The New York Times reported on Wednesday that the US government is preparing to send troops to Latin America under the pretext of combating drug trafficking in the region.

According to the US publication, 600 troops from the 10th Mountain Division at Fort Drum, NY, have already begun deploying to the jungles of Panama to conduct exercises alongside the local military.

In addition, it was reported that members of this detachment will participate in operations in other countries in the future: “The troops will eventually train with local forces in Colombia and Honduras, and could also support US Special Operations troops advising militaries conducting raids against accused drug traffickers, the officials said.”

The peoples of the region, alongside anti-imperialist and progressive forces, have long denounced decades of US military intervention in Latin America and the Caribbean. Various experts and analysts have shown that “war on drugs” projects have never led to the elimination of these illicit businesses. On the contrary, US military involvement has coincided with an increase in violence, drug production, but most importantly: neoliberal reforms. These reforms involve the dismantling and reduction of the state, the privatization of all possible dimensions of social life, and the destruction of social organizations that oppose neoliberalism.

Read more: What else is behind the “fight” against drug trafficking in Latin America?

Historically, this process of material dispossession has been facilitated by an expansion of US military presence, under the pretext of the “war on drugs.”

The report stated: “The deployments and growing headquarters, which have not been previously reported, along with the Pentagon’s recent movement of several MQ-9 Reaper drones from Africa to Colombia and Ecuador, mark the latest widening of the Defense Department’s fight against drug traffickers in the region.”

Shield of the Americas

For several months now, US forces have been participating in intelligence activities and supporting military operations in Ecuador, whose government has entered into agreements with the US to allegedly fight organized crime. However, it was later revealed that these operations didn’t target drug traffickers at all. In at least one instance, The New York Times reported that the US and Ecuador bombed a dairy farm.

This collaboration is part of the new military and geopolitical strategy led by the Trump administration, embodied in the agreement known as “Shield of the Americas.” In recent meetings, several governments have committed to working with the United States so that their militaries can carry out joint operations in Latin American countries.

Regarding the possible itinerary of the soldiers who are expected to arrive in Panama, The New York Times reported: “The soldiers will move first into Panama, where they will take part in jungle training exercises, officials said. From there they will head to Colombia, where they will participate in what officials have called Southern Vanguard, an exercise scheduled to begin later this month. Other rotations will move into Honduras for training with local partners. Some of the troops could be used to provide additional security for US helicopters in the region, which have been providing support for US Special Operations forces.”

For about a year now, the United States has been conducting airstrikes on small boats in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean that Washington claims are linked to drug trafficking. Over 200 people have been killed in the strikes and the majority of the victims appear to be fishermen from Venezuela, Colombia, Trinidad and Tobago, and other island nations. Victims’ families and survivors have vehemently denied any connection to criminal groups.

Washington claims the report is false

For its part, the US Embassy in Panama stated that The New York Times report regarding the deployment of several hundred US soldiers to the Caribbean nation is untrue: “The New York Times article alleging the deployment of 600 US soldiers to Panama is categorically false.”

The US Embassy reported that 120 US military personnel are currently participating in a training course in the Panamanian jungle, but that these troops will return to the United States on October 25 and therefore will not undertake the deployment announced by Colombia and Honduras. It did report that other US military personnel will participate in exercises in Peru.

“This is nothing new. The Jungle Operations Training Center has been operating for over a year as a school officially recognized by the US Army. US and Panamanian instructors jointly provide training in survival techniques and jungle operations,” the US Embassy in Panama said in its statement.

The controversy between The New York Times and US diplomatic officials over this report comes amid an evident increase in the US military presence in the region. In addition to operations in the Caribbean and the Pacific, there was the military incursion into Venezuela on January 3, 2026, which resulted in the capture of then-President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, as well as the deaths of more than 100 people in Venezuela. Furthermore, President Trump himself has suggested that he could attack Cuba and any other country if US security is compromised.

La inteligencia Israelí cuenta con una ciberarma que no precisa de que el usuario abra un enlace sospechoso ni responda a un mensaje fraudulento. Le basta con que la víctima navegue por un portal de noticias o abra una aplicación meteorológica para que el virus se ponga en marcha. Instantáneamente, una publicidad automatizada aparece en un espacio de la pantalla y bajo esta inocente fachada, el malware inyecta un código malicioso en el dispositivo. De esta manera, el emisor del virus posee un acceso completo a los datos del mismo dispositivo.

Una reciente investigación internacional liderada por The Citizen Lab de la universidad de Toronto ha destapado lo que ha pasado a denominarse como AdFection. Se trata de una técnica pionera de ciberespionaje que permite infectar dispositivos de forma "invisible" mediante la simple visualización de anuncios en páginas web y aplicaciones comunes, situando a España en el epicentro de la amenaza. Según el informe, la red israelí concentró una actividad inusualmente intensa en la península Ibérica y el Estrecho de Gibraltar. No solo eso, también logró colar anuncios con este código de ataque en las redes del Ministerio para la Transformación Digital y de la Función Pública.

Anatomía de "AdFection"

Hasta la fecha, la mayoría de los ataques atribuidos a la industria del spyware –como los precedentes de Pegasus o las primeras versiones de Candiru detectadas en Cataluña durante el caso CatalanGate– requerían algo de ingeniería social para inducir a la víctima a interactuar con un enlace. Ahora ya no es necesario. "AdFection" cambia las reglas del juego al instrumentalizar la arquitectura global del Real-Time Bidding (RTB). Esto es, el sistema de anuncios de publicidad que gestiona cientos de miles de millones de impresiones diarias en todo el planeta.

Piense el lector en la publicidad personalizada que le aparece en internet. Cuando entra en una web o app, su terminal envía una "puja" con los metadatos específicos (dirección IP, identificador publicitario móvil MAID, ubicación y características del sistema). A través de su plataforma MyDSP o de intermediarios autorizados, una compañía gana la "subasta" y es esta la que muestra un banner en el dispositivo del objetivo preseleccionado.

El anuncio de AdFection contiene una etiqueta que conecta con los servidores de Discover-Tech. Si el visitante coincide con los parámetros fijados por el atacante, el servidor devuelve código JavaScript malicioso; si se trata de un usuario ordinario o de un escáner de seguridad automatizado, devuelve una respuesta vacía (0 bytes) o un anuncio inofensivo. Este sistema lo hace prácticamente indetectable.

"Es una pesadilla técnica porque demuestra que los dispositivos pueden ser infectados por empresas de programas espía simplemente al visualizar un anuncio en una página web o aplicación, de forma totalmente silenciosa", advirtió Wolfie Christl, investigador y coautor del informe.

El impacto en España

Este es el virus que ha proliferado de manera particularmente inusual en la zona sur de nuestro país. Y es que la investigación, que analizó los flujos globales de tráfico de Discover-Tech, localizó una actividad inusualmente densa de estas operaciones sobre la península Ibérica y el área del Estrecho de Gibraltar.

El hallazgo de mayor repercusión para la seguridad nacional fue la identificación de impactos publicitarios con scripts de ataque en terminales conectados a las redes del Ministerio para la Transformación Digital y de la Función Pública. Aunque la recepción de una impresión publicitaria maliciosa no equivale de forma automática a una infección consumada, esto confirma que la red del ministerio estuvo expuesta al vector de intrusión militar.

El hecho de que el ataque alcanzara al ministerio rector de la política tecnológica del Estado español no hace sino evidenciar la fragilidad de los perímetros corporativos públicos frente a un vector que viaja mezclado con el tráfico web general.

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele announced on October 13 his intention to release nearly 50% of the prisoners accused of collaborating with gangs in the country. According to the president, the measure would involve early release, albeit conditional.

“We have a plan that would benefit roughly 50% (give or take) of the prisoners in El Salvador who have collaborated with gangs … In other words, early release – meaning they are guilty but are released conditionally. Released under supervision,” Bukele told the press.

In this regard, he said that his government would evaluate the situation of each detainee to keep the country free from the structural violence that has plagued it for decades: “Considering that we come from a country where violence was part of everyday life and gangs were the real government, the real dictatorship. These people lived under that yoke, but it is not the same to be among those who enforced it as it is to simply survive that reality.”

If we take into account the figure provided by the authorities (according to which nearly 100,000 people are currently detained on various charges) this could mean the release of tens of thousands of people.

Domestic criticism of El Salvador’s mass incarceration

Before Bukele took office, El Salvador was in the throes of a severe crisis of insecurity and violence. His administration imposed a perpetual state of emergency that began in 2022 and has led to the imprisonment of thousands of Salvadorans accused of belonging to gangs (or “maras”) that controlled large swaths of the Central American country.

And while the pacification of the streets has been celebrated by a significant portion of the population, the harsh actions of the government and its police and military forces have drawn criticism from various human rights organizations, which have accused the government of excessive use of force, mistreatment of prisoners, and the unjust detention of individuals who do not belong to gangs.

Read more: CECOT: Bukele’s mega prison where “the only way out is in a coffin”

Another criticism has been leveled at the practice of mass trials, which charge and convict a large number of people at the same time. Rights groups say this has led to countless errors in the treatment of individual defendants. Added to this are allegations of arbitrary detentions, crimes against humanity, and disappearances.

International outrage at 252 Venezuelans detained in El Salvador

The prison system implemented by Bukele in El Salvador has also faced international criticism. The Central American country became a focal point of controversy when hundreds of people deported from the United States were detained in the Salvadoran prison system, which drew widespread criticism of the Bukele government.

Bukele, however, had defended the decision and reaffirmed his alliance with the Donald Trump administration and his participation in the Washington-led geopolitical and military initiative known as Shield of the Americas.

Read more: Maduro gov’t negotiates return of 252 Venezuelans detained by US in El Salvador

The news of the possible release of tens of thousands of detainees sparked even more intrigue, considering that Bukele’s announcement came immediately after his conversation with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in which they discussed combating “malign foreign influence.” However, it remains unclear how the two issues are linked, according to El País.

Muchas de las reparaciones que se realizan a diario en los talleres podrían haberse evitado si sus conductores hubiesen valorado a tiempo una revisión de los líquidos y del estado de los componentes. Como bien es sabido, fabricantes y mecánicos no se ponen de acuerdo muchas veces a la hora de establecer los tiempos en los que cada vehículo requiere mantenimiento, pero algunos de los segundos explican los motivos en vídeos.

En este caso, es el experimentado mecánico Felipe Sacristán el que, según lo que ve día a día en el taller, considera que cualquier vehículo debe cambiar el aceite y el filtro, en primer lugar, a los 90.000 kilómetros y, posteriormente, cada 60.000 kilómetros para evitar averías de incluso más de 4.500 euros en vehículos que no alcanzan ni los 10 años de antigüedad.

¿Por qué considera indispensable el mecánico el mantenimiento en cualquier vehículo?

Sacristán considera la diferencia de costes entre una reparación y una sustitución el mayor problema: "Siempre es muy malo que a alguien que tiene un coche con 9 años le tengan que cobrar 4.500, 5.000 o 6.000 euros por la reparación del cambio, cuando todo se habría solucionado haciendo cada 60.000 kilómetros una sustitución del aceite y el filtro", un paso por el taller que puede salir por una horquilla entre los 60 y los 180 euros.

El mecánico admite que en su gremio se inclinan por realizar mantenimientos en lugar de reparaciones, pese a que el beneficio es menor: "Nosotros preferimos hacer muchas sustituciones de aceite a muchas reparaciones, aunque a vosotros os parezca mentira, porque luego las reparaciones siempre son muy caras".

Respecto a los plazos, el profesional aconseja hacer la primera sustitución a los 90.000 kilómetros porque cuando el coche es nuevo, el desgaste inicial en los primeros 30.000 kilómetros es mínimo; sin embargo, a partir de ahí los componentes sufren mayor degradación, por lo que las siguientes revisiones las rebaja a intervalos de 60.000 kilómetros. Como señala un usuario en los comentarios del vídeo de Sacristán: "Es muy fácil de entender; el aceite es como nuestra sangre; cuanto más limpia está, menos enfermedades tienes".

Las averías que puede provocar un mal mantenimiento del aceite del motor

Prescindir del cambio periódico de aceite y permitir que el lubricante pierda sus propiedades o circule sucio genera un deterioro progresivo que provoca muchas veces fallos mecánicos extremadamente graves. Los más comunes son:

• Gripado del motor
• Desgaste prematuro de piezas y corrosión
• Rotura de los casquillos de la biela
• Arqueo y desgaste del árbol de levas
• Ruidos metálicos y obstrucción del filtro

Los ladrones de cobre siempre han tenido una predilección por el presente en la red ferroviaria en España y en los últimos años sigue intensificándose. El Ministerio del Interior contabilizó 5.691 sustracciones de cableado en un 2025, lo que supuso un incremento del 23% respecto al ejercicio anterior y de casi un 150% en comparación con 2021.

En el primer semestre de 2026, Adif (Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias) ya ha presentado 409 denuncias por este motivo. Sin embargo, el cambio de contexto del automóvil y el consiguiente auge de infraestructura para llenar sus baterías está propiciando que el robo de cable de los puntos de recarga sea una tarea incluso más apetecible para los ladrones.

¿Cuál es el alcance de los robos en la red de recarga y qué coste económico suponen?

La oleada de sustracciones está teniendo un impacto directo en la operatividad del parque de recarga público. Según los datos del barómetro de la electromovilidad de la patronal de fabricantes (ANFAC), de los 74.503 puntos de recarga instalados en España, 17.821 se encuentran fuera de servicio (casi un 24 %), bien por estar averiados, pendientes de conexión a la red o inutilizados por el robo de sus mangueras. El perjuicio económico para las empresas operadoras y los usuarios es desproporcionado en comparación con el escaso beneficio que obtienen los delincuentes. Por un lado, los tres o cuatro metros de cobre que ofrecen las mangueras sustraídas a los ladrones son vendidos en el mercado negro por entre 50 y 90 euros.

En cambio, sustituir las mangueras y reponer el servicio le cuesta al operador unos 600 euros por cable, aunque el coste total, según explican desde Aeodive a ElEconomista, por cada acto vandálico escala entre 5.000 y 8.000 euros, pudiendo superar los 10.000 o 20.000 euros si se contemplan la reparación de daños en la máquina, el desplazamiento técnico y la pérdida de ingresos por indisponibilidad. Cada punto saqueado queda fuera de servicio entre una semana y 15 días por la falta de estocaje inmediato de repuestos, generando una pérdida estimada de 150 euros diarios en recargas no realizadas por cargador.

¿Por qué las electrolineras son un objetivo tan apetecible para las bandas criminales?

Muchas estaciones se ubican en zonas aisladas o polígonos con menor vigilancia y las mangueras de alta potencia contienen un grosor de cobre considerable que puede ser cortado fácilmente. Los delincuentes seleccionan preferentemente los cargadores más potentes porque sus mangueras contienen un mayor grosor y densidad de cobre. El proceso de robo dura aproximadamente un minuto. Los delincuentes operan normalmente en parejas o tríos: mientras uno se cuelga de la manguera para tensarla, el otro utiliza una cizalla o sierra radial para cortarla lo más cerca posible del chasis de la máquina.

It was highly unlikely, but it could be true. The imposing statue of a winged, muscular man with a goat’s head and legs dominated the façade, capping the perimeter wall — at least according to the photos circulating on social media. A sprawling urban conglomerate like Mexico City and its surroundings — which shelters a handful of altars to Santa Muerte, some of them truly colossal, including the one on López Portillo Avenue in Tultitlán — could easily accommodate a statue of Baphomet, the old idol of occultism, the satanic goat. Even if it were in the wealthy Jardines del Pedregal neighborhood, once an emblem of orderly development. In this eclectic, layered city of contrasts, logic rarely applies, least of all when it comes to urban life.

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Al llegar a Zaragoza, Emilio Melgar, un zamorano de 49 que acababa de obtener una plaza de funcionario en la capital aragonesa, confiaba en encontrar una vivienda asequible en unos pocos días. Se instaló en un hotel y comenzó a visitar primero pisos y, cuando vio los precios muy por encima de su presupuesto, siguió por las habitaciones en pisos compartidos.

"Era una locura también, me llegaron a pedir 400 más gastos por una habitación y era muy chica, una cama de 90 y la habitación tendría 4 o 5 metros cuadrados, en una casa sin salón", relata Melgar, que ha hecho llegar su historia a 20minutos a través de nuestra comunidad, Ciudadano20.

Los días pasaban y la búsqueda se hacía cada vez más angustiante, más aún cuando en la mayoría de pisos que veía en portales inmobiliarios como Idealista o Fotocasa era imposible llegar a contactar con nadie que te los enseñara y desaparecían a las pocas horas de estar anunciados. Melgar recordó entonces una opción que había descartado al inicio de su búsqueda: pagar a una agencia inmobiliaria, Centro de Alquiler de Particulares, para poder tener un acceso prioritario a su cartera de pisos en alquiler.

"Al final puedes pensar que es un engaño, pero con esta demanda, no me quedó otra. Yo contacté ya desde Zamora, y sí que me dijeron que asesorarte en encontrar un inmueble para vivir lleva aparejado un coste, en este caso 290 euros. Y ellos te ofrecen inmuebles que los particulares se los dan a ellos para que los gestionen", explica el funcionario zamorano. "Desde Zamora no me aventuré y dije: 'Bueno, pues, malo será. Intentaré buscar algo'. Y luego llegas aquí, ya ves la dificultad porque hay mucha demanda".

La agencia Centro de Alquiler de Particulares no ha contestado a la solicitud de una entrevista por parte de este medio.

En la frontera entre honorarios y la cuota de servicio

Desde la entrada en vigor de la Ley de Vivienda, en mayo de 2023, las agencias inmobiliarias no pueden cobrar al inquilino los gastos de gestión inmobiliaria ni los de formalización del contrato de un alquiler de vivienda habitual: la Ley de Arrendamientos Urbanos establece que deben correr a cargo del propietario.

La norma, sin embargo, no regula expresamente los servicios independientes que una agencia pueda prestar al propio demandante de vivienda, como la búsqueda de inmuebles por encargo, lo que ha permitido que algunas empresas articulen contratos específicos con los inquilinos para cobrarles por estos servicios.

"Como está prohibido por ley cobrar lo que es la intermediación inmobiliaria hacen un contrato con el interesado en el que requiere, con un mandato expreso, la búsqueda, localización, asesoramiento y representación inmobiliaria", explica Sandra Aurrecoechea, abogada experta en inmobiliario y socia del bufete Marín y Mateo Abogados. "Buscan ahí el quiebro a la ley de: 'Como gestión inmobiliaria e intermediación no, pero tú me firmas un mandato de que tú me has contratado a mí, gestor inmobiliario, para que yo te busque a ti lo que tú quieres. Luego, el agente inmobiliario tiene que acreditar que ha dado un servicio plus, que no ha sido simplemente abrir una puerta'".

En el caso de Melgar, la agencia le realizó un pequeño cuestionario sobre qué buscaba y qué horquilla de precios manejaba. Tras el pago de la cuota y la firma del contrato, la agencia puso a su disposición varias ofertas con el teléfono del potencial casero.

"Te crean ese perfil y ya está, con los inmuebles que ellos gestionan. Entonces, tienes acceso a un número de teléfono del particular, y ya contactas directamente con él, es como si hubieras pasado casi un filtro previo", explica Melgar.

Para la abogada Aurrecoechea, esta práctica se aprovecha de un "vacío legal" y las agencias se basan en la formalización de contratos "muy bien redactados" para ser legalmente sólidos. La cuestión aquí es si el inquilino que acepta firmarlo está actuando de manera verdaderamente libre o realmente es un trámite imprescindible para poder acceder a ciertas viviendas.

"Esa iniciativa está condicionada, es decir, si no me firmas este mandato de búsqueda, no te enseño el piso. Pero eso, claro, no queda por escrito en ningún sitio", explica la abogada, que admite que es una cantidad que prácticamente ningún inquilino reclama con posterioridad ante la práctica imposibilidad de probar que fue una decisión condicionada: "Al final ya vamos a ir grabando todas las conversaciones", bromea.

Una búsqueda exitosa

La suerte de Melgar cambió justo después de haber pagado la cuota a la agencia. La misma tarde en la que contrató los servicios de la agencia, pudo visitar un piso y vio varios más en los días siguientes, acompañado ahora de su mujer y su hijo pequeño, que vinieron desde Zamora para acompañarle en la búsqueda. Uno de los caseros le comentó que había llegado a recibir 150 llamadas a través de un anuncio de Idealista en un solo día, lo que explica la imposibilidad de acceder a alguna ofertas sin la intermediación de una agencia como la que contrató.

Después de que una casera se decantara por otro inquilino en un piso que le había gustado, finalmente el funcionario logró lo que buscaba: un piso por 690 euros al mes más gastos aparte, una cifra que excedía su presupuesto inicial, pero a la que acabó accediendo vistas las dificultades.

"Me di cuenta de que era eso o no tenía otra historia", admite Melgar. "Si tú tienes un conocido, pues siempre te facilita porque si tienes un piso para sacar en alquiler se lo puedes dejar a conocidos o a familiares. Pero si no, los estudiantes ya dicen que dentro de su grupito de estudiantes, se lo van pasando. Al final, yo aquí no conozco a nadie porque vengo de nuevas, pues no me queda otra, porque si no estoy vendido".

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It was all thanks to a small metal screw – an orthodontic mini-screw, to be precise – that was placed in the jawbone underneath José Antonio Jiménez’s gums. His wife, Priscila Murrieta, waited in the hallways of the Attorney General’s office in Mazatlán, a city in the south of the Mexican state of Sinaloa. Meanwhile, the forensic dentist went in and out of a room. Of the bodies recovered from the mass graves in the small town of El Verde, Jiménez could be one of them. With moles and tattoos ruled out, only two bodies remained with similar characteristics. Both of the victims wore braces on their teeth.

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Victimhood, its exploitation and its political use to justify cruelty have been among the topics most extensively researched by Sarah Schulman. A decade has passed since the writer, LGBTQ+ activist and AIDS historian published Conflict Is Not Abuse: Overstating Harm, Community Responsibility, and the Duty of Repair, which is now being released in Spanish. “Sadly, it turns out the book was prophetic,” the 68-year-old author explains to EL PAÍS via video conference. “It came out before Trump was elected, and he’s proven all the arguments presented to be true. All of his rhetoric revolves around him being a victim. We see the same thing with Netanyahu. This idea of the perpetrator presenting themselves as the victim is now the global norm, unfortunately.”

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International health authorities are on alert over a possible case of plague that may not even exist. The death of a laboratory worker at a plague research facility in Russia’s Irkutsk region on October 2 sparked concerns, and the World Health Organization (WHO) on Wednesday offered technical assistance to the Russian government while requesting additional information needed to assess any potential risk.

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Tensions are rising along the Mexico-U.S. border — this time on the eastern side — due to an incident that has quietly made its way to the press. Ten days ago, U.S. Coast Guard personnel patrolling the Rio Grande area between Texas and Tamaulipas exchanged gunfire with suspected armed men who were crossing from the Mexican side. No injuries or fatalities were reported, but authorities have launched separate operations on both sides of the border — a deployment that, at its core, reignites fears of intervention by Washington on Mexican territory.

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The death of a worker at a plague research laboratory in Irkutsk, Russia, has triggered a public health emergency in the region. Authorities have imposed restrictions on hospital access and about 200 contacts are under surveillance. But much remains unknown. Firstly, whether the researcher died as a result of an infection acquired at her workplace — a claim denied by authorities but circulating on Telegram channels and in local media. This is what is known (and not known) so far.

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On October 4, over 150 million Brazilians were called to the polls to elect their president, deputies, and governors, and to replace the majority of senators. The elections, for many, brought a major surprise. Although polls indicated a lead for the incumbent president, progressive Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, far-right Senator Flávio Bolsonaro clinched first place. Flávio is the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro who is currently serving a 27-year sentence for his involvement in an attempted coup against Lula in 2022.

According to the final tally, Bolsonaro received 47.03% of the vote (56 million votes) while Lula received 45.16%, nearly 54 million votes. Thus, Bolsonaro’s lead amounts to just over 2 million votes. In third place is Augusto Cury, with 2.89%. He is followed by Renan Santos and Ronaldo Caiado, with 2.24% and 2.18%, respectively. The remaining candidates received less than 0.3%.

A look at how the different regions of the country voted, a clear political divide between the north and the south of the country becomes apparent. The north (including states such as Amazonas, Pará, Amapá, Maranhão, Piauí, Bahia, Sergipe, Alagoas, Pernambuco, Paraíba, and Rio Grande do Norte) supported the continued presence of the state and the welfare policies proposed by Lula.

For its part, including the northern state of Roraima, the south of the country clearly backed Bolsonaro’s neoliberal and pro-Trump agenda: Acre, Rondônia, Mato Grosso, Tocantins, Goiás, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul voted for Bolsonaro.

On his X account, the far-right senator from the Liberal Party (PL) said: “Together, we’re going to build a new Brazil. A Brazil of prosperity! Tomorrow, you’ll stand before the ballot box and choose the future of our country, the future of our children, of this generation and the next. Change is in your hands. Brazil is going to win!”

For his part, the president and candidate of the Workers’ Party (PT) said: “The result is often unexpected. You never get everything you want.” Yet, Lula, who has fought dozens of political battles, said: “[The runoff] is the time to show the true picture of Brazil today and of the Brazil we want.”

To secure victory, Bolsonaro hopes to win over the votes of the candidates who finished behind the finalists – the majority of whom undoubtedly hold right-wing ideologies. Lula, however, can still turn the situation around if he manages to form the right alliances and win over voters who cast invalid ballots (about 3%), as well as those who abstained, who account for 21.08% of the total electorate.

Senate, house of representatives, and governors

And while Lula has expressed optimism about the possibility of turning the tide in the presidential runoff to be held on October 25, the political reality in Brazil has changed. Bolsonaro’s PL party has managed to double its number of senators: it won 19 of the 54 seats up for election out of a total of 81 senators. Among them, immediate family members of the former president, such as Michelle Bolsonaro and Carlos Bolsonaro, won seats. In total, the PL will hold more than a third of the Senate, while Lula’s PT will hold 9.

This institution is particularly important because it approves or rejects the judges of the Federal Supreme Court (the country’s highest court) who are nominated by the president. This gives Bolsonaro significant ideological leverage, as he claims his father is being held in custody due to a conspiracy between political powers and a biased judicial system.

In the elections for the Chamber of Deputies, which has 513 seats, the Bolsonaro camp also secured a significant victory. With 100% of the votes counted, the PL won 121 seats, while the Brazil of Hope Federation coalition (which includes Lula’s PT, the Green Party, and the Communist Party) won 88 seats.

However, due to the method of seat allocation, Brazil favors a Chamber of Deputies with representation from many political forces. This is how the Progressive Union secured 87 seats, the Social Democratic Party 43, the Republicans 41, the Brazilian Democratic Movement 36, Podemos 27, the PSOL 15, as well as the Brazilian Socialist Party, among others.

Thus, while the right has the numbers to secure a numerical advantage in the Chamber of Deputies, it will have to contend with deep-seated and historic internal contradictions that could complicate a potential Bolsonaro presidency. Similarly, if Lula manages to prevail in the runoff, he will face a highly complex Senate and Chamber of Deputies that could potentially oppose him.

In the gubernatorial elections, the PL is also the biggest winner. Of 27 states, the Liberal Party has won six so far, while the PT, the Social Democratic Party, the PP, and the Republicans have each won three. Other states will have to elect their governors in a runoff election.

The most talked-about result is the decisive victory in São Paulo by Tarcísio de Freitas, Jair Bolsonaro’s former Minister of Infrastructure, who defeated Fernando Haddad, Lula’s right-hand man. São Paulo is Brazil’s most populous state (46 million people) and home to the South American country’s most powerful economic hubs.

A political future in doubt

It has been repeatedly emphasized that, due to its economic and geopolitical importance, the elections in Brazil are of enormous significance for the future of Latin America. It is no coincidence that former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (who promoted a series of dictatorships in the region) said: “Whichever way Brazil leans, Latin America will lean that way.”

The South American far right, which has enjoyed unprecedented electoral success in recent years, knows that without Brazil, its poker hand will always be incomplete. Uruguay indeed remains the only country in the region that does not share the views of Milei in Argentina, Kast in Chile, or De la Espriella in Colombia, but Brazil alone accounts for more than 50% of the region’s total GDP.

Similarly, the left and the center know that a potential victory for Lula would be one of the last battles to be fought against the formidable advance of a right wing aligned with the foreign policies of Trump and Israel, with the most orthodox neoliberalism, and with the economic interests of capital magnates, including the big tech companies. And if Lula manages to recover from this defeat, it would mark a major shift in course for the legendary union leader – not only for Brazil but for the entire region.

As Lula said, “now a different kind of campaign begins.” Both candidates will pull out all the stops to win control of South America’s most populous and powerful country. It certainly won’t be a “clean” campaign, but if one pays attention to the finalists’ statements, every means at their disposal will be used to achieve the coveted goal.

US influence on the elections

Political analysts have expressed concerns about alleged foreign interference in the elections. In July 2025, Trump had imposed 50% tariffs on Brazil over what he considered an unfair ruling against Jair Bolsonaro – whom the US president calls “his friend”.

In August 2026, the United States revoked the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington, a move denounced by Brasília as a violation of international law. 

Just last week, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio ordered the closure of the US embassy in Brazil during the elections due to alleged “threats,” a move viewed by some political commentators as a tactic to create tension during the elections.

During the first round of the presidential campaign, Trump did not make any direct statements of support for Flávio Bolsonaro. However, once the results were known, the US president told the press: “It’s a great victory – a close one, but a very, very great, incredible victory.”

In this regard, it remains to be seen whether Trump will make some kind of direct statement in support of Bolsonaro’s candidacy – as he has done in past elections in Colombia, Argentina, Honduras, and elsewhere – in favor of far-right candidates who support his agenda. Or, even more importantly, whether he will make any kind of promise to the Brazilian people if Bolsonaro wins – or, worse yet, threaten them if they vote for Lula.

Tens of thousands of students took to the streets of Chile on Thursday, October 1, to demand that the government of the ultra-conservative José Antonio Kast not cut the education budget. More than 30 civil society organizations joined the call issued by the Chilean Student Confederation (CONFECHA) in support of the “national strike.”

Among the supporters were the United Workers’ Union (CUT), the Chilean Teachers’ Association, the High School Students’ Assembly, the 8M Feminist Coordinating Committee, the National Federation of Education Workers, and the National Association of Kindergartens, among others.

“We see that on September 30, the government presented a new bill to Congress, and the only certainties we have are the precedents set by this government in its first six months – which are cuts: cuts for working families, cuts for students in the areas of health, in education, housing, and social security,” said Laura Mlynarz, spokesperson for CONFECHA and president of the Chilean Student Federation.

She added: “In the face of that, we respond with social unity, we respond with organization, we respond with mobilization – especially in the face of an authoritarian government that refuses to listen to its citizens and refuses to create spaces for dialogue.”

The slogan “Not a single peso less for education” was chanted by thousands of people who filled Alameda Avenue, one of the main streets in the capital, Santiago. Kast, true to his neoliberal orthodoxy, announced budget cuts to Chile’s public education system.

In a presidential address, Kast announced the 2027 Budget Law, which calls for an investment of 17.3 trillion pesos in education – a figure lower than the 17.4 trillion allocated in 2026. While this may not seem like much, when inflation and other factors are taken into account, it may prove more alarming than it appears at first glance.

“These figures are insufficient and, I would say, misleading; they don’t even make up for a year’s loss in purchasing power,” said Mario Aguilar, president of the Chilean Teachers’ Association.

However, according to the president, the measure was taken to safeguard other social services: “We hope you understand that in the budget we have done everything possible to uphold social rights and that the issues of pensions and free education are covered. But when you protest, you also have to respect those who think differently.”

Kast is referring to the clashes between the police (Carabineros) and students that, according to some reports, resulted in at least 31 arrests.

But the student movement rejects Kast’s statements, which clearly place the blame for the clashes on the students. Laura Mlynarz said the government is seeking to silence the students through repression.

“This government criminalizes the student movement, and we are the ones who are most concerned about moving toward an equitable Chile – toward fair, dignified, and solidarity-based development,” said Mlynarz. Regarding Education Minister Aria Paz Arzola, she said: “The minister doesn’t want to listen to us; the minister doesn’t want to meet with us; and the precarious state of public education just keeps getting worse.”

The first incidents of violent repression were reported just a few minutes after the rally began. The police fired tear gas canisters, while students with their faces covered threw the tear gas canisters back and hurled other objects. The police also used water cannons, a move described as “brutal repression” by some media outlets.

Clashes were also reported between the protesting students and groups of right-wing students from private universities who, in support of Kast’s far-right government, asserted that “We don’t want a paralyzed Chile; we want a Chile that prospers.”

In this way, the Chilean student movement once again made its presence felt in the South American country and demonstrated that it still retains a significant portion of its capacity to mobilize in the face of attempts to radicalize the neoliberal model, as has happened in past years.

In 2019, tens of thousands of Chilean students launched a full-scale social uprising demanding profound changes in one of the key countries where neoliberalism was institutionalized thanks to the bloody Pinochet dictatorship (1973–1990), which left thousands dead and missing. The protests led to calls for a Constituent Assembly.

For now, Kast has attempted to implement his neoliberal agenda (which includes cuts to education and other social services) cautiously, mindful of the recent past and fearful of a new outbreak of unrest.

En España, el calendario vacacional sigue teniendo un protagonista indiscutible. De acuerdo con el 17º Informe de Temporada de ObservaTUR de 2026, elaborado antes del verano, el 36% de los españoles que tenía previsto viajar eligió agosto para disfrutar de sus vacaciones, mientras que el 33% optó por julio y el 17% por septiembre. En conjunto, estos tres meses concentran el 86% de las preferencias, confirmando que el verano continúa siendo el gran momento del año para hacer las maletas y desconectar de la rutina. Para muchos trabajadores, además, estas fechas permiten coordinar el descanso con el de familiares y amigos, algo que explica en parte su enorme peso dentro del calendario de viajes.

Pero cuando septiembre queda atrás, todavía hay margen para una escapada. Octubre se presenta como una alternativa especialmente atractiva para quienes prefieren viajar con más calma y evitar la intensidad de los meses estivales. Hay menos aglomeraciones en muchos destinos, las temperaturas suelen ser más contenidas y agradables y los paisajes comienzan a mostrar una cara diferente, lo que convierte al décimo mes del año en una oportunidad para viajar sin el calor intenso del verano ni el frío propio de los meses posteriores.

Es también un momento interesante para quienes buscan disfrutar de una ciudad, hacer una ruta gastronómica o pasar unos días en contacto con la naturaleza sin encontrarse con la elevada afluencia del periodo estival. A este escenario se suma ahora una oportunidad marcada en rojo en el calendario. A mediados de octubre llega un puente de tres días que permitirá a los trabajadores de toda España disfrutar de un descanso adicional sin necesidad de esperar a las próximas vacaciones.

Puente de tres días para los trabajadores el 12 de octubre

Se trata del 12 de octubre, el Día de la Hispanidad, que en 2026 cae en lunes y permite encadenar la jornada festiva con el sábado y el domingo, una combinación que puede servir para hacer una escapada corta, visitar a familiares o simplemente recuperar fuerzas. Para quienes todavía no hayan viajado después del verano, puede convertirse en una última ocasión para organizar unos días de desconexión antes de que termine el año.

El 12 de octubre se celebra la Fiesta Nacional de España, una festividad establecida como tal por la Ley 18/1987, de 7 de octubre. Su carácter de fiesta nacional y su inclusión en el calendario laboral hacen que sea una jornada festiva de ámbito estatal y no sustituible por las comunidades autónomas.

Además, el artículo 37.2 del Estatuto de los Trabajadores establece que las fiestas laborales tendrán carácter retribuido y no recuperable, con un máximo de catorce al año, dos de ellas de carácter local. La fecha tiene por tanto una doble dimensión, institucional por su significado como Fiesta Nacional y práctica para los trabajadores que pueden disfrutar de una jornada de descanso.

¿Qué festivos autónomicos y nacionales quedan en 2026?

Después del 12 de octubre, el calendario de 2026 todavía reserva varias fechas festivas, aunque su aplicación puede variar según la comunidad autónoma. El 2 de noviembre será festivo en varias comunidades como Andalucía, Aragón, Asturias, Canarias, Castilla La Mancha, Castilla y León, Extremadura, Madrid y Navarra, mientras que el 7 de diciembre será festivo en varias autonomías y el 8 de diciembre, Día de la Inmaculada Concepción, tendrá carácter nacional.

Entre las fiestas autonómicas que quedan desde octubre destaca el 9 de octubre, Día de la Comunidad Valenciana, mientras que en diciembre se mantiene el 26 de diciembre, San Esteban, como festivo autonómico en Baleares y Cataluña, con la particularidad de que en Arán se sustituyó por el 17 de junio. Por último, y como bien es sabido, el calendario concluye con la festividad nacional del 25 de diciembre.

Pollution crosses any border. Residents of Seville saw this in August when the huge Niebla wildfire in Huelva province collapsed air quality levels in the Andalusian capital. Madrid residents experienced it days earlier when the regional government asked them to stay indoors because smoke was arriving from out-of-control fires in the Sierra Oeste and Ávila province. This pollution, laden with harmful particles, travels tens or hundreds of miles, and sometimes crosses countries and oceans. “Air quality in our cities, towns or countries is not only influenced by local activities but can be affected by pollution from neighboring or quite distant nations,” explains Ian Marnane, head of the Environment and Health Unit at the European Environment Agency (EEA).

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On the day of his sentencing hearing in New York this summer, Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada read a letter overflowing with remorse. After a decades-long career in drug trafficking, the former leader of the Sinaloa Cartel said his goodbyes with a mea culpa for everything he had done, without expanding greatly. Given his expected influence over the regional underworld, he dared to send a message to young people. “Choose a different path,” he said. “There is no honor in violence nor anything lasting in crime; they only bring pain and loss.” It is not known whether his second-born son knew about his father’s letter. But it is fairly clear that, if he did, he paid it no heed.

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Brazil’s presidential elections are sparking reactions across the region. The economic (and, by extension, geopolitical) importance of this South American giant leaves no regional politician or social organization indifferent, as they know that much of the continent’s future is at stake at the Brazilian polls.

Support for Bolsonaro from Washington and Milei

Flávio Bolsonaro, son of the far-right former president Jair Bolsonaro (who is in prison for conspiring to carry out a coup d’état against Lula da Silva), has received explicit support from Argentine President Javier Milei – a move that cost Buenos Aires a diplomatic crisis with Brasília due to the Argentine leader’s anti-Lula statements made on Brazilian soil.

Likewise, Flávio Bolsonaro enjoys the direct support of President Donald Trump. The US president has maintained a recent tradition (heavily criticized by many) of publicly expressing support for this or that far-right Latin American candidate who, upon winning the election, fully aligns their country with Washington’s foreign policy and joins the US-led military alliance known as the Shield of the Americas.

Trump has also imposed direct trade sanctions on Brazil over the conviction of Jair Bolsonaro, whom Trump calls a “friend.” In addition, the United States sanctioned the judge who convicted Bolsonaro, Alexandre de Moraes, sending a clear message of condemnation against the Brazilian justice system – a move that some political analysts have called foreign “interference” in the Brazilian judicial system.

Unions and the Latin American Left support Lula

Lula has also received support from another very important female leader in the region: Claudia Sheinbaum. In recent weeks, the president of Mexico has repeatedly highlighted the positive aspects of Lula’s administration: “I believe that President Lula has been a very good president … He has done an extraordinary job leading Brazil, and the indicators show it.” The endorsement of his candidacy has clearly been indirect, but given Mexico’s geopolitical importance, many in Lula’s Workers’ Party surely appreciate it.

Lula has also received support from neighboring countries to the south. In Uruguay, the ruling coalition, the Frente Amplio (FA), has shown direct and militant support for Lula’s campaign. Fernando Pereira, president of the FA, stated that the electoral battle in Brazil “is between democracy and barbarism.” He also warned against US interference in the elections: “Brazil will not accept U.S. interference in the election.”

Former Argentine Foreign Minister Santiago Cafiero, who is currently a member of Congress, also expressed his support for Lula: “If Lula wins, he will create a countercurrent to what has been taking hold in the region and demonstrate that there is resistance to these right-wing winds.”

On the evening of Wednesday, September 30, Bolivian police arrested Attorney General Roger Mariaca and raided the Attorney General’s Office in Sucre and Santa Cruz. The police action comes just days after the US State Department sanctioned and revoked the visas of Mariaca and 21 other Bolivians.

Analysts suggest that the timing of the US sanctions, Mariaca’s arrest, and the raids, are no coincidence, calling it “political pressure” related to a high-profile case.

Mariaca is leading the investigation into Argentine political consultant Fernando Cerimedo. The influential political advisor to Latin America’s far right allegedly influenced elections through social media bot farms, may be involved in drug trafficking, and was accused of ordering an assassination attempt on his ex-partner, Nadia Beller. She was shot three times but survived after undergoing emergency surgery.

Cerimedo has been in custody in Bolivia after attempting to leave the country by plane following the attack on Beller. Messages were found on his cell phone that, according to the prosecution, directly link him to the attempt on her life. Despite the emerging evidence against him, not only in ordering the hit on Beller, but also in crimes of corruption and drug trafficking, Cerimedo seems to have friends in high places, both in the Bolivian president’s office, and in the United States, that may have set the stage for the arrest of his investigator, Attorney General Roger Mariaca.

Read more: Attempted murder accusations, troll farms, and presidential connections: the notorious case of Fernando Cerimedo

Argentine outlet Página 12, reported that, according to Beller, the sanctions against Mariaca were “a move by Donald Trump’s team to protect Cerimedo. As the Washington Post noted this week: ‘Cerimedo is the MAGA (Make America Great Again, Trump’s slogan) man across the entire continent.’”

In the report, Beller is quoted as saying: “Is this decision by the United States part of the fight for the Shield of the Americas or is it about protecting the MAGA network?…If the reason is corruption and drug trafficking, then they need to explain why the visa is being revoked for the attorney general who is investigating a network of that nature. Are they going after the investigator, or are they protecting part of the network?”

As evidence mounts against Cerimedo, the US instead accused his investigator, Mariaca, of allegedly soliciting and accepting bribes to facilitate drug trafficking and helping people involved in violent crimes escape justice.

After news broke of the US actions against him, Roger Mariaca had said he will not back down and will continue the investigations until the end: “[I received the news] with great surprise … I will not back down even one centimeter from the investigations that fall under my jurisdiction.”

He highlighted that while it is clear that the Cerimedo case has generated international intrigue, “no political pressure, whether national or international, can become an impediment to clarifying the facts which must be investigated.”

He was arrested two days later.

Involvement in the drug trade?

In addition to Cerimedo’s well-documented ties to high profile right-wing politicians across Latin America, including in Bolivia, recent revelations from ex-partner Beller, suggest that the powerful political consultant may have also been involved in the drug trade. In a leaked audio message, Cerimedo is allegedly speaking with a woman with whom he is arranging payment so that several flights can operate without excessive pressure from the authorities. Cerimedo mentions a man named Cabrera, whom the Bolivian media suspect is Franz Cabrera, the former head of the Special Force to Fight Against Drug Trafficking (FELCN), who was recently dismissed.

According to the investigations, they allegedly “were paid” for nearly 45 flights, amounting to $700,000, raising significant suspicions about the source of the funds that the political consultant is said to have handled.

The timing of the sanctions against Mariaca and his arrest have raised questions about US interference in the Bolivian justice system. But, as pressure escalates over the investigation into Cerimedo, the case is also revealing a far deeper web of political connection and influence than was initially known, placing it under renewed scrutiny. Wether the investigation is further disrupted or allowed to proceed, what happens next could expose even more about Cerimedo and the network of the Latin American far right.