Mentre la Plenaria di Strasburgo iniziava a svuotarsi, con europarlamentari, staff e assistenti che prendono la strada di Bruxelles o dei rispettivi Paesi d’origine, nelle stanze dell’Eurocamera, giovedì mattina, si continua a lavorare. Uno degli incontri in corso, però, si interrompe bruscamente: “Fermi immediatamente quella registrazione o videocall“. A pronunciare queste parole, come hanno raccontato a Ilfattoquotidiano.it due diverse fonti presenti all’incontro, è l’eurodeputato bulgaro del Ppe, Andrey Novakov. La destinataria del messaggio è invece Tamara Volokhova, consulente per gli Affari parlamentari per il gruppo dei Patrioti, di nazionalità franco-russa e legata al Rassemblement National di Marine Le Pen.
L’accusa implicita è grave: trasferire informazioni riservate al di fuori di un ristretto gruppo di politici e funzionari deputati a discuterle. Perché in quel meeting si stavano prendendo decisioni fondamentali sul prossimo, molto discusso bilancio settennale 2028-2034 dell’Unione europea. Si tratta, per la precisione, della riunione congiunta di relatori e relatori ombra delle tre commissioni Bilancio, Sviluppo Regionale e Agricoltura sul Piano Nazionale e Regionale di Partenariato (Nrpp), lo strumento proposto per il prossimo QFP che ha lo scopo di accorpare decine di programmi fino a oggi divisi, come i fondi di sviluppo regionale, di coesione, Pac o sviluppo rurale, per un totale di circa 800 miliardi di euro: quasi la metà dell’ultima proposta di bilancio avanzata dalla presidenza di turno irlandese.
Lo shadow meeting, al quale partecipano parlamentari, loro assistenti, adviser dei gruppi e delle commissioni, è poi proseguito come da programma, con la consigliera dei Patrioti che ha mantenuto il suo posto in sala, come confermano le due fonti, ma la storia si è velocemente sparsa tra europarlamentari e membri dello staff intenti a raggiungere la stazione ferroviaria di Strasburgo o gli aeroporti della città alsaziana o di Francoforte. Non è chiaro a chi la registrazione o videocall fosse destinata. Secondo alcune versioni non confermate, dall’altra parte dello schermo si trovavano giornalisti in ascolto per avere in esclusiva informazioni rilevanti sul dossier riguardante il prossimo bilancio settennale. Ilfattoquotidiano.it ha provato a contattare Volokhova per chiedere un chiarimento anche su questo punto ma, nel momento in cui si scrive, la funzionaria non ha risposto alla richiesta recapitata via mail. Lo stesso è stato fatto con l’eurodeputato Novakov che, ha spiegato un suo assistente, si trovava in viaggio e quindi impossibilitato, al momento, a rispondere.
Le speculazioni sulle motivazioni che hanno spinto la consigliera a trasmettere all’esterno di una riunione a porte chiuse informazioni riservate si rincorrono. E ad alimentarle c’è anche il passato della donna, noto a molti addetti ai lavori a Bruxelles. La consigliera ed ex modella nata a Rostov, nell’allora Unione Sovietica, era finita al centro delle cronache francesi nel 2024, quando il candidato di Renaissance poi diventato primo ministro, Gabriel Attal, nel corso del dibattito per le legislative mise in difficoltà Jordan Bardella (Rassemblement National) ricordandogli che, nonostante il suo partito proponesse di vietare incarichi rilevanti ai cittadini con doppia cittadinanza, allo stesso tempo la sua consigliera nell’allora gruppo europeo Identità e Democrazia era la franco-russa Tamara Volokhova.
Già nel 2019, un’inchiesta di Mediapart aveva rivelato che il nome di Volokhova figurava in una nota della Direzione Generale per la Sicurezza Interna (DGSI) francese sui “centri d’influenza” utilizzati dalla Russia per orientare le elezioni europee, insieme ad altri tre membri (o ex) del partito di Le Pen. Il portale francese ha così ricostruito la vita e la carriera della donna soffermandosi sulla sua assunzione, nel 2014, come assistente parlamentare a Bruxelles. Un incarico che ha destato perplessità nella DGSI, dato che è arrivato nel pieno delle intense attività di lobbying di Mosca in Europa in seguito all’annessione della Crimea. “Nel suo nuovo incarico – scrive Mediapart – Tamara Volokhova accompagna diversi eurodeputati in viaggi in Russia e Crimea e organizza alcuni viaggi per l’eurodeputato Aymeric Chauprade (che compare accanto a lei nella nota della DGSI)”. Senza dimenticare i presunti rapporti economici tra il partito di Le Pen e la Russia che risalgono proprio a quegli anni. Volokhova, scrive ancora Mediapart, era anche in contatto con la segreteria di Alexander Babakov, consigliere di Putin responsabile della cooperazione con le organizzazioni russe all’estero e intermediario per il prestito russo all’allora Front National, e con Alexei Kovalski, all’epoca consigliere politico dell’ambasciatore russo a Parigi ma considerato dalla DGSI un “ufficiale dell’SVR“, i servizi segreti russi all’estero.
Da lì è iniziata la lunga carriera di Volokhova all’interno delle istituzioni europee che oggi la vedono ancora nel ruolo di consigliere politico per il gruppo dei Patrioti, del quale fa parte la formazione di Le Pen. Con il suo nome che, a due anni di distanza dal dibattito interno francese scatenato dalle dichiarazioni di Attal, torna d’attualità per i suoi presunti rapporti fuori dai palazzi di Bruxelles.
L'articolo “Interrompa subito la diretta”: in Ue scoppia il caso della consigliera dei Patrioti che trasmetteva all’esterno informazioni riservate sul bilancio proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
On Oct. 21, U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff gushingly praised Russian President Vladimir Putin for being a "humanitarian."
Just a few hours later, Kyiv once again came under a fresh barrage of devastating Russian missiles, killing at least one person and injuring over 20.
"We thought
On Wednesday’s broadcast of Fox News Radio’s “Brian Kilmeade Show,” Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) stated that “Putin doesn’t comply with anything.” And “It’s like Iran, they’re not going to comply” with deals. Scott said, “Putin’s a thug. And so, we
The post Rick Scott: ‘We Can’t Help’ ‘Bad Guys’ Like Putin, Putin Never Keeps Word, Just Like Iran appeared first on Breitbart.
Click to see full-size image. (Russian Ministry of Defense)
In the Dobropolye direction, clearing operations continue in the urban area, with Russian forces holding the southern part of the city and repelling attempts by Ukrainian units to relieve their grouping. In the Slavyansk direction, the 25th Army has regained control of Ozernoye and is developing an advance towards Krasny Liman. In the Zaporozhye direction, Russian troops have taken Yulyevka and Chervony Yar, expanding the zone of control north of Orekhov. In the Sumy region, assault groups of the “North” grouping have advanced near Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa. In the Kharkiv direction, the clearance of the Reznikovsky cauldron is nearing completion. European Union leaders at an extraordinary summit on 26–27 November will attempt to agree ways of covering Ukraine’s funding shortfall for 2027, estimated at €70 billion, and will also discuss the EU’s multiannual budget for 2028–2034.
Dobropolye direction
Clearing of the urban territory continues in Dobropolye. The southern part of the city is already under stable Russian control, although scattered Ukrainian groups are still encountered there. Ukrainian units launched a counter-attack in an attempt to relieve their grouping and cut off the salient towards Belozerskoye, operating in the areas of Novovodyanoye and Zolotoy Kolodez.
In the Zolotoy Kolodez area, Russian troops are advancing on both flanks of the settlement. On the Dobropolye front, Russian forces are expanding the zone of control around Sergeyevka. Systematic clearing of the city continues in Dobropolye. Fighting is under way on the approaches to Belozerskoye and in the Zolotoy Kolodez area.
Russian troops are increasing pressure on Belozerskoye, bypassing the town on the flanks. Units have reached the outskirts and taken up positions in the southern built-up area and adjacent forest belts. Belozerskoye lies only a few kilometers from Dobropolye. Consolidation here could open a route via Novodonetskoye and Stepanovka towards Aleksandrovka.
Territories south of Dobropolye have been cleared of Ukrainian units. Russian fighters have taken Zolotoy Kolodez in a pincer movement and continue clearance operations. Reports from the ground indicate an improvement in the forward edge and strikes against positions in the areas of Zavidovo-Kudashevo, Krivorozhye, Starorayskoye and other settlements.
Slavyansk direction
Russian units in the north have gone over to counter-attacks and have retaken Ozernoye. This eases the position of the 3rd Army in the Raygorodok area, allowing it to concentrate more strongly on Nikolayevka. Strikes from the Orekhovatka area towards Raygorodok have been repelled. The Volunteer Corps holds Nikanorovka, Malinovka and Vasyutinskoye.
Russian troops near Krasny Liman are attempting to disrupt logistics and are advancing from the areas of Zarechnoye, Torskoye and Yampol. The Ozernoye area has been cleared. If Dibrova can be regained, the southern approaches to Krasny Liman will be cleared, creating the possibility of linking up with units holding positions in the town.
In the Konstantinovka sector, intense positional fighting continues in the areas of Rayskoye and Alekseyevo-Druzhkovka. Russian units are seeking to drive Ukrainian forces out of Klinovoye and Verolyubovka in order to secure the eastern flank for a future envelopment of Druzhkovka.
Zaporozhye direction
The Russian Ministry of Defence has reported that the village of Yulyevka has come under control. Nearby, Chervony Yar has also been taken adjacent to Timoshovka, which was captured the day before. The “East” grouping is expanding the zone of control north of Orekhov.
Fighting continues unabated in Orekhov itself. Judging by the pattern of operations, the Russian command is seeking to envelop the grouping center in Shirokoye, where Ukrainian forces have established a strong defensive line. Fighting continues in the northern part of Ternovatoye. Most of the settlement remains under Russian control. Earlier, Russian units took Zaporozhskoye and are gradually reducing the salient.
In the areas of Lyubitskoye and Novosoloshino, Russian troops have gone over to counter-attacks. Fighting in Vozdvizhevka has largely ended and Ukrainian units have been driven out. Battles have begun for Rozhdestvenskoye. Further south, the advance continues from the captured Chervony Yar. Assault groups are operating on the outskirts of the villages of Mirovka and Obshcheye. Thus, in the Zaporozhye direction, Russian units are systematically expanding bridgeheads, pushing Ukrainian forces out of key strongpoints and disrupting their logistics.
Sumy direction
Heavy positional fighting continues in Sumy direction. Russian aviation, drone teams and artillery are increasing the intensity of strikes against Ukrainian positions. Ukrainian units have concentrated on strengthening their defensive lines.
In the Sumy border area, positional fighting continues on the main lines. Fierce clashes are under way in the Yunakovka area; Ukrainian units are attempting to insert small groups but without success. Russian assault troops have advanced in the areas of Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa overall progress amounting to up to 300 meters.
In the Sumy district, Russian assault troops have advanced near Khoten and Velikaya Rybitsa. Overall progress amounted to up to 300 meters. In the Shostka district, heavy positional fighting continues near Korenek. In the Krasnopolye district, assault groups of the “Northerners” are advancing near Turya. Russian units continue methodically to press the Ukrainian defenses, exploiting their advantage in artillery and drones.
Kharkiv direction
Assault units of the “North” grouping are developing their success in the area of the former “Volchansk cauldron”. The Ukrainian side has stepped up its information activity and is widely disseminating inaccurate claims about alleged control over lost settlements.
North of Bolshoy Burluk, clearance of the so-called Reznikovsky cauldron continues. According to official data, the main settlements have been cleared. The territory is extensive, almost 400–500 square kilometers. Isolated positions will continue to be cleared for some weeks yet. Ukrainian units, relying on Maly Burluk and Prikolotnoye, are attempting to reach the Plotva River in the area of Vasilyevka, Blagodatnoye, Nefyodovka and Chyornoye.
In the Lipetsk direction, Russian troops have advanced on three sectors south of Novaya Kazachya and Tokarevka. Overall progress amounted to 250 meters. In the Volchansk and Veliky Burluk directions, assault groups of the “Northerners” continue to advance southwards. There have been successes in the areas of Prikolotnoye, Maly Burluk and Kolodeznoye. Over the past day overall progress amounted to up to 500 meters.
Conclusion
In the Dobropolye direction, Russian forces are consolidating in the southern part of the city and enveloping Belozerskoye. In the Slavyansk direction, the 25th Army has gone over to the counter-offensive, recovering lost positions and creating a threat to Ukrainian logistics in the Krasny Liman area. In the Zaporozhye direction, the capture of Yulyevka and Chervony Yar has enabled the expansion of bridgeheads and continued pressure on Orekhov. In Sumy region, positional fighting continues with gradual advances by Russian assault groups. In the Kharkiv direction, the clearance of a large cauldron is nearing completion, freeing forces for further offensive operations. The overall trend remains the use by Russian units of small-group tactics that combine assault actions with strikes by artillery, aviation and drones, allowing them methodically to disrupt Ukrainian logistics and expand the zone of control.
European Union leaders at the extraordinary summit on 26–27 November will attempt to agree ways of covering Ukraine’s funding shortfall for 2027, estimated at €70 billion. The EU has already earmarked €45 billion for Ukraine in 2027, yet Kyiv’s financial needs substantially exceed this amount. Even taking into account the planned European funding, Ukraine’s additional requirement is assessed at approximately €70 billion.
Initially, Brussels had expected Norway, Switzerland, Canada, Japan and the United Kingdom jointly to provide a further €45 billion over 2026–2027. Not all the promised funds have been allocated, however. As a result, EU member states will have to agree to additional financing mechanisms for Kyiv, including the possibility of a new loan. At the same time, European leaders continue to negotiate the Union’s seven-year budget for 2028–2034. Brussels aims to conclude the talks by the end of the current year, since electoral campaigns due in a number of EU states in 2027 could further complicate the achievement of a compromise.
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SouthFront: Analysis and Intelligence
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Cela fait un certain temps que je voulais écrire un article sur les destins de la Russie et de l’Ukraine depuis le début du conflit en 2014. Le fil conducteur est que l’Ukraine a drastiquement réduit ses échanges commerciaux avec la Russie, depuis 2014, sans jamais les compenser par une augmentation des échanges commerciaux avec l’Europe. Cela a eu comme conséquence involontaire que l’Europe a dû injecter des sommes importantes en Ukraine juste pour empêcher sa monnaie de s’effondrer alors que la guerre se poursuivait. Pendant ce temps, la Russie a diversifié ses échanges commerciaux avec les pays non-européens, de sorte que sa balance extérieure est aussi solide aujourd’hui qu’elle l’était en 2014, ce qui lui procure les liquidités dont elle a besoin pour soutenir l’effort de guerre.
Points importants :
Analyse détaillée
Le modèle d’exportation de la Russie, dans lequel elle enregistre constamment d’importants excédents commerciaux, lui a permis de générer les réserves de devises étrangères et d’or qui ont sans aucun doute contribué à financer la guerre en Ukraine. Le déficit commercial de l’Ukraine s’est creusé depuis le début de la guerre, nécessitant des injections continues de capitaux européens pour empêcher l’effondrement de sa monnaie.
Cela aide à expliquer que la Russie puisse soutenir la guerre plus longtemps ; elle n’a pas besoin de contracter de nouvelles dettes importantes, sa dette restant faible, à 20%. L’Ukraine ne peut financer la guerre et maintenir ses comptes nationaux en équilibre qu’avec de l’argent européen qui ne peut être garanti à long terme et qui, de toute façon, a augmenté la dette ukrainienne de 20% du PIB en moyenne chaque année depuis le début de la guerre. Ce n’est pas durable.
L’Accord de libre-échange approfondi et complet de 2014 a désavantagé l’Ukraine car il forçait le pays à ne plus commercer avec la Russie.
Le point de départ est la signature par l’Ukraine d’un Accord de libre-échange approfondi et complet avec l’Europe, le 27 juin 2014.
Herman van Rompuy, alors président du Conseil européen, déclarait alors que « des liens politiques et économiques plus forts apporteront plus de stabilité et de prospérité à l’ensemble du continent européen ».
Au même moment, le président Porochenko déclarait « au cours des derniers mois, l’Ukraine a payé le prix le plus élevé possible pour réaliser son rêve européen ».
Car le véritable cout de cet accord a été supporté par l’Ukraine qui a vu ses exportations s’effondrer et ses importations augmenter, car elle avait fait le « choix souverain » de ne plus maintenir ses liens commerciaux avec la Russie.
Ce fut un choix catastrophiquement mauvais. La Russie représentait environ 25% des exportations ukrainiennes avant 2014 et ce chiffre était tombé à moins de 5% en 2021, avant le début de la guerre. L’Ukraine n’a pas comblé cet écart en augmentant le volume de ses exportations vers l’Europe, qui sont restées en grande partie inchangées.
De plus, le même schéma peut être observé en Géorgie, qui n’a également connu aucune augmentation réelle de ses exportations vers l’UE après la signature de l’ALECA. L’UE utilise un certain nombre de mécanismes de règlement des différends commerciaux et d’autres barrières non tarifaires pour bloquer la croissance des importations en provenance des pays partenaires de l’ALECA.
Ainsi, en encourageant l’Ukraine à commercer avec l’Europe et non avec la Russie, l’Europe a imposé une perte économique sèche à l’Ukraine qui avait pris la décision souveraine de renoncer à une relation commerciale auparavant rentable, pour poursuivre un objectif politique d’intégration à l’UE.
De plus, depuis le début de la guerre, les importations ukrainiennes ont augmenté, entraînant une augmentation progressive de son déficit commercial. Cette augmentation des importations a été causée par le fait que l’Ukraine achète des armes aux États-Unis en utilisant des fonds européens et nationaux empruntés. Ainsi, l’Ukraine emprunte de l’argent pour créer un déficit commercial qui doit être comblé par de nouveaux afflux de capitaux.
Entraînée dans un déficit commercial persistant et croissant par la guerre, l’Ukraine a besoin d’injections continues de fonds étrangers pour empêcher l’effondrement de sa monnaie.
Le graphique ci-dessous montre la croissance du déficit commercial de l’Ukraine avec la croissance correspondante des recettes classées comme « Revenu secondaire » dans sa balance des paiements trimestrielle. Ces entrées de capitaux classés comme « Revenus secondaires » sont des injections en provenance d’Europe (principalement) qui sont vitales pour renforcer les réserves de change de l’Ukraine et ainsi éviter une ruée sur la devise. Le point clé est que le financement étranger à l’Ukraine est plus qu’un simple événement fiscal. Il s’agit d’un mécanisme de soutien essentiel dans les circonstances où l’Ukraine est incapable d’attirer suffisamment d’investissements étrangers en temps de guerre.
La Russie n’a tout simplement pas été confrontée au même défi, choisissant plutôt de diversifier ses exportations vers d’autres pays alors que l’Europe fermait progressivement ses échanges commerciaux. Les sanctions n’ont pas entamé son commerce.
Le graphique ci-dessous illustre de manière élégante comment le commerce de la Russie a changé et évolué depuis. Les exportations russes ont connu des pics et des creux depuis 2014, bien que les creux aient souvent été causés par des événements mondiaux tels que les effondrements des prix du pétrole de 2014 et 2016 et le COVID.
Le déclenchement de la guerre en Ukraine a provoqué une énorme manne de revenus d’exportation car le prix du pétrole a bondi. Malgré l’imposition de milliers de sanctions par les pays occidentaux après le début de la guerre, les exportations russes sont restées très résistantes. Cela est dû à la diversification par la Russie de ses exportations vers les pays d’Asie.
En bref, malgré les nombreux gros titres dans les médias occidentaux traditionnels sur les sanctions « entravant l’économie de guerre de la Russie« , il n’y a aucune preuve substantielle que cela ait été le cas.
Le modèle d’exportation russe continue d’être une salle des machines qui lui fournit les liquidités dont elle a besoin pour financer la guerre sans contracter de nouvelles dettes importantes. Cela lui donne un avantage significatif sur l’Ukraine et ses soutiens européens dans cette « guerre d’usure« .
La Russie a accumulé des réserves depuis le début de la guerre pour compenser l’immobilisation de 300 milliards de dollars en devises par les pays occidentaux. La Russie investit désormais dans l’or pour protéger ses actifs.
Enfin, je commente depuis un certain temps que la Russie a entamé le processus d’accumulation de réserves de change en 2017 alors qu’elle modifiait sa politique monétaire pour adopter un rouble faible afin de maximiser les revenus en roubles tirés des exportations et qu’elle entreprenait un certain nombre d’achats en dollars via le ministère des Finances. Vous pouvez voir cette accumulation de réserves dans le graphique ci-dessous.
Après le début de la guerre, après l’importante manne de revenus tirés des exportations en 2022 et des chiffres commerciaux toujours solides par la suite, la Russie a continué à accumuler des réserves. Cependant, suite au gel de ses avoirs en devises, elle a plutôt choisi de stocker ses réserves en or, pour les protéger des sanctions.
Si la Russie souhaite évidemment récupérer ses avoirs immobilisés après la fin de la guerre (gros point d’interrogation), elle a néanmoins constitué un important coussin financier à hauteur de plus de 420 milliards de dollars de réserve en plus de celle qui reste gelée.
Ces importantes réserves contribuent sans aucun doute à garantir l’effort de guerre russe sans avoir besoin de gros emprunts. La dette de la Russie représente aujourd’hui environ 20% de son PIB.
En 2021, la dette de l’Ukraine s’élevait à environ 49% de son PIB. Aujourd’hui, elle représente environ 110% de son PIB.
Publié à l’origine par The Peacemonger.
Traduction: Le Saker Francophone
Kirill Dmitriev, enviado do presidente russo Vladimir Putin, afirmou nesta quinta-feira (22), durante um fórum econômico em Istambul, que os gasodutos submarinos Nord Stream — danificados por explosões em 2022 — retomarão suas operações no futuro.
“É economicamente inevitável”, disse ele.
“A retomada do fornecimento de energia a partir da Rússia é absolutamente inevitável”, acrescentou a autoridade.
O presidente russo, Vladimir Putin, afirmou que o Kremlin está disposto a retomar as negociações de paz trilaterais entre Rússia, Estados Unidos e Ucrânia após meados de novembro, a pedido do enviado especial americano Steve Witkoff, que se reuniu com Putin por cerca de três horas na quarta-feira (21).
O encontro, realizado em São Petersburgo, ocorreu após a reunião “produtiva” de Witkoff na terça-feira (20) com o presidente ucraniano, Volodymyr Zelensky, na Noruega. Os Estados Unidos buscam avançar propostas para encerrar a guerra.
Putin afirmou que estaria disposto a retomar as negociações trilaterais após 10 de novembro, segundo um relato divulgado após a reunião por seu assessor, Yury Ushakov. O assessor disse que o Kremlin gostaria de discutir a criação de uma “estrutura de segurança” para a Rússia e a Ucrânia após o fim do conflito, sem dar mais detalhes sobre as exigências russas para esse mecanismo.
A próxima rodada de negociações trilaterais poderá ocorrer em Abu Dhabi, capital dos Emirados Árabes Unidos, afirmou Ushakov em resposta a uma pergunta do canal estatal russo Russia 24.
Zelensky disse na quarta-feira que gostaria que o encontro ocorresse “no máximo até o início de novembro”.
“A Rússia disse muitas vezes que estava pronta para uma reunião, mas depois as coisas mudaram e ela foi cancelada”, acrescentou Zelensky. “Vamos ver o que acontece desta vez.”
Um comunicado de uma autoridade americana confirmou que a reunião ocorreu e afirmou que o objetivo era avançar os esforços do presidente dos Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, para encerrar a guerra da Rússia contra a Ucrânia.
Witkoff descreveu os encontros com Putin e Zelensky como “construtivos” em uma publicação na rede social X após a reunião de quarta-feira e afirmou que as discussões continuariam nas negociações trilaterais.
“Embora ainda haja trabalho importante a ser feito, o presidente Trump continua comprometido em ver esta guerra terminar e alcançar uma paz abrangente e duradoura”, escreveu.
Os enviados americanos Witkoff e Jared Kushner, genro de Trump, propuseram uma reunião trilateral que foi “aceita pelos ucranianos em Oslo ontem e pelos russos em São Petersburgo hoje”, segundo o comunicado.
Apesar das declarações positivas sobre possíveis negociações futuras, até o momento não há sinais de que a Rússia tenha recuado de suas posições maximalistas.
As exigências anteriores da Rússia equivalem a uma vitória quase total: Moscou pede que a Ucrânia ceda toda a região de Donbas, no leste do país, atualmente sob ocupação russa em sua maior parte. O governo russo também exigiu que a Ucrânia reduza drasticamente o tamanho de suas Forças Armadas e se comprometa a nunca ingressar na Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (Otan).
Durante as conversas mais recentes, Putin demonstrou interesse na retomada da cooperação econômica com os Estados Unidos e na possibilidade de um encontro com a China para discutir a Ucrânia. Isso ocorre após medidas recentes do governo Trump para suspender sanções contra a Rússia e fechar um acordo sobre exportações de diesel.
Em declarações à imprensa após a reunião, o enviado presidencial russo Kirill Dmitriev afirmou que não havia “dúvida” de que a cooperação econômica entre Estados Unidos e Rússia continuaria. Ele acrescentou que um acordo sobre diesel anunciado recentemente entre os dois países seria mantido, apesar das críticas europeias.
Um dos principais resultados do encontro foi o anúncio de Witkoff de que a Rússia libertou o cidadão americano Stephen Hubbard, de 74 anos, que estava detido no país havia mais de quatro anos.
Em declarações amplamente criticadas, Witkoff elogiou Putin como um “humanitário” por conceder o perdão a Hubbard. Um vídeo obtido pela CNN após a reunião mostrou o cidadão americano libertado conversando com Witkoff no aeroporto de São Petersburgo.
Em imagens do início da reunião de três horas, Witkoff afirmou: “Acho que há algum grau de impulso, e espero que o encontro de hoje possa representar mais um passo à frente no processo de paz”.
Putin, Witkoff e tradutores se sentaram ao redor de uma grande mesa redonda e discutiram uma ampla variedade de questões, incluindo a disposição da Rússia para ajudar a resolver a guerra no Irã, possíveis exportações russas de fertilizantes para os Estados Unidos e a libertação de Hubbard. A reunião prosseguiu a portas fechadas, e Kushner, que também participa das negociações de paz, acompanhou o encontro remotamente porque está gripado.
Os Estados Unidos e a Ucrânia fizeram “progressos significativos” nas conversas realizadas na Noruega na terça-feira, afirmou anteriormente uma autoridade americana à CNN. A Ucrânia “apresentou novas ideias e propostas, que foram discutidas em detalhes”, e os dois lados agora estão em “forte alinhamento” sobre os próximos passos, disse a autoridade.
“As discussões abrangeram elementos fundamentais de uma estrutura abrangente de paz, incluindo garantias de segurança de longo prazo para a Ucrânia, um plano econômico e de prosperidade para o pós-guerra e uma arquitetura de segurança europeia mais ampla, concebida para criar estabilidade duradoura”, afirmou a autoridade americana.
No entanto, o assessor do Kremlin Yury Ushakov minimizou essas discussões na quarta-feira. Segundo ele, embora Witkoff tenha apresentado a Putin “certas novas abordagens e mudanças nas posições adotadas pelos europeus e por Kiev”, na realidade, elas continham pouco de valor concreto para resolver a crise ucraniana.
A Ucrânia e seus aliados reiteraram as principais linhas vermelhas estabelecidas por Kiev para qualquer negociação de paz, incluindo a necessidade de garantias de segurança futuras — para assegurar que a Rússia não volte a invadir o país — e a rejeição a quaisquer exigências de cessão de territórios que a Ucrânia controla.
Zelensky reiterou uma posição defendida há tempos: a Ucrânia aceitaria um acordo de cessar-fogo que congelasse as posições ao longo da atual linha de frente — o que significaria manter apenas cerca de 75% do território ucraniano — e, em seguida, pediria garantias de segurança efetivas aos aliados.
Zelensky também afirmou que a Ucrânia quer negociações trilaterais envolvendo Trump, Putin e ele próprio, mas disse que o processo seria “melhor com os europeus”.
O Kremlin já havia rejeitado a ideia de negociações trilaterais, com exceção de um convite anterior para que Zelensky fosse a Moscou — uma possibilidade considerada inviável pelos demais lados.
Enquanto isso, na Rússia, o ministro das Relações Exteriores, Sergey Lavrov, adotou um tom menos otimista na terça-feira. Ele afirmou que Moscou avaliará o que Witkoff apresentar, mas não fará “concessões políticas”. Lavrov disse que Moscou “não espera um milagre” e que Washington continuará sendo, na melhor das hipóteses, um rival da Rússia, segundo a agência estatal russa TASS.
Uma autoridade europeia em Oslo disse à CNN: “Acho que os planos — ou a falta deles — não são um problema tão grande quanto fazer a Rússia levar qualquer plano a sério”.
O que é Oreshnik, míssil hipersônico utilizado em grande ataque contra Kiev?
Ukraine's Defense Forces advanced more than 15 km through underground utility tunnels into Russia's rear on the Kupiansk axis in Kharkiv Oblast, the Khartiia Corps of Ukraine's National Guard reported on 22 October. The corps called it Operation Veles. The underground advance was paired with attacks on the surface and drone strikes, hitting Russian forces from two directions, the corps told Militarnyi.
Russian troops have repeatedly crawled through gas pipelines around Kupiansk to get behind Ukrainian lines, even after Ukraine reported confident control of the city in February. This time, Ukraine went underground itself. The operation took away Russia's chance to get into Kupiansk's rear, the corps said.
The corps reported more than 30 Russian soldiers captured and Russian losses of more than 100. Militarnyi, citing the unit, put the number of Russian troops killed at over 100.
Khartiia studied how Russian troops moved through pipes before going underground itself, the corps commander, Brigadier General Ihor Obolenskyi, said.
"We watched how the enemy works underground and studied how they do it. The Russians intended to use gas pipelines to get into the rear of our troops. So we went underground ourselves. We anticipated the enemy's actions and mastered the tactics of underground combat," he said.
Boots under ground!
— Khartiia Corps in English (@khartiia_eng) October 22, 2026
Asymmetric breakthrough in the Kharkiv Region: Khartiia Corps conducts the subterranean counteroffensive Operation VELES, advancing 15 km underground.
Corps Commander General Ihor Obolenskyi explains a unique operation. pic.twitter.com/qRQ93kckpK
For the operation, troops trained physically and psychologically to fight in confined spaces, sappers and engineers prepared the underground route, and special communications, navigation, silent logistics, and life-support systems were put in place, Khartiia told Militarnyi. The operation was named after Veles, the Slavic pagan god of the underworld.
Khartiia's brigade, the R.U.H. assault regiment, the Lava drone regiment, the Achilles drone brigade, and units of Ukraine's military intelligence, including the Freedom of Russia Legion and the Russian Volunteer Corps, took part, the corps said.
By September 2025, Russian forces had used pipelines to move troops behind Ukrainian lines three times, Ukrainian monitoring project DeepState reported on 12 September 2025. The first was in Avdiivka, the second near Sudzha, and the third near Kupiansk, where groups crossed the Oskil River through a gas pipe.
Near Sudzha in March 2025, Russian special forces walked through a pipeline that until recently had carried Russian gas to Europe, the Associated Press reported. A pro-Kremlin blogger claimed they covered about 15 km and that some spent several days inside.
Russian troops kept using the pipeline near Kupiansk this year. On 27 September, Khartiia's reconnaissance drones recorded Russian forces leading nine civilians, including children, elderly people, and a person on crutches, through the gas pipeline out of the Kupiansk community. Men of military age in civilian clothes walked alongside them, and the corps believes they were Russian soldiers using the group as cover to withdraw. Ukrainian troops held fire because of the civilians, the corps said, adding that the case has been documented for a war crimes investigation.
Drones, constant surveillance, and AI-assisted targeting have made the battlefield surface transparent and deadly, argue John Spencer, chair of urban warfare studies at West Point's Modern War Institute, and Col. Drew Craig, principal military engineering staff officer at NATO's Allied Rapid Reaction Corps. In an August analysis, they write that soldiers in Ukraine describe a "death zone" of some 30 km, where moving above ground can draw an attack within minutes. When firepower makes the surface too dangerous, armies have historically gone underground, as they did in World War I and Vietnam, and more recently in Gaza and Lebanon.
"Armies that cannot survive above ground must adapt below it," the authors write.
Fighting in tunnels brings its own requirements, the authors write: detecting the enemy by sound and vibration, and specialized unmanned systems that cannot rely on GPS or stable radio links. Long stretches underground also take a severe psychological and physical toll on soldiers.
Western militaries are not ready for this, Spencer and Craig write. No NATO partner maintains even general capabilities for large-scale underground warfare, and US and British efforts focused mainly on detecting and clearing tunnels rather than occupying and operating in them.
The missile landed between the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, a UNESCO World Heritage site, and the Holy Presentation (Sviato-Vvedenskyi) Monastery. Monastery buildings, homes, shops, cafés and other civilian infrastructure sustained damage in the surrounding area.
Zelenskyy disclosed that Russian forces had used three cluster-equipped ballistic missiles during the assault. Ukrainian authorities described weapons designed to explode in the air as they approach their targets, distributing explosive submunitions over an area approximately 400 metres in diameter.
After receiving reports from officials overseeing emergency operations across Ukraine, the president accused Moscow of deliberately choosing a weapon capable of inflicting extensive civilian casualties in a densely populated district.
“This was a deliberate choice of weapon and area of deployment,” Zelenskyy said.
He maintained that there were no military installations in the vicinity and that the attack had been intended to inflict maximum damage on civilians and their property.
Pecherskyi is one of Kyiv’s oldest districts, containing religious institutions and architectural monuments associated with centuries of Ukrainian history.
Among them is the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, established in the 11th century and subsequently developed into an important centre of Eastern Orthodox Christianity.
The complex includes historic churches, monasteries and an extensive system of underground caves. Together with Saint Sophia Cathedral and its related buildings, it forms part of a UNESCO World Heritage property that has appeared on the List of World Heritage in Danger since 2023.
Thursday’s explosion occurred in the area separating the Lavra from the Holy Presentation Monastery. Ukrainian authorities identified damage to buildings belonging to the latter, alongside neighbouring residential and commercial premises. Assessments of the destruction across the historic district were continuing.
This was not the first occasion in 2026 on which Russian weapons had damaged the area’s religious heritage.
On 15 June, a Russian drone struck the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra complex, causing severe damage to the Dormition Cathedral. Its roof and structural elements suffered extensive destruction, prompting UNESCO to undertake emergency stabilisation measures.
Ukraine’s Security Service subsequently published evidence identifying fragments of a Russian Geran-2 drone recovered from the site.
The October strike has again exposed the vulnerability of the capital’s historic religious buildings, as well as the civilian neighbourhoods surrounding them.
The reported choice of ammunition has particular implications for the investigation into the attack.
Whereas a conventional missile warhead delivers its explosive force around a principal impact point, cluster munitions release numerous smaller explosive devices capable of striking separate locations across a broad area.
In an urban environment, such weapons can cause casualties and destruction well beyond an intended target. Unexploded submunitions may remain dangerous after the initial attack, posing further risks to residents and emergency workers.
The International Committee of the Red Cross has warned that deploying cluster munitions in populated areas creates a high likelihood of indiscriminate effects.
Under international humanitarian law, military operations must distinguish between civilian persons and objects and legitimate military targets. Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited.
The reported deployment of cluster warheads in central Kyiv therefore raises questions about whether those requirements were observed. Zelenskyy’s account of the three missiles had not, at the time of reporting, been independently established through publicly available forensic evidence.
The Pecherskyi explosion was one incident in a much larger attack on the Ukrainian capital.
According to Zelenskyy, Russia launched 21 ballistic missiles against Kyiv in three successive waves overnight. Ukrainian authorities reported at least two people killed and more than 30 wounded, with strikes damaging apartment buildings, commercial premises, transport infrastructure and energy facilities.
The bombardment took place shortly after Russian President Vladimir Putin met US presidential envoy Steve Witkoff in St Petersburg on Wednesday, 21 October.
During their discussions, Putin indicated that Russia was prepared in principle to resume negotiations with Ukraine and the United States, potentially in November. However, no confirmed timetable emerged.
Witkoff’s visit followed consultations in Norway between American, Ukrainian and European representatives over possible arrangements to end the war.
The renewed diplomatic activity has done little to resolve the underlying disagreements. As EU Today has previously examined, Moscow continues to advance territorial demands while the parties remain divided over Ukraine’s future security guarantees.
Meanwhile, Kyiv faces an immediate requirement for additional air-defence ammunition.
Zelenskyy has repeatedly appealed for more Patriot interceptor missiles capable of engaging ballistic targets. Difficulties surrounding American military assistance and intelligence cooperation have increased tensions between Washington and Kyiv at a time when Russia is intensifying attacks against Ukrainian cities.
The latest strike also presents Ukrainian investigators with the task of establishing whether the reported use of cluster munitions against a historic civilian district constituted an unlawful attack.
For Zelenskyy, the bombardment following Putin’s latest diplomatic discussions demonstrates that Moscow’s military conduct remains unchanged. He has argued that Russia’s actions provide no evidence of a genuine intention to bring the war to an end.
In a government office, researchers of drones and electronic warfare gather around a small metal device recovered from a Russian Geran drone. Its purpose — to measure the Earth’s magnetic field for navigation.
"This is the most recent component we found, about a week or two
Um cidadão ucraniano foi preso no estado alemão de Brandemburgo sob suspeita de espionagem para a Rússia, segundo comunicado divulgado nesta quinta-feira (22) pela Procuradoria-Geral Federal da Alemanha.
Identificado pelas autoridades como Vadym Y., o suspeito mantinha contato com um serviço secreto russo por meio de um intermediário desde, pelo menos, julho de 2025, afirmaram os procuradores.
Segundo o comunicado, ele coletava informações militares, incluindo dados sobre a produção de veículos blindados, munições e explosivos, além de informações sobre pessoal e instalações militares em locais destinados a proteger o flanco oriental da Otan (Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte).
Embora parte das informações estivesse disponível publicamente, outros detalhes teriam sido solicitados a pessoas que trabalham no setor de defesa europeu, segundo os procuradores.
De acordo com o comunicado, o acusado comparecerá nesta sexta-feira (23) a um juiz de instrução do Tribunal Federal de Justiça, que lhe comunicará o mandado de prisão e decidirá sobre a decretação da prisão preventiva.
O chanceler alemão Friedrich Merz disse que a prisão não o surpreendeu e alertou que haverá mais casos semelhantes no futuro.
“A Alemanha é alvo de intensa atividade de espionagem; nesse sentido, o fato de este caso ter sido descoberto hoje é um sucesso”, disse ele em uma coletiva de imprensa em Montenegro.
“No entanto, não nos iludamos: as atividades dos serviços de inteligência russos na Alemanha permanecem em um nível consistentemente alto.”
O que é Oreshnik, míssil hipersônico utilizado em grande ataque contra Kiev?
Russian missiles keep falling on Ukrainian cities while Washington holds up approval of Patriot interceptor transfers to Ukraine, according to The Washington Post. A Ukrainian official told the Post that only "a couple" of interceptors remained. President Donald Trump wants this war to end, and that goal deserves support. But a deal that squeezes only Ukraine is not a peace plan, and right now Kyiv absorbs the pressure while Moscow collects the relief.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio acknowledged on Oct. 20 that a batch bought for Kyiv may not have been delivered, but he rejected any political motive. "There's nothing being deliberately denied to Ukraine," he said.
So is Washington protecting scarce supplies, applying negotiating pressure or both? Americans deserve an answer, including what concessions Washington expects from Russian President Vladimir Putin.
TRUMP RUSSIA DEAL COULD FUEL PUTIN'S WAR, EX-NATO COMMANDER WARNS AS ZELENSKYY SAYS 'NYET'
The administration's strongest defense is scarcity, so start with the missiles. Lockheed Martin delivered 620 PAC-3 MSE interceptors in 2025 and plans to expand annual capacity to 2,000 over seven years.
The Iran war compounded the problem. A July assessment by the Center for Strategic and International Studies estimated that heavy combat use had pushed American Patriot inventories below 1,000.
UKRAINE'S ZELENSKYY OPEN TO FREEZING FRONT LINES IN CEASEFIRE WITH RUSSIA
A president must keep enough interceptors to protect American troops. Having worked on military strategy and security cooperation at the Pentagon, I take that obligation seriously. Ukraine's needs cannot erase our responsibilities elsewhere.
European money does not change that math. Kiel Institute data covering the first half of 2026 identify Europe as the largest military-aid donor, yet American stockpiles supplied more than 90% of the aid delivered through NATO's Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL). Europe is paying American industry to arm Ukraine, and Washington controls the tap.
AMERICA FACES A CRISIS IN OUR MILITARY ARSENAL THAT TRUMP IS RACING TO FIX
The lasting answer to scarcity is production. When U.S. Sens. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., and Kevin Cramer, R-N.D., met Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Kyiv Oct. 9, he pressed for faster Patriot production licensing and offered joint production of interceptors. Washington should pursue it, with technology safeguards.
Still, scarcity does not explain every pending decision, and Washington owes the allies who paid for these weapons a straight explanation. Nor does it explain the broader pressure on Kyiv.
TRUMP TELLS ZELENSKYY TO STOP DOING 'ONE THING' DURING ATTACKS ON RUSSIA
The clearest example involves the same pipeline. Reuters reports that Washington threatened to stop the allied-funded PURL weapons pipeline to press Kyiv to halt its deep strikes on Russian energy infrastructure. That is leverage over Ukrainian military operations, not proof of a coordinated campaign to remove Zelenskyy.
The satellite dispute is murkier. Blamed for throttling Ukraine's terminals, billionaire Elon Musk posted that limits "are decided by the U.S. military and ultimately" by the president. Reuters then traced the restriction to the White House through unnamed officials. Trump denied it. "It wasn't us," he told reporters Oct. 16. Separately, Ukraine went three days without American missile warnings before Zelenskyy said Oct. 18 that intelligence sharing had resumed.
ZELENSKYY ACCUSES PUTIN OF DEFYING TRUMP'S CEASEFIRE PUSH, SENDS POINTED MESSAGE TO WHITE HOUSE
The pressure is also personal. Trump called Oct. 10 for Ukraine to replace its president. Yet Zelenskyy sat down with American envoys in Oslo on Oct. 20. A leader who shows up for talks is not refusing diplomacy.
Now consider the other side of the ledger. Trump announced an energy ceasefire Oct. 11, although Russian agreement remained unclear. A week later, Russian strikes hit 28 substations and other energy facilities, according to the Institute for the Study of War, leaving roughly 550,000 Ukrainian households without power. Kyiv was pressed to stop hitting refineries while Moscow kept hitting the grid. Putin never confirmed the ceasefire, and his missiles show he never intended to honor it.
TRUMP TRIES DIFFERENT APPROACH WITH RUSSIA TO BRING AMERICANS RELIEF AMID ONGOING WAR WITH UKRAINE
Moscow, meanwhile, received relief. On Oct. 9, Treasury issued a license authorizing specified Russian diesel transactions. Reuters later reported that Washington hoped the diesel deal would soften Moscow's negotiating position.
The administration's case is domestic. Diesel hit a record $6.52 a gallon in September as the Iran war choked the Strait of Hormuz, and Trump promised relief for farmers, ranchers and truckers. But Lawfare's analysis found the agreed Russian exports would cover about 2% of American demand. The price relief is speculative. Moscow's gains are not: sanctions relief and American pressure on Kyiv to spare Russian refineries.
Offering an adversary an incentive can be sound diplomacy. The question is what the incentive buys. So far, the bombing has not stopped.
Nor has softer treatment softened the Kremlin's terms. When Zelenskyy offered a 60-day ceasefire to permit elections, the Kremlin rejected it on Oct. 12, saying it wanted an overall settlement. Moscow refused the very pause that Trump's call for new Ukrainian leadership would require.
Putin's ambitions run larger still. The New York Post reports that he wants a summit with Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping to settle the war without Zelenskyy or Europe at the table, a redux of Yalta.
Putin bargains as if time is on his side. The battlefield says otherwise. Reuters reported Oct. 17 that Russian advances had slowed and many front lines remained largely static.
That gives Washington room to demand reciprocity. Wicker, the Senate Armed Services Committee chairman, proposed one approach on Oct. 18: Ukrainian restraint against petroleum facilities in exchange for American targeting assistance against Russian missile launches. It deserves consideration. But Putin would still need to offer restraint of his own.
So what must Putin give up? As I argued in these pages last December, a durable agreement requires credible enforcement, and enforcement begins with concessions Moscow can be held to.
Russia must halt strikes on Ukraine's power grid and cities, the same restraint Washington demanded of Kyiv. It must accept monitored ceasefire terms, defined restrictions on military activity and consequences for violations. It must negotiate with Kyiv, not over Kyiv's head in China. And it must recognize that the size of Ukraine's army and the choice of its security partners belong to Kyiv, not the Kremlin.
For his part, Trump should preserve American reserves, expand production, insist on European performance and refuse any summit that decides Ukraine's fate without Ukraine. Diesel licenses and any further sanctions relief should depend on compliance, with automatic snap-back penalties if Moscow cheats.
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America need not send combat troops to Ukraine or finance an indefinite war to demand those safeguards.
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Trump wants the killing to stop. Whether Putin will accept enforceable limits remains unproved. The test of American diplomacy is whether Moscow earns relief through compliance and faces greater costs for renewed aggression.
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An explosion hit the 75th Arsenal, a Russian army plant in Serpukhov south of Moscow, overnight on 22 October, Russian Telegram channel Astra reported. Russian officials also claimed drone attacks on the Moscow region, Tula, and Lipetsk that night.
As Russia presses its full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s long-range drones and missiles keep hitting military plants and refineries deep inside Russia. Ukrainian outlet Militarnyi says this plant specializes in repairing Buk and S-300 air defense systems. Astra describes it more broadly, as making weapons and ammunition and repairing military equipment. If Militarnyi is right, the blast hit a site that fixes Russian air defenses. It came the night Moscow’s mayor credited air defenses with stopping hundreds of drones.
An Astra OSINT analyst placed the explosion inside the site from a video, the channel said. Residents claimed in local chats that blasts followed passing drones, then at least three missiles. Astra did not confirm the missile count. Serpukhov lies about 99 km south of Moscow. Ukraine has sanctioned the plant, and the US Treasury has listed it too. As of the morning of 22 October, no Russian official had confirmed the blast.
More footage of the attack on the arsenal in Serpukhov. We are awaiting satellite images. pic.twitter.com/tTsgc18W3L
— Exilenova+ (@Exilenova_plus) October 22, 2026
Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin claimed that 630 drones flew toward the Moscow region from 20:30 on 21 October to 04:00 on 22 October. He claimed most were destroyed far out and 163 were neutralized on approach to Moscow. Two people were injured in Voronovo, in New Moscow, he stated.
Tula Oblast Governor Dmitry Milyaev claimed air defenses downed 70 Ukrainian drones over his region. Private homes were damaged in Tula and the Zaoksky district, he stated.
Earlier in the night, Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ posted footage of commotion in Lipetsk after explosions. Lipetsk Oblast Governor Igor Artamonov claimed a drone strike damaged homes, apartment blocks, and a closed polyclinic. A man born in 2001 was injured and hospitalized, Artamonov claimed.
Lipetsk, moment of the explosion. https://t.co/wCX6GVThQr pic.twitter.com/bGwGLbUm2d
— Exilenova+ (@Exilenova_plus) October 21, 2026
In May, Ukrainian intelligence said Russia was deploying more regiments against strike drones. In September, Ukrainian units hit more Russian air defense systems and radars than in any month since 2024, Ukraine’s Defense Ministry said. Analyst Oleksandr Kovalenko counted 76 destroyed in September with days of the month still to go and argued Russia cannot replace such losses. If Militarnyi’s description holds, losing repair capacity would deepen that gap.
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