion by 2032, reduce the deficit and impose a constitutional constraint on future borrowing, placing France’s deteriorating public finances at the centre of the campaign for the 2027 presidential election.
Marine Le Pen has presented a five-year fiscal programme under which a National Rally administration would seek €140 billion in net savings by 2032, restore France’s primary budget balance within 18 months and bring the headline deficit back below the European Union’s three per cent threshold by 2030.
The scale of the problem was underlined on the same day by France’s Directorate-General of the Treasury. Its latest report on public debt projects the debt ratio at 119.3 per cent of GDP this year before rising to 121.7 per cent in 2027. Debt stood at 115.7 per cent at the end of 2025.
Le Pen’s programme is therefore aimed not only at French voters but at financial markets increasingly focused on whether Paris can prevent debt from continuing to rise.
According to the proposals outlined on Tuesday, spending reductions would be concentrated heavily in the first three years of a Le Pen presidency. She would also seek to introduce what she calls a constitutional “golden rule”, requiring successive governments to reduce the budget deficit each year.
The measure would be put to a referendum and is intended to make deficit reduction binding beyond an individual government’s annual budget decisions.
Le Pen has also proposed reducing France’s public debt to around 112 per cent of GDP by 2032. That would reverse the trajectory currently expected by the French government, although the National Rally’s assumptions would depend on its ability to deliver the proposed savings and on economic growth during the next presidential term.
Among the most politically significant proposals is a plan to restrict France’s net contribution to the EU budget to €5 billion. The party argues that some European spending should instead be financed through harmonised taxes on products such as tobacco and alcohol.
Le Pen also expects substantial savings from tighter immigration controls and the introduction of the National Rally’s proposed “national preference” rules for access to parts of the welfare system. Her programme estimates that measures connected with immigration could eventually produce savings of as much as €29 billion annually.
Other elements include changes to pension policy, reductions in corporate and energy taxation, measures against VAT fraud, the abolition of more than 120 taxes and a reduction in the number of state agencies.
The programme marks an attempt by Le Pen to make fiscal policy a central part of a campaign that has until now been dominated largely by immigration, security and questions surrounding France’s political fragmentation.
The timing is significant. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu’s government has itself introduced a difficult fiscal consolidation programme. The 2027 budget presented by the Finance Ministry envisages €54 billion in measures to improve the public finances, including €43 billion contained directly in the state and social-security budgets.
The government expects the deficit to fall from 5.4 per cent of GDP in 2026 to five per cent next year. It forecasts growth of only 0.5 per cent this year before a recovery to one per cent in 2027.
The debt burden is becoming increasingly costly. Interest payments are expected to reach €91.2 billion in 2027, up from €79.2 billion this year, according to the Finance Ministry. By 2030, total public-sector interest costs are projected to reach 3.7 per cent of GDP.
That gives the presidential campaign an economic dimension that is difficult to separate from France’s relationship with Brussels. Paris remains subject to EU fiscal rules requiring a gradual reduction in its deficit, while any attempt to reduce the French contribution to the EU budget would require negotiations with the other member states.
Her latest intervention shifts part of the campaign onto terrain traditionally associated with the centre-right: public spending, debt and the credibility of France’s finances.
With the government attempting to secure parliamentary support for its own austerity measures and French borrowing costs under closer scrutiny, the question of how the country pays for the state is now moving towards the centre of the contest to succeed Emmanuel Macron.
France greenlit 35 military sales to Israel between May and September 2026, according to a joint investigation by the Palestinian Youth Movement and the French collective Urgence Palestine, with all shipments bound for subsidiaries of lead Israeli arms maker Elbit Systems.
The report states that suppliers based in five French regions manufactured the equipment, which includes cooling units used in tanks and missile launchers, visors fitted to the helmets of helicopter and fighter jet pilots, surveillance systems, and assorted electronics.
French arms firm Thales built and shipped control panels used to fire weapons remotely, a technology that rights groups and Gaza-based journalists have repeatedly reported Israel using to shoot civilians in their tents and on the streets, children among them.
Of the 35 shipments, 33 left from Paris’s Charles de Gaulle Airport, 32 of them aboard Israel’s national carrier El Al.
French Defense Minister Catherine Vautrin told parliament last week that France supplies no offensive weapons to Israel, repeating the government’s position that such sales ended in 2024.
Thomas Nayla, a lawyer with Urgence Palestine, dismissed that distinction, tellingMiddle East Eye that, given items such as tank cooling units and pilot visors, “there is no way these can be considered defensive.”
The new findings follow an April report by the same two groups, which counted more than 525 shipments of French military-use equipment to Israel between October 2023 and March 2026, arming the Israeli military throughout the genocide in Gaza.
The French shipments are part of a broader pattern in which European governments and companies continued to supply Israel with military and dual-use equipment throughout the Gaza genocide, even as several governments publicly criticized Israeli apartheid and war crimes, and announced partial or symbolic restrictions.
Germany, Israel’s largest European arms supplier, approved more than $930 million in export licenses to Israel in the first five months of 2026 alone, according to Germany’s news magazine Der Spiegel, citing Economy Ministry data
Britain, meanwhile, has touted its suspension of some export licenses while keeping F-35 components largely exempt, and has still approved at least $236 million in fixed-value military export licenses to Israel since October 2023, according to Campaign Against Arms Trade, a figure that excludes the open licenses covering much of its F-35 contribution.
Elbit Systems, which supplies roughly 85 percent of Israel’s drones and ground-based equipment, has been central to the Israeli military’s relentless onslaught across West Asia.
The arms company’s Hermes drones provided near-total aerial surveillance and target selection for attacks, and its AI-enabled Tzayad system identified more than 800,000 “targets” across Gaza and Lebanon in two years by the company’s own account.
The firm posted record profits throughout the genocide, boasting that its Tzayad system had flagged “up to or over half” of Gaza’s civilian population and infrastructure as targets while marketing its Gaza-used weapons to buyers as “battle-tested” to command a higher premium.
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