60,000 security personnel were deployed across India’s national capital on October 10.​ This included the police of Delhi and neighboring states, as well as paramilitary forces pulled from regions of India affected by armed insurgencies.

They sealed off central Delhi to stop protesters opposing the mass disenfranchisement of 130 million voters from reaching Jantar Mantar, the designated protest site on Parliament Street.​

The railways cancelled over 250 trains to Delhi. “So far as I remember, it has never happened in the history of Indian Railways that so many trains were cancelled just because of a protest or agitation,” said Shiv Gopal Mishra, general secretary of the All India Railwaymen’s Federation (AIRF).​

Scores of activists already travelling to the national capital from other states of India were detained on moving trains and forced to alight at numerous railway stations in multiple states. Many grassroots activists in several other states were placed under preventive detention in their homes ahead of the protest. Paramilitary forces were deployed at checkpoints on Delhi’s borders, where vehicles were searched for any signs of protesters, placards, etc.​

Within the national capital, 45 metro train stations were closed. Internet and telecommunications were down in the four-kilometer radius of Jantar Mantar. Around Parliament Street alone, where Jantar Mantar is located, over 3,000 security personnel were deployed, with multi-layer barricades, each manned by about a hundred.​

Even outside this garrisoned zone, police held up commuters entering central Delhi at numerous checkpoints, causing traffic jams while enquiring about their purpose of travel before letting them through, to ensure they were headed to work, not to protest.

Communists fight back

Evading this anticipated hurdle, hundreds of activists from the Students Federation of India (SFI) and the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) had already positioned themselves the previous night just over three kilometers northeast of Jantar Mantar at HKS Surjeet Bhavan.​

A memorial to the freedom fighter and veteran communist leader, HKS Surjeet, it serves as an education center of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPIM] and also hosts SFI’s Central Committee office.​

The Delhi Police's midnight attempt to intimidate students at the SFI Central Committee office in HKS Surjeet Bhawan was promptly rebuffed by the CPI(M) party leaders there. pic.twitter.com/x45gOglsCk

— CPI (M) (@cpimspeak) October 10, 2026

“But the police knew we were there,” recalled SFI activist Asikul. The police had tried over the last two nights to enter the premises to take stock of the preparations, but were stopped. Activists worried the police could barricade the gates and stop this mobilization of hundreds from stepping out to protest the following morning.​

Quietly, after midnight, student activists slipped out of HKS Surjeet Bhavan in groups of five, one after another, with cover stories for travel reasons if intercepted on the way. By six in the morning, about 250 of them had relocated to the CPIM’s national headquarters, AKG Bhavan, to the west of Jantar Mantar.

Back at HKS Surjeet Bhavan, where hundreds more stayed behind, barricading began between 10 and 10:30 am, just 100 meters from its gate, recalled Aman Saini, the Delhi State Secretary of the DYFI.

About 300-350 activists stormed out of the gates and made it through before the barricades could cut them off. Waving red flags and holding placards calling for the dismissal and arrest of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), Gyanesh Kumar, they marched barely a kilometer before facing a police cordon. The police lined up shoulder to shoulder, batons held horizontal to block the protesters’ way forward.​

Continuing to march, the protesters headed straight into the cordon. A tussle ensued amid chorus chants of ‘vote chor, gaddi chhod’, demanding the “vote thief” CEC’s resignation. As the protesters in the front line grappled with the police – each engaging multiple officers by dropping to the ground and resisting detention – others broke through the cordon and sprinted ahead.

Barely 300 meters ahead, a line of barricades blocked the road. Protesters stormed ahead and engaged the police. Slipping through the tussle, “I pulled the barricade from below and shoved its top. Thaad! – it fell over,” explained Aman.​

Wrangling themselves free from the security personnel, many more dashed ahead, several slashing their feet against the metal of the fallen barricade, only to turn left on Minto Road and drop another barricade.

They had covered nearly half the distance to Jantar Mantar, reaching within 150 meters of the Connaught outer circle, one curve away from Parliament Street hosting the protest site.

“But the barricade there was re-enforced. We had almost managed to pull one down when the police charged at us with batons,” added Aman. Having lost numbers at each of the previous barricades, “we were only about 50 left. So they managed to detain us and shove us into buses. At least six of us were injured.”​

Those who had evaded detention at the previous barricades, but were unable to push ahead, regrouped outside HKS Surjeet Bhavan and started sloganeering. Police, accompanied by paramilitary, charged with batons and detained them, and even allegedly tried to break into the premises, but were held back at its gate.

Paramilitary at the party gates

The contingent of activists who had relocated to AKG Bhavan under the cover of darkness did not have it any easier. They had only managed to stretch the security personnel and their barricades across two fronts. A paramilitary force began assembling outside its gates around 10 am, roughly the same time as the barricading began at HKS.​

Several members of CPIM’s Central Committee (CC) and Politburo, including current and former Members of Parliament, many of them grey-haired, were staying at the AKG Bhavan for a CC meeting. They joined the students as they marched out.​

“Some 20 people were detained right outside the gate – almost the whole frontline. The rest of us behind them pushed through. We kept running,” recalled Asikul.

About 15-20 minutes into the march, SFI activist Noel was detained. “I was not taken to a detention bus, where others were held. I was held alone in a bus used to transport the police. There I was beaten for two hours,” he said, sharing pictures of the injuries he sustained on his face.

“Two of my comrades realized that I was being held alone. So they intentionally got themselves detained near my bus and joined me. They also got beaten up,” he added. Later, when the police started marching them to the detention bus, allegedly prodding them forward by jabbing the blunt ends of their batons into their backs, “we managed to escape.”

Meanwhile, others had pushed ahead. Among them were SFI National Joint Secretary Aishe Ghosh and the DYFI’s national president, AA Rahim. They marched about a kilometer from AKG Bhavan before being apprehended at the roundabout near Gurudwara Bangla Sahib. The SFI alleged that “Aishe Ghosh was assaulted by male police personnel in the absence of women officers.” ​

A showdown ensued. Dropping to the road and bracing in a huddle, Aishe and other female activists held ground as female police personnel who arrived later grappled with them, eventually dragging them away to detention buses, about 1.5 km away from Jantar Mantar.

Other activists, including Asikul, had strode ahead, breaking through three barricades, and reaching within 400 meters of Jantar Mantar. “We were not able to break through the fourth. We were only about 35 left,” said Asikul.

“Using chokeholds and baton charges, they detained us. Some managed to escape detention by breaking out through a bus window,” an increasingly popular mode of resistance by the younger generation of activists, determined to make detentions as costly and as strenuous as possible.​

Detention at the stadiums

Asikul and the rest of the detainees were driven almost 50 km to Bawana in northwest Delhi and held at the Rajiv Gandhi stadium, where hundreds more were already being held. Among them was 77-year-old Manik Sarkar, a senior communist leader and Tripura state Chief Minister from 1998 to 2018. He was accompanied by the northeastern state’s current opposition leader, Jitendra Chaudhury. Veteran trade unionist and former Member of Parliament (MP) Tapan Sen, along with other ex-legislators, were also held there.

“There was not a drop of water in any tap in the toilet. We were not even provided with clean water to drink. When we demanded, we were asked to drink from” an old, ill-maintained leaky tank in the premises, said SFI activist Utkarsh, who was also held here. “We challenged the police to drink that water. They refused.” ​

When detainees began falling sick, Utkarsh and other activists warned the senior police officer in charge of this detention of consequences for mistreating a former Chief Minister and ex-MPs. They reminded him of his responsibility if one of these elderly political leaders fell seriously ill. Only then did the police “finally provide us with water and some snacks.”

Seven other stadiums in the city, along with several other public facilities, were reportedly turned into detention centers that day, when security personnel detained over 7,000 people from the streets of the national capital, including protesters, journalists and even pedestrians suspected of being protesters.

More than 7 km south of Jantar Mantar, near the INA market, outside barricaded central Delhi, police detained protesting activists of the All India Students’ Association (AISA), led by Neha Bora, one of the most recognizable faces of the protest movement.

Detentions were also reported in Raj Ghat, about 4.5 km northeast of Jantar Mantar, where the Revolutionary Workers’ Party of India (RWPI) and its affiliated mass organizations had organized a protest.

At the airport, almost 15 km to the southwest of Jantar Mantar, the police boarded a plane as soon as it landed from Mumbai – even before the passengers could disembark – to detain Abhijeet Dipke, Saurav Das, and Ashutosh Ranka from their seats. They are the top leaders of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP). 

“Cockroaches”

The pressure group started as a satirical protest on social media in May, after the Chief Justice of India said: “There are youngsters like cockroaches, who don’t get any employment or have any place in profession. Some of them become media, some of them become social media, RTI activists and other activists.”  ​

The CJP has since become a material force, playing a key role in the protest against exam paper leaks that forced the Union Education Minister to resign in July. ​

About two months after his resignation, an investigation by the Indian Express newspaper exposed irregularities in the conduct of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), Gyanesh Kumar. Several times, his two fellow election commissioners had flagged their concerns about his potentially illegal and unconstitutional decisions.

These pertained to the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, still underway after already deleting the names of 130 million people from India’s voter rolls – in an unprecedented shrinking of India’s electorate. Opposition parties have long alleged that this exercise is meant to help the ruling far-right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, consolidate its hold on power.  

Earlier this month, on the birth anniversary of Gandhi on October 2, protests began, calling for the scrapping of the SIR and the CEC’s resignation. On October 7, the CJP called on youngsters to take Jantar Mantar again on October 10.

In response to its call, thousands of youngsters, most in their late teens and early 20s, kept arriving in small groups to central Delhi throughout the day, only to be whisked away by the police.​

Detention as deterrence

“These youngsters, who were not part of any cadre-based organization, were particularly harassed by police because they identified them as vulnerable. They were threatened, their phones and keys were snatched,” said DYFI’s Delhi State Vice President, Rikta Krishnaswamy, who was held with hundreds of them at a makeshift detention center in Jafar Kalan, over 45 km west of Jantar Mantar.​

Bundled into a bus at the final barricade reached by the march from HKS Bhavan that morning, Rikta was brought here by midday, when “the electrician was still installing the fan. We were held until evening with nothing to eat – not even a cup of tea. The police are trying to make detention as much of a deterrent as possible.”

But the protesters were not deterred. The very next day, DYFI activists, including several central committee members, gathered at Connaught Place, a 15-minute walk from Jantar Mantar, which remained cordoned off, even as the overall restrictions on movement in central Delhi had eased.​

Custodial torture, sexual harassment

Soon after they began staging a protest, security personnel swarmed in. The detained protesters “were not taken to any police station,” according to a petition alleging custodial torture, filed in the Supreme Court by AA Rahim, the youth organization’s national president and an MP.

“Instead, while still near Connaught Place, the bus was driven to a closed and heavily guarded space in front of the Daryaganj restaurant, away from public view, out of the reach of the media and without any CCTV cameras. There, the detainees were sorted according to gender and then forcibly shifted into a specialized police van divided into five separate cells.”​

These vehicles “functioned as unrecorded, mobile places of detention, wholly outside the safeguards of the Constitution,” added the petition. “Inside the cells of the van, the detainees were beaten on the face, kicked on the backbone with boots and struck on the head. Several of the personnel wore no name badges.”

At a press conference on October 12, women activists of the SFI showed bruises and alleged sexual harassment by security personnel.

But even the alleged custodial torture and sexual harassment has not deterred the protests, which are widening, drawing in more sections of society into the agitation.

Farmers and workers to join the agitation​

Representatives of India’s largest and oldest farmers’ union, the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the All India Agricultural Workers’ Union (AIAWU), the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), along with SFI and DYFI leaders, met at the HKS Surjeet Bhavan on October 14.​

Several public intellectuals and artists also participated in this meeting of mass and class organizations’ leaders, where they jointly formed the All India Platform of People Against SIR. This platform announced October 23 as a Nationwide Street Action Day Against SIR. 

Condemning the central government’s denotification of Jantar Mantar as a designated protest site on October 12, the platform gave a slogan to turn every street and every village into Jantar Mantar.

Las autoridades detuvieron a Abhijit Debke para evitar alteraciones del orden público durante las manifestaciones estudiantiles.

Nerendra Modi intende forgiare un nuovo cittadino indiano, un nazionalista di Bharat, il nuovo e al contempo antico nome che ha imposto all’immensa e plurale nazione, prima al mondo per abitanti e terza per capacità economica, deciso a realizzare tale chimerica utopia, non disdegna di utilizzare tutte le leve del potere, anche in modo spregiudicato.

Segue nostro Telegram.

Arrestare settemila studenti è certamente un segno di debolezza, il tutto con un dispiegamento di cinquantamila soldati delle forze dell’ordine e militari, come a inizio ottobre 2026 a Delhi e in altre città a fronte del movimento di protesta che ha saldato insieme i giovani scesi da mesi nelle piazze per rivendicare un futuro e non l’insulto di “scarafaggi”, loro tributato dal ministro all’istruzione poi costretto alle dimissioni, termine trasformatosi nella definizione del loro movimento politico, il Partito del Popolo degli Scarafaggi, unitosi con i rappresentanti di tutti gli altri partiti dell’opposizione, decisi a rigettare i nuovi elenchi elettorali che hanno fatto sparire, è vero, alcuni indiani deceduti, ma anche molti del tutto vivi e vegeti, eppure sgraditi, spesso perché musulmani, con la capziosa giustificazione che non sarebbero cittadini indiani, quando lo sono da sempre, registrati nell’anagrafe nazionale e in quella elettorale, impropriamente accusati di essere immigrati bengalesi che si camuffano da indiani.

Le manifestazioni sono state aperte, in testa ai cortei, dai “resuscitati”, ovvero i presunti morti, in realtà in ottime condizioni fisiche e mentali, insomma quasi un gogoliano ribaltamento delle celebri “Anime morte”, infatti in questo caso non si contano nei censimenti i morti, ma si fanno sparire i vivi.

Delhi resta in stato d’assedio, le manifestazioni sono state generalmente vietate, tuttavia Nerendra Modi, dopo quasi tre lustri di potere incontrastato e di politiche di totale deregolamentazione neoliberista e ultra – induista, deve fare i conti con l’insofferenza ogni giorno crescente e manifesta di ampi settori della società.

D’altronde tanto accanimento interno contro gli oppositori è inteso a ovviare anche alla modesta estate del primo ministro, il vertice dei BRICS organizzato nella capitale indiana è stato un mezzo fallimento. Nessuno degli attuali promotori del multipolarismo si fida di lui, essendo un amico fraterno di Israele, nonché in combutta economica e militare con gli emiratini, a loro volta al servizio dell’imperialismo occidentale contro gli iraniani e in Sudan e Burkina Faso in azione contro i governi legittimi e contro i progetti di cooperazione di quelle nazioni con Cina e Russia.

Le politiche di Modi sono tutte orientate ad abbandonare la storica vicinanza alla causa palestinese dei tempi del non – allineamento indiano, privilegiando piuttosto la cooperazione nel settore degli armamenti con l’entità statuale israeliana, amplificata, come emerso dal trionfale discorso di Modi alla Knesset nel febbraio 2026, dalla profonda affinità tra il sionismo e l’estremismo induista propugnato dal Bharatiya Janata Party.

Al vertice kirghiso dello SCO, l’Organizzazione per la Cooperazione di Shanghai, di fine agosto Modi è stato relegato ai margini della fotografia ufficiale, mentre il presidente ospitante si stringeva al centro con il primo ministro pakistano, oltre ovviamente a Vladimir Putin e a Xi Jinping.

L’indiana Via del Cotone poi, visti i conflitti che incendiano tutta l’Asia Occidentale, sono sempre più aleatori, buoni soltanto per la mistificazione mediatica messa in campo dai media europei in funzione anti – cinese.

Le manifestazioni hanno per altro rovinato la festa per l’avvento, un quarto di secolo fa, il 7 ottobre 2001, al potere di Modi nel Gujarat, continuazione della parossistica celebrazione del suo 76° compleanno lo scorso 17 settembre, festeggiato con manifestazioni e pellegrinaggi.

La stampa d’opposizione ha insistito piuttosto nel ricordare come, solo un anno dopo il suo insediamento nel 2002, Modi abbia scatenato nel Gujarat una caccia al musulmano senza precedenti, un’ondata di violenza che ha mietuto almeno un paio di migliaia di morti, fatti la cui brutalità è rimasta tragicamente e traumaticamente nel ricordo collettivo.

Il vero dato che spaventa il primo ministro è il fatto che mobilitazioni di così grande portata non attraversano il vasto paese dai tempi di Jawaharlal Nehru e successivamente di sua figlia Indira Gandhi, tuttavia quelle erano manifestazioni a sostegno e non contro il capo di governo, nel primo caso per sostenere il Movimento dei Non Allineati, nel secondo per sottolineare la soddisfazione popolare per l’alleanza con i sovietici, volta a trasformare l’India in una potenza atomica.

Il nazionalismo indù del BJP, ovvero Bharatiya Janata Party, di Nerendra Modi sta invece tentando una rottura netta con tutto quel passato, immagina la nazione come capace di proporre sullo scenario internazionale una propria egemonia, se non esattamente imperialistica, certamente verso un mondo indiano – centrico. Anche in questo caso le aspettative di Modi si scontrano con la modestia delle relazioni stabilite con le vicine nazioni nello spazio eurasiatico e ugualmente negli altri continenti, mentre la proposta multipolare sino – russa risulta largamente condivisa dalle nazioni del Sud Globale.

La narrazione ufficiale di un Nerendra Modi quale figlio di un venditore di tè  dalle origini estremamente umili, è parallela alla lunga militanza nel Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, ovvero la Lega Nazionale dei Volontari, organizzazione ultra – induista fondata nel 1925, nota per la sua feroce adesione al sistema delle caste, molto prossimo ai criteri di discriminazione dei sistemi  fascisteggianti della prima metà del XX secolo. È stata quella infatti la scuola sociale e politica nella quale da giovane si è formato, rafforzando la devozione che tanto lui quanto i dirigenti e i militanti del suo partito portano verso l’assassino del mahatma Gandhi, ovvero Nathuram Godse, il quale proprio grazie a Modi dal 2020 ha un santuario che ne ospita le ceneri e che è meta di pellegrinaggio per tutti gli attivisti del Bharatiya Janata Party, lo stesso primo ministro si è recato più volte a Pune, mostrando convinta adesione alle ragioni nazionalistico – induiste, anti – pakistane e anti – musulmane che hanno ispirato quel gesto omicida compiuto il 30 gennaio 1948 a Nuova Delhi.

Alcune iniziative promosse dai suoi sostenitori nel corso dei festeggiamenti di settembre – ottobre più che aumentare la considerazione del primo ministro, hanno rasentato il ridicolo, nel piccolo stato del Tripura il governatore locale Manik Saha ha imposto, con vivo disappunto delle famiglie, alle bambine e ai bambini di tutte le cinquemila scuole di partecipare a concorsi di disegno e di scrittura in lode di Nerendra Modi. Il risultato è che dopo un decennio di egemonia induista lo stato di Tripura ha tutta la possibilità di tornare ad essere governato dal Fronte di Sinistra, guidato dal Partito Comunista Indiano – Marxista (CPI-M) e dai suoi alleati. Tuttavia questo fenomeno può apparire estremo, ma non isolato, in Rajasthan, lo storico partito dei Gandhi, il Congresso, oggi all’opposizione, ha criticato le direttive rivolte a studenti e insegnanti di tutti gli istituti scolastici statali e privati per la partecipazione alle celebrazioni per il primo ministro.

Proprio il Congresso sottolinea e documenta ampiamente come sia imbarazzante investire tanti denari pubblici per celebrazioni fuori luogo, quando, a detta dello stesso primo ministro, ancora molte siano le aree, non solo rurali, in cui mancano i servizi igienici e il collegamento, almeno per i villaggi più remoti, alla rete elettrica, il tutto mentre gli indiani scendono in piazza per protestare e al contempo gli attivisti del Bharatiya Janata Party scorrazzano in bus collettivi e motociclette da Varanasi a Vadnagar, città natale di Modi nel Gujarat, con gigantografie del primo ministro ed enormi bandiere arancioni.

Anche i conflitti in corso in ogni landa del pianeta stanno assestando un duro colpo alla dottrina ultra – liberista di Modi, il quale fondandosi sulla massima deregolamentazione e la più spregiudicata libertà per i capitali, con il drammatico risvolto di scarsissime tutele per i lavoratori, non rispettando mai le organizzazioni sindacali e le normative ambientali, ha accresciuto il Prodotto Interno Lordo prima del Gujarat, poi di tutta l’India, con una crescita ancora al 7% per l’anno fiscale 2025/2026, tuttavia è abbastanza evidente che l’economia nel 2026/2027 segnerà un brusco ridimensionamento, complicando di molto la vita di quel terzo di indiani che vivono di un lavoro nel settore precario o in quello informale, già molto poco avvantaggiati dalla crescita degli anni passati, tra questi lavoratori molti sono musulmani, cristiani, dalit, ovvero appartenenti alla casta degli intoccabili, e adivasi, i popoli nativi che quasi nessuno conosce e ricorda, ma sommano nell’insieme almeno cento milioni di persone, non è un caso che la modesta lotta alla povertà abbia visto piuttosto accrescere profonde e pesanti divaricazioni sociali, con una ristretta minoranza sempre più abbiente.

Il governo per altro è stato ferocemente contestato per quasi tutto il 2026 anche dagli agricoltori, il movimento dei lavoratori della terra è infatti riuscito a impedire l’introduzione nel settore di leggi smaccatamente liberiste e penalizzanti i produttori diretti.

I venti di opposizione non appaiono impensierire per il momento il governo, tuttavia l’epoca dei trionfalismi, come quando nel gennaio 2024 Modi ha presieduto la sfarzosa inaugurazione del colossale tempio di Ram nella città di Ayodhya, anche in questo caso come altre volte edificato sul luogo di una preesistente moschea, appaiono se non irripetibili, del tutto lontani.

Around 1200 BC, the eastern Mediterranean fell apart. The great empires of the Bronze Age collapsed, many cities were destroyed or emptied, writing disappeared from much of the region, and long-distance trade shrank to almost nothing. Archaeologists call what came next the dark age, and the name is earned: with few texts and almost no […]

Hacia el año 1200 a.C. el mundo del Mediterráneo oriental se vino abajo. Cayeron los grandes imperios de la Edad del Bronce, se destruyeron o se vaciaron muchas ciudades, se perdió la escritura en buena parte de la región y el comercio a larga distancia se redujo a lo mínimo. Los arqueólogos llaman a lo […]

More than 25,000 police officers were deployed across New Delhi recently to prevent demonstrations led by India’s new youth-led political movement, the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP). Government authorities had denied the CJP permission to protest on public-order grounds. The ensuing security operation saw the authorities shut one in six metro stations in the capital, barricade […]

The post Can a cockroach movement reverse India’s democratic decline? appeared first on Asia Times.

Abhijeet Dipke was detained before planned anti-government demonstrations in Delhi

The leader of the Cockroach Janta party (CJP) youth movement, Abhijeet Dipke, was detained by police on Friday and then later formally arrested as authorities cracked down on fresh anti-government protests in the Indian capital.

Dipke was detained before a planned Friday evening demonstration he had called in central Delhi, urging supporters of the movement to come out and hold up the Indian flag.

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© Photograph: Adnan Abidi/Reuters

© Photograph: Adnan Abidi/Reuters

© Photograph: Adnan Abidi/Reuters

O Brasil deve voltar ao posto de oitava maior economia do mundo em 2027, deixando para trás Rússia e Itália.

A projeção faz parte do documento Perspectivas da Economia Mundial, divulgado nesta semana pelo Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI).

Notícias relacionadas:

• FMI prevê crescimento de 2,2% do PIB do Brasil em 2026.

De acordo com o estudo, o Produto Interno Bruto (PIB, conjunto de todos os bens e serviços produzidos no país) brasileiro alcançará US$ 2,80 trilhões (R$ 14,65 trilhões) no ano que vem.

Em 2026, o país termina na décima posição do ranking, com PIB de US$ 2,655 trilhões.

Para 2027, a lista mantém os Estados Unidos como maior potência econômica, seguida pela China.

Confira o Top 10 das economias mundiais, segundo a projeção do FMI, instituição multilateral vinculada às Nações Unidas.

1. Estados Unidos: US$ 34,44 trilhões
2. China: US$ 22,94 trilhões
3. Alemanha: US$ 5,66 trilhões
4. Índia: US$ 4,52 trilhões
5. Reino Unido: US$ 4,49 trilhões
6. Japão: US$ 4,47 trilhões
7. França: US$ 3,65 trilhões
8. Brasil: US$ 2,80 trilhões
9. Itália: US$ 2,77 trilhões
10. Rússia: US$ 2,68 trilhões

A última vez em que o Brasil ficou no oitavo lugar foi em 2017. De acordo com a estimativa do FMI, o país segue na oitava posição até 2031, último ano projetado.

A melhor posição já ocupada pelo Brasil no ranking global de PIB foi a sétima posição, alcançada em 1995 e de 2010 a 2014.

Saiba mais no Repórter Brasil Tarde, da TV Brasil

Índia decola

Um dos destaques da previsão do FMI é a Índia, que salta do sexto para o quarto lugar e ultrapassa Reino Unido e Japão. Em 2031, a Índia deve tomar o terceiro lugar, da Alemanha.

Estados Unidos e China devem ocupar os dois primeiros lugares do ranking, nesta ordem, até 2031.

O que é o PIB

O PIB é o conjunto de todos os bens e serviços produzidos em uma localidade em determinado período. Com o dado, é possível traçar o comportamento da economia do país, estado ou cidade, assim como fazer comparações internacionais.   

O PIB é calculado com o auxílio de diversas pesquisas setoriais, como comércio, serviços e indústria. 

Durante o cálculo, há cuidados para não haver dupla contagem. Um exemplo: se um país produz R$ 100 de trigo, R$ 200 de farinha de trigo e R$ 300 de pão, o PIB será de R$ 300, pois os valores da farinha e do trigo já estão embutidos no valor do pão.   

Os bens e serviços finais que compõem o PIB são medidos no preço em que chegam ao consumidor. Dessa forma, levam em consideração também os impostos cobrados.  

O PIB ajuda a compreender a realidade de um país, mas não expressa fatores como distribuição de renda e condição de vida. É possível, por exemplo, um país ter PIB alto e padrão de vida relativamente baixo, assim como pode haver nação com PIB baixo e altíssima qualidade de vida.

 

The Cockroach Janta Party has accused the government of violating protesters’ rights.

New Delhi police arrested Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the youth movement Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), popularly known as the “Cockroaches,” on Friday just as a new protest began demanding the resignation of Gyanesh Kumar, head of the Election Commission.

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The arrest took place as the leader was heading to the protest, where hundreds of demonstrators had already gathered. In a video shared by the organization on its social media accounts, several officers can be seen forcibly putting Dipke into a police vehicle and taking him away.

“This government is very afraid of young people waving the national flag! Dictatorship!” the CJP said, describing the arrest of its leader as “a serious violation of his rights.”

Police also arrested student activist Neha Bora, another prominent figure in the protest movement. She was detained in front of the Nepalese Embassy in New Delhi while leading a march toward Connaught Place.

Abhijeet Dipke was quietly leaving for protest march. Within 24 seconds, Delhi Police detained him. pic.twitter.com/dtQgBRrclG

— News Algebra (@NewsAlgebraIND) October 16, 2026

“How many people will Modi-Shah arrest? For every arrest this government makes, more young people will take to the streets!” the Cockroach Janta Party said.

To try to circumvent the heavy security deployment in the capital’s central commercial district and avoid arrests for unlawful assembly, the movement had issued instructions to its supporters hours earlier.

The instructions were to arrive in groups of fewer than five people, unfurl the Indian tricolor flag (Tiranga), take a photograph and leave peacefully to demonstrate that waving the flag “is not a crime.”

We will not be silenced, we will build Jantar Mantars everywhere ✊🔥 See you in London tomorrow, bring your tiranga bring your voice 🇮🇳 pic.twitter.com/gez9ucwoJD

— Students' Federation of India – United Kingdom (@sfi_uk) October 15, 2026

On Friday morning, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) issued a statement accusing the demonstrators of seeking an “anti-national revolution” and sowing “anarchy” in the country.

The arrests have left the organization almost entirely without its leadership, adding to the detention of two other spokespeople who remain in judicial custody at Tihar Jail after taking part in a protest Tuesday at Jantar Mantar, a traditional protest site from which authorities recently withdrew that designation.

The “Cockroaches,” which emerged in May as a satirical youth movement protesting unemployment and irregularities in university examinations, have expanded their demonstrations to include a review of the electoral rolls. They are demanding the resignation of Election Commission chief Gyanesh Kumar, whom they hold responsible for alleged irregularities.

teleSUR/ JF

Source: EFE

India’s largest initial public offering (IPO) opens October 21, and investors in Tokyo, Singapore and Hong Kong are being asked a simple question: What is a Jio customer’s monthly bill worth? Jio Platforms, the Reliance-owned mobile carrier with some 524 million India-based customers, is selling 270 million new shares at 1,065 to 1,119 rupees each […]

The post Jio’s IPO seeks a tech multiple for old-school mobile business appeared first on Asia Times.

Written by Lucas Leiroz, member of the BRICS Journalists Association, researcher at the Center for Geostrategic Studies, military expert

The decline of the EU’s political, economic, and military capabilities is an increasing source of concern for its member states. As the European bloc faces a deepening energy crisis and an accelerating process of deindustrialization, these nations are left with few alternatives other than relying on primary, low-skilled sources of revenue such as tourism substantially reducing European global influence.

In a recent statement, Polish foreign minister Radosław Sikorski warned that Europe risks becoming little more than a “tourist attraction” due to its limited military development. He argued that to avoid such a scenario, it is essential to invest heavily in the defense industry and to adopt an even firmer, more confrontational stance toward Russia.

Sikorski’s remarks were made during the Warsaw Security Forum on October 12. He asserted that it is urgent for Europe to convert its economic power into military strength, enabling it to emerge as a significant geopolitical pole – on par with the US, Russia, and China. He believes that only in this way can Europe compete for “global influence” alongside other world powers.

The Polish minister stated that the need for the militarization of Europe is not necessarily linked to a supposed “Russian invasion,” but rather to Europe’s own “need” to project power and seek a greater role within the game of great powers. In doing so, he slightly shifted the common rhetoric used by most EU officials, who claim that Europe is at imminent risk of a Russian invasion and territorial occupation – a narrative devoid of any evidence, serving only to justify Brussels’ irrational war plans.

Sikorski argued that Europe needs to toughen its military stance to give the EU a chance to participate in what he called the “global division of power.” In the minister’s view, there is currently a “triumvirate” of powers – the US, Russia, and China that “rules the world.” Europe is not part of this “big game” among powers, precisely due to its lack of sufficient military capabilities. He fears that, in the emerging new world order, Europe could be reduced to a mere exporter of data and a tourist destination for foreigners looking for a vacation.

“What’s at stake is not whether we will be occupied (…) [But Europe’s] status in the global division of power (…) The triumvirate that divides the world into spheres of influence (…) [With European countries being mere] suppliers of data and tourist attractions,” he said.

Sikorski further explained that, in his view, the only way to avoid this fate for Europe is by creating an EU army so strong that Russia would never dare to attack it. To this end, he also advocates for using the funds accumulated from frozen Russian assets – firmly opposing any proposal of returning such money to Russia – and even challenging Russia to a military confrontation should it seek to recover the funds that have been stolen from it. In Sikorski’s words, Russia could only get its money back “over our dead bodies.”

Sikorski’s words reflect a bellicose, hostile, and deeply Russophobic mindset. Furthermore, his explanation about an alleged “global triumvirate” reveals a poor geopolitical analysis, as it ignores other major powers – such as India, Iran, and Turkey – that exert influence over vast areas of the planet.

Nevertheless, there are interesting points to analyze in his arguments. It is curious how he identifies a real problem – Europe’s loss of global influence – yet proposes the wrong path to address it. Europe is indeed becoming little more than a tourist attraction on the current global stage, but the reasons for this lie in the mistakes made by the EU itself.

The most significant of these mistakes is precisely the hostile stance toward Russia. Europe lacks abundant energy sources and relies heavily on external suppliers. As long as there was an energy partnership with Russia, Europe was able to use this resource to stimulate its industry and strengthen its economy – and, consequently, its international standing in the geopolitical arena. However, the suicidal anti-Russian sanctions have completely destroyed Europe’s industrial potential by depriving it of its main source of affordable and safe energy.

Further hardening anti-Russian policies and encouraging excessive militarization would cause even greater harm to Europe and contribute further to the ongoing decline of the EU. Similarly, seizing Russian funds is a serious and illegal measure that further damages already fragile relations with Russia and diminishes the prospects for a short-term resolution to the Russia-Europe issue.

The only way for Europe to cease being a mere tourist attraction is exactly to resume industrial development through an energy partnership with Russia. Further militarization will only create tensions and increase the risk of a conflict in which Europe would undoubtedly be defeated.

You can follow Lucas on X (formerly Twitter) and Telegram.

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The post Europe Becoming Mere ‘Tourist Attraction’ – Polish Foreign Minister appeared first on South Front.

A poor sugarcane crop in India, the world’s second-largest producer, is hurting consumers and farmers — plus undermining the country’s energy security goals.

When voters begin to feel electoral outcomes are predetermined, participation risks losing its meaning. It would be a cardinal mistake to consider the current moment of electoral breakdown as anything less than the active sabotage of the republic.

Once viewed as a symbol of dynastic politics, Rahul Gandhi has travelled a long and arduous road to become an opposition leader of considerable heft against a powerful government, a feat few in his own party can boast of.

The state is using technology to tighten its grip. Citizens who want to hold it to account should digitise faster.

Thousands participated in a joint delegation of opposition groups in India who were attempting to meet the Chief Justice (CJI) of the country on Monday, October 12. The delegation sought to raise concerns over the alleged irregularities and fraud in the national and state level elections.

The police and security forces, yet again, tried to block the protesters from marching and used force to disperse them. The CJI refused to meet the delegation claiming the matter was subjudice.

Monday was the tenth consecutive day of the mass protests in the country which broke out on October 2, days after a newspaper report claimed the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar violated rules and took arbitrary decisions on crucial matters related to electoral rolls revisions, or the so-called Special Intensive Revision (SIR).

Opposition parties of diverse ideological backgrounds have accused the CEC of manipulating the elections to help the ruling ultra-right-wing and Hindu-supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to win crucial state elections. and have been demanding Kumar’s removal.

The opposition is also demanding the end of the SIR process and the re-inclusion of over 130 million voters whose names have been removed from the electoral rolls in various states depriving them of their right to vote, a fundamental right in the Indian constitution.

The BJP and CEC Gyanesh Kumar have refuted the charges, claiming the allegations were based on superficial assumptions.

Massive crackdown over the weekend

The Indian government suspended all major routes to the capital, Delhi, suspending hundreds of trains on Saturday, October 10, in order to prevent people from reaching the capital to participate in a scheduled protest called by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP), a youth movement which emerged earlier this year, and several left groups, over the issue.

The authorities also closed down all major metro stations in the city and imposed sections of the law which disallow any gathering of people, literally shutting down the city.

The security personnel detained thousands of people from various corners of the city, from their homes and even from moving trains and other vehicles to prevent them from participating in the protests.

All members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), including its General Secretary M A Baby and formal Chief Minister of Kerala Pinarayi Vijayan, were forcefully detained after they tried to march to the Jantar Mantar, the designated place for the protests.

They were kept in detention for hours before they were finally released in the evening.

Several protesters from the Student Federation of India (SFI), the All India Students Association (AISA), the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI), and other student and youth organizations tried to breach the police fortifications.

However, most of them were detained by the police during the effort. They claimed they were beaten up by the security forces, with hundreds of videos circulating on social media showing them being manhandled.

Some journalists also accused the security forces of trying to prevent them from reporting. They claimed they were beaten up and their cameras and mics were broken by the police and thugs belonging to the ruling party.

On Sunday, several young leaders, mostly women, from the left-wing organizations, such as the SFI, AISA, the All India Students Federation (AISF), and some Members of the Parliament (MP) from the left parties, like the CPI (M), and the Communist Party of India (CPI), were injured after the police attacked them during the protests.

The crackdown on protesters has invited strong reactions and solidarity from the International Peoples Assembly (IPA) and several left and progressive forces from across the world.

“India’s youth has risen to defend the right to vote itself” because “if a citizen is quietly erased from the voter list, democracy becomes a facade,” the IPA said in a statement issued on Sunday. It also demanded the end of state repression against the peaceful protesters.

Youth in defense of democracy

Talking to BreakThrough News, several youth leaders claimed the objective behind the movement against the rigging in elections is a movement to protect democracy and the basic rights of the people.

They asserted that they will not stop until Gyanesh Kumar is sacked and all the irregularities in the election process are corrected. Under the authoritarian administration, manipulation in elections is now eroding the small remaining democratic voice the people have in the country, they said.

They also questioned the authority of the government to block people’s right to protest, claiming the immunity provided to the security forces to attack the students, youth, and opposition party leaders trying to raise their voice against the injustice confirms that the BJP and its leadership has no commitment to democracy.

Mrityunjay, secretary of the Delhi state DYFI said one should not look at alleged irregularities as just affecting the rights of a section of society. In India the right to vote is linked to several social security benefits for poor and working class people. Once they lose their right to vote they may lose crucial welfare benefits.

The fact that the majority of those who have been deleted from the electoral rolls are from poor and working-class communities makes the fight for free and fair elections a fight for social justice and equality.

Rikta, another leader of the DYFI, claimed that the youth movements see the fight against the CEC as a fight to retain faith in the constitution and democratic processes in India. She claimed that the BJP has never believed in democracy and that is the reason they are so indifferent to the popular resistance against their policies so far.

However, the left and democratic forces in the country have decided to go till the end so that the BJP and people like Gyanesh Kumar never dare to manipulate the popular mandate again and learn to respect dissent, Rikta told BreakThrough News.

A fresh wave of protests by India’s youth-led Cockroach movement has been met with a brutal crackdown by Narendra Modi’s government and the closure of a historic protest site in Delhi. Two of the movement’s leaders have been imprisoned for five days for violating suppression measures. The protests, which began over frustration about education and unemployment, are now focused on voting rights. Modi’s government denies claims it is seeking to disenfranchise millions of voters. But its treatment of protesters has been criticised by the UN and Amnesty International and raised concerns that India is sliding further into autocracy. Lucy Hough speaks to South Asia correspondent Hannah Ellis-Petersen – watch on YouTube

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© Photograph: Yousuf Sarfaraz/SOPA Images/Shutterstock

© Photograph: Yousuf Sarfaraz/SOPA Images/Shutterstock

© Photograph: Yousuf Sarfaraz/SOPA Images/Shutterstock

Exclusive: Douglas Alexander, on trade delegation to India, talks up economic benefits of joint trading arrangements with Europe

Britain will benefit from much closer trading relations with the EU even if that means giving up its ability to negotiate free trade agreements, the Scotland secretary has said.

Douglas Alexander helped negotiate deals with India and the US when he was a trade minister under Keir Starmer.

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© Photograph: X/Douglas Alexander

© Photograph: X/Douglas Alexander

© Photograph: X/Douglas Alexander

O piloto do voo que fazia a ligação entre Frankfurt e Nova Deli ativou o código internacional de sequestro. Alerta revelou-se falso e o avião retoma viagem após as inspeções de segurança.

© IDREES MOHAMMED/EPA

TOKYO – Narendra Modi’s “Make in India” campaign has become a global brand. As China’s economy slows and multinationals look to diversify supply chains, the world’s most populous nation has eagerly cast itself as the obvious alternative. This was supposed to be the year the story came together. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) billed 2026 […]

The post India’s ‘Goldilocks’ year curdles on weak rupee, Chinese inputs appeared first on Asia Times.