After blowing past a self-imposed August deadline, the U.S. Navy has finally announced Boeing as the winner of its F/A-XX next-generation carrier-based fighter competition. F/A-XX has become one of the most hotly anticipated U.S. defense procurement decisions in recent memory after the Pentagon tried to shelve the program indefinitely last year.
Boeing had been competing against Northrop Grumman for the F/A-XX contract. An earlier down-select reportedly eliminated Lockheed Martin back in March 2025.
TWZ has now published an initial analysis of Boeing’s winning F/A-XX design based on what can be seen in the new rendering, which you can find here.
As mentioned, the Pentagon had moved to freeze the F/A-XX program in June 2025. Three months earlier, Boeing had won a separate U.S. Air Force competition to produce what is now called the F-47. U.S. military officials had argued that the U.S. industrial base lacked the capacity to support work on two next-generation fighters simultaneously.
Congress subsequently intervened to keep the F/A-XX program running, but its future had remained very murky until earlier this year. In April, Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) Adm. Daryl Caudle said that a winner of the competition would finally be announced in August. Secretary Pete Hegseth and Acting Secretary of the Navy Hung Cao both publicly committed to that same timeline later that month. There had been concerns that the program might have slipped back into limbo after that deadline came and went. Adm. Caudle told Aviation Week‘s Brian Everstine that he himself was no longer aware of when this decision might come on the sidelines of the Tailhook Association’s annual convention last month.
Just two weeks ago, Air Force Gen. Dale White, the service’s Direct Reporting Portfolio Manager for Critical Major Weapon Systems, reiterated concerns about industrial capacity in response to a question about potential challenges in building F/A-XXs at the same time as F-47s. White also acknowledged that these concerns were “not unique” to F/A-XX and F-47.
In this context, Boeing’s win today is perhaps unsurprising. The company will be able to leverage design work it has already been doing in relation to the F-47 program, as well as relevant production experience and supply chains. TWZ had previously highlighted similarities between what was seen in a rendering the company released of its F/A-XX proposal and official renders of what it is building for the Air Force. We still have yet to learn just how closely related the two designs are.
It is also worth noting here that Boeing previously pushed back publicly on the assertion that it was not ready to meet Air Force and Navy needs at the same time.
Regardless of any industrial base considerations, top Navy officials have been consistently vocal about the need for F/A-XX, even after the Pentagon’s move to put the program on ice last year. The service has presented the next-generation fighters as essential for staying ahead of top global competitors like China and Russia, as well as smaller adversaries, such as Iran.
“I know these things are expensive, and I know the defense industrial base is compressed, but we have got to figure out how to walk and chew gum here with aircraft,” CNO Caudle said in January, just weeks before the start of major combat operations against Iran. “The folks that used to be not in [the] headspace that I needed a stealth aircraft of this level to fly a mission into their country, will gain capability that the F-18 [F/A-18E/F Super Hornet] will not match against.”
“This is an ever-evolving theme, and when you’ve got partnerships … well coupled with each other across China and Russia and Iran and North Korea, and terrorist groups that are getting that kit from all of those through back-channel ways, our ability to fly with impunity with our existing airframes is fleeting,” he added at that time. “So, if I don’t start building that [F/A-XX] immediately, you’re not going to get it for some time.”
The conflict with Iran, where U.S. crewed and uncrewed aircraft have now been lost to that country’s air defenses, adds a certain weight to Caudle’s comments here.
The selection of Boeing for F/A-XX also comes now as the Navy is making new moves regarding other aspects of its future carrier air wing plans. In particular, the service is increasingly solidifying its vision for new carrier-based Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) drones. Acting as airborne controllers for advanced drones has long been understood to be a key mission for the Navy’s forthcoming sixth-generation crewed fighters.
Update: 5:52 PM ET –
The Pentagon has now issued a full press release for the F/A-XX contract award to Boeing, which is valued at approximately $20 billion. The deal covers the “full-scale development phase” and includes the procurement of “multiple test aircraft for ground, airworthiness, systems, and weapons integration testing.”
“The F/A-XX is a critical pillar in our commitment to maintaining peace through strength. F/A-XX will dominate contested airspace, extend operational reach, and deliver a decisive combat advantage for the warfighter,” Michael P. Duffey, Under Secretary of War for Acquisition and Sustainment, has said in a statement. “The F/A-XX platform represents a crucial, non-negotiable investment in America’s national security and long-term air combat capabilities. We are joining forces with Boeing to field these capabilities rapidly, ensuring our warfighters possess the lethal and highly networked systems required to deter aggression, project undisputed power, and secure absolute air superiority.”
“This achievement marks a new era for the U.S. Navy,” Acting Secretary of the Navy Hung Cao also said in a statement. “The Sixth-Generation fighter is a generational leap in air superiority and will provide the world’s best aviators with unparalleled capabilities to fight, win, and come home safe. We are excited to partner with Boeing, and for our warfighters to continue to dominate the skies and defeat our nation’s enemies.”
“The F/A-XX will provide advanced carrier-based power projection that extends the range of the most agile and survivable airfields: U.S. Navy carriers. In addition, F/A-XX will be interoperable with manned and unmanned platforms such as Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) and increase the capability of every CCA it teams with,” the press release adds. “Following this contact award announcement, Boeing will deliver the platform to augment and eventually replace legacy F/A-18E/F Super Hornets and EA-18G Growlers beginning in the 2030s, and operate alongside the F-35C.”
The Navy has not yet announced a formal designation for the F/A-XX aircraft. If Boeing’s base design does share significant DNA with the F-47, it is possible that the designation for the new sixth-generation carrier-based fighter could reflect that.
It is also worth noting how muted the F/A-XX announcement has been across the board given how hotly anticipated it was. The contrast with the F-47 contract announcement, which was a live-broadcast event headed up by President Donald Trump from White House, is particularly striking.
Update: 6:14 PM ET –
Boeing has now put out its own press release regarding the F/A-XX contract award, which notes that “technical and programmatic details” about the aircraft “remain classified under U.S. national security and export laws.”
“It’s an honor to be selected to produce the Navy’s first sixth–generation platform,” Steve Parker, President and CEO of Boeing Defense, Space & Security, said in a statement. “Backed by decades of work, bolstered by game-changing innovations and solidified by the investments we’ve made in new facilities uniquely suited to build multiple products with next generation capabilities, our dedicated and talented team is ready to execute this critical program.”
6th-gen edge.
— Boeing Defense (@BoeingDefense) September 29, 2026
Thank you, @USNavy, for continuing our partnership to design, build and deliver your F/A-XX aircraft. We’re honored to produce the 6th-generation fighter that will revolutionize advancements in naval aviation to maintain U.S. carrier air superiority.
Release:… pic.twitter.com/LaGUxgefSm
“Delivering two advanced fighters in parallel was always our plan, and we invested accordingly,” Parker added. “We are ready and able to build multiple concurrent future combat aircraft franchise programs.”
Boeing’s release explicitly highlights a major ongoing expansion of its production and other facilities in St. Louis, Missouri. That work is also widely understood to be supporting the F-47 program, as TWZ reported separately just earlier today.
“Investment in facilities is just one part of the story,” Boeing’s Parker also said. “We’re also investing in technology and people so that we can deliver for our customers.”
As an aside, Boeing also received a separate contract today from the Navy, valued at $16,667,607, to support the final shutdown of the production line for the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet fighter and EA-18G Growler electronic warfare jet.
Great timing. The same afternoon Boeing gets F/A-XX, the Navy gives them a new contract for shutting down the F/A-18, EA-18 line
— Brian Everstine (@beverstine) September 29, 2026
Boom times are coming for STL though: F-47, F/A-XX, F-15EX increase, T-7 ramping up, MQ-25. pic.twitter.com/9TnMBC7jMb
Contact the author: joe@twz.com
The post Boeing Wins F/A-XX Next Generation Navy Stealth Fighter Contract (Updated) appeared first on TWZ.
In this episode of Rattling the Bars, the midterms edition, we take you to the Commonwealth, where Andrea James—abolitionist, author, and organizer—is currently running for governor of Massachusetts. The countdown to November 3 is officially underway. Debates are scheduled for October, but independent and third-party candidates are being excluded from participating.
Andrea James has led national campaigns to reunite families by demanding clemency from high-level officials for incarcerated women and men. Now, she is running for governor with a platform focused on rent stabilization, lower energy costs, free childcare and stopping the construction of a new $360M women’s prison.
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Credits:
MANSA MUSA: Welcome to this edition of Rattling the Bars. I’m your host, Mansa Musa.
Joining me today is Andrea James, activist in every sense of the word. I want to say abolitionist, but she’s an activist in every sense of the word, organizing, and is currently running for the governor of Massachusetts.
Thank you for joining me, Andrea.
ANDREA JAMES: Thank you for having me. It’s really great to be back in your studio, and just to have the privilege of being a part of how you disseminate information. It’s really an honor to be here, and I thank you for this opportunity.
MANSA MUSA: And we want to go on record right now saying that here at Rattling the Bars, we recognize that it’s a so-called two-party system. And we recognize that, when you’re dealing with electoral politics, that if you’re not a traditional Democrat or Republican or so-called Independent, according to their definition, you’re not going to get the recognition. So we are here primarily to level the playing field. It’s not our endorsement of it, it’s more opportunity for her to talk about her candidacy, why she’s in this position, why she’s running, and what she expect.
And with that being said, introduce yourself to our audience, Andrea.
ANDREA JAMES: Well, I want to say thank you for introducing me as an abolitionist. I mean, I am an abolitionist. I have had a direct experience that causes me to understand that this country has had more than 250, but 250 recognizable years of incarceration of prison and prison building and incarcerating people in cages. And actually, I believe in direct experience and that that’s what leaders should have, some level of direct experience so that there’s an urgency around the issues that need to be worked on. And so I’ve had the experience of incarceration myself personally, and I happen to know, having lived in a women’s prison, that they only cause further harm and that they are antithetical to getting us to a place of having whole, healed, and healthy communities and people. So I am a prison abolitionist, absolutely. And thank you for referring to me in that manner.
Why I’m running has a lot to do with that experience in 15-plus years specifically. Decades prior to that in my lifetime came from a family, African American family of Civil Rights folk breaking color barriers and so forth in law, in the field of medicine. My grandmother was the first Black nurse in the city of Boston. I’m from a community that is the most incarcerated community in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. We’ve been in Massachusetts for seven generations, in the same old house in Roxbury for five generations.
And so why I’m running is this alchemy of these life experiences that have brought me to where I am in my life today with my understanding of these issues and also who I am today. And that includes all of my life experiences, not just the highs that I’ve reached and the accomplishments that I’ve had and the academic achievements that I’ve had the privilege to be exposed to, but also my incarceration, which has been one of the most important experiences of my life that propelled me.
This was 20-plus years ago. I made a mistake in my law practice. I wound up on a prison bunk in federal prison for wire fraud. And what I received and learned from that experience after having been a criminal defense attorney, after having worked my entire adult life on ending mass incarceration and bringing attention to that issue and then having the direct experience of myself of living in a prison, I knew immediately after being surrounded by all these women, I had to survive 24 months of incarceration. I was laying next to, head to toe, head to toe, head to toe on a prison bunk next to sisters who had been in there for 24 years. I mean, I knew.
My parents were researchers of people of African diaspora. When I was a kid, they were traveling all over the world with us, showing us different cultures of our people. And one of them was a trip to Gorée Island, where we saw where they enslaved African people, put them into caves, waited for ships to come, load them on like cargo, and take them to every single place on the planet to work as labor. And when I was in that prison, I wrote a book, a memoir called Upper Bunkies Unite. And because I was on a top bunk and I remember looking up over this sea of Black women and being like, damn, the first thing that came to mind all those years later was Gorée Island, was how they stacked us.
And so I’m running for all of that, and I’m running for more of the immediacy of creating change right now. I’ve been going to the Massachusetts state House for 15 years writing policy, writing legislation, giving of my voice, my experience, to panels and state legislative hearings and congressional hearings, and being trotted out for all of the things on the federal level policy. And enough is enough. Enough is enough.
And I have done every piece. I’m older. I’m older. I believe in pouring into our young because they’re brilliant. They have a language now that like, what y’all talking about, but I like how it sounds. But we need to break the ceiling of the caste system that they expect us to continue to live under. And I refuse to do it any longer. I refuse to be made a chump in an electoral process that is not addressing the needs of the people that are millions, that, actually, in Massachusetts, have become the majority of people who are dissatisfied with either of the establishment parties, meaning the Democrats or the Republicans, that 67% of voters in the commonwealth of Massachusetts have become unenrolled.
Now, does it mean that they’re all the way over here, prison abolitionists and to the left and progressives like I am? I don’t even call myself a progressive because that’s been co-opted in so many ways to help democratic socialists get into office and so forth that do not go far enough for me. However, we need to be a part of this in more ways than just being on the table.
We need to shake up. I mean, you talk about rattling the bars, the electoral process needs to, those bars need to be rattled. We get people into office and they think the job, the hard work, was getting elected — Which is an arduous process even when you have their millions of dollars, which we don’t — But still too many of our electeds have gotten into office and they thought getting into office was the job. And then term after term after term, they’re just comfortable. It’s like, they have a job. They have a nine-to-five that they go to.
MANSA MUSA: Let me ask you this here.
ANDREA JAMES: Yeah.
MANSA MUSA: OK. So, you already clarified the so-called progressive. We agree that the term in and of itself says one thing, but the behavior says something else. But you are running as an Independent. Now juxtapose that against Bernie Sanders. Bernie Sanders has ran as the longest Independent, but how do you see yourself when you say you’re Independent? Is your Independency similar to Bernie Sanders, same, or are you saying Independent in fact and not in theory?
ANDREA JAMES: I’m Independent in fact. I mean, I’m running on issues.
MANSA MUSA: Come on.
ANDREA JAMES: I am not running on any party platform, and I refuse to be constricted by a party platform. I unenrolled because I was a member of the Democratic Party, I was raised by strong Black Democratic women over the generations in my family. I unenrolled because I thought it was unconscionable what the Democratic Party has become. And I believe that it is a duopoly between the Republican parties and the Democratic parties.
That being said, I wasn’t running on any party because I’ve seen the party that I expected to do, carry the water and make the noise on behalf of the issues that are affecting so many people. When they weren’t doing that term after term, elected position after elected position, I decided the party platforms are not going to carry the work that needs to be done. So I said, I’m going to work on these four issues.
Now I care about a lot of other issues, trust me. But right now in the compounded crises that people are going through, everyday people are going through in the communities like mine across the country, but specifically across the commonwealth of Massachusetts, we’re a commonwealth. It’s different when you’re a commonwealth, that means of the people. We become a corporate wealth. And our campaign is it’s the commonwealth, not the corporate wealth. We are under the oppression and control of a corporate agenda right now in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. So wealthy donors and corporations are getting the focus and the attention that working families, underemployed, unemployed, formerly incarcerated people, people who have gone through a state of struggle, the focus should be on. We’re a commonwealth. But I’m running on four issues.
MANSA MUSA: Come on, talk about it.
ANDREA JAMES: So that it is very clear because they’ve co-opted the term “affordability.” They’ve listened to our language and taken our language, both the Republican and the Democratic candidate, and morphed our abolitionist language into their establishment party agenda.
So I said, I’m not dealing with none of that. I’m an Independent, meaning I am running on issues, not any sort of party platform or party identity. We don’t have an Independent party in Massachusetts. We’re just called unenrolled/Independents. So it’s not even that I’m running on a platform called Independent. I’m running on four issues: housing, universal healthcare, childcare, and equitably funded education.
Why those issues? Because I am the voice of the people who have been just tamped down into a caste system that is only growing and widening. So before it used to be all of us, Black, Brown. We have a wealth gap in the commonwealth of Massachusetts that is astounding that nobody even wants to talk about. It’s always like, why has it got to be about race? Because everything is about race, baby [Musa laughs]. And so we’ve got to discuss that. But we’ve got an unemployment rate that is double for Black people in the commonwealth of Massachusetts.
And so, these are things that we have to talk about, but the issues that I’m running on are issues that would create an immediate lift. I call it lifting from the bottom and closing the gaps. When you talk about unaffordability, it is at a crisis level in this state and around the country, but housing, universal healthcare, childcare, and equitably funded education immediately gives economic empowerment to the people, the millions of people just in the commonwealth of Massachusetts alone, the wealthiest state in the country, that has been completely left out of that.
So, we have nurses and firemen right now who can’t afford places to live. And so it has expanded. It’s no longer just formerly incarcerated people who got no chance in hell — That’s got no chance in finding support, I should say. We still make it, but in finding support in climbing out of that hole they tried to bury us in and get back on our feet and raise our children and bring our families back together and restitch the fabric that they’ve shredded economically, family-wise. But it’s expanded to a lot of the middle class, so to speak, who are now feeling the same level of pain, even as they still are intact and have their jobs and may have a house or may be able to figure out how to pay their rent, but really are not making a living wage themselves.
And so housing, universal health care, why universal health care that’s single payer health care. I’ve traveled the world in the work that I’ve done as an expert on women and incarceration. I’ve talked to parliaments in different countries about the issue. I’ve visited women’s prisons all over the world. And while doing that, I have had the experience of those countries and their major cities and how they address policy. Well, housing is a number one thing in many of these places, but also they have universal healthcare. They’re not beholden to what we’re stuck with, which is the CEOs who make $200 million, with a M, a year who run health care companies in the United States. And we have no benefit of it. We pay high premiums, we have deductibles, and most of the time we have to ask if they’ll fix something for us and it’s denied.
And so universal healthcare is one way to immediately infuse some economic stability in the families and in the everyday people in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. If we have single-payer health care, which means the state takes over completely — Which we are uniquely poised to do here because Massachusetts already controls its own health care market — And so the only reason we don’t have it is that because the governor and the other leadership in the commonwealth of legislature are beholden to the wealthy donors who are the CEOs and their rank and file who donate money to these campaigns. Because there is no other way to explain in the commonwealth of Massachusetts where we already control our own health care marketplace, where it does not make fiscal sense or it’s not fiscally responsible to not have single-payer health care, that we still have it, except that we will hold in place because of the lobbyists, the health care industry, and the CEOs that make us have to pay all of this money for health care that does not produce the level of health and wellness that we deserve.
MANSA MUSA: OK. Let me ask you this here then. OK, so you already acknowledged that you got this wealth gap, and you got in terms of the political structure. So how are you managing being competitive in the sense of being able to get out and get your message out unless are you getting PAC money? Are you getting corporate money? So how are you funding your campaign? How do you see it? Because like you say, you up against, just to your own point, it ain’t commonwealth, it’s corporate wealth. If it’s corporate wealth, right?
ANDREA JAMES: Millions and millions of dollars. Millions of dollars. The Republican candidate in this race, there’s three of us. First of all, mainstream media is beholden to the Democratic Party and they only refer to her. And in reference to the Republican candidate running against us, they only refer to one opponent running this race against our current Democratic governor. There’s three of us. There’s not just two. So mainstream media plays a huge role in completely blocking.
Took 10,000 signatures, they didn’t think we could get it as an independent candidate. We got 13,311 certified signatures from the secretary of state — Certified at the secretary of state’s office, which means I am on the general election ballot on Nov. 3.
Mainstream media has refused to include me in anything. We did our first mainstream media interview that aired Sunday morning, the very first one, but yet that same network is hosting one of the few debates that the current governor, Mara Healy, has agreed [to do]. They left it up to her. They let her do all the deciding. There’s three candidates, but she’s the one that got to decide where she was going to show up. Fine. They’re excluding me from the debates, the mainstream networks. I’m a candidate. I am on the ballot, and I am being excluded from being in the debate.
When I asked the other network that I just did the interview with, why had they not invited me into the debate between the gubernatorial candidates? And they said, because the people have expressed that they only want to hear from the establishment parties. Well, that’s interesting in Massachusetts where 67% of the voter roll are currently unenrolled Independents. So who are you talking to?
And so, it doesn’t matter. What Donald Trump is doing right now with mainstream media on the national level, CNN and all them, he just kicked them out of the press [inaudible] their credentials, and they’re on the sidewalk outside of the White House trying to do an interview, being fed information from inside the press room. That’s exactly what these networks are doing to me by inviting us into the debate and allowing the voters to hear the messages, to be informed voters, and not just mainstream media being able to determine who gets to be heard and who doesn’t get to be heard. That’s violation of constitutional rights, of [the] First Amendment, there’s a plethora of wrongness with it, and that shouldn’t happen.
And so then we got to talk about the money, right? So the current governor’s a millionaire, but she also has millions of dollars that have flowed into her campaign by corporations, the CEO. And then all you got to do, it’s all public knowledge. Anybody can look at ours, they can look at theirs, and you can see where the money’s coming from. And it’s all the wealth and power in the commonwealth and people of wealth and power who want to make sure that the Democratic platform stays intact.
Now look at the Republican candidate that’s running against us. He’s got a $31 million mansion in Montana somewhere, a summer home in Montana. But he, at the start of his race, said, I’m putting $10 million into this race. So they’ve got commercials running, they’ve got all kinds of stuff that we don’t have. So the only thing that we have is an opportunity to be blessed, to be invited into opportunities like this, like what you have always provided for us at Rattling the Bars, but it’s about boots on the ground. And that’s one thing that our style of organizing didn’t change because it shifted to electoral politics.
So we know how to do this. It’s still hard because you have to pay for signs. You have to pay for, even though — Here’s an example. I don’t know if you can see it because my screen —
MANSA MUSA: Yeah, I can see it.
ANDREA JAMES: But throughout this entire campaign, our money has been spent on toner and paper. You know what I mean? Because we’ve been talking to Independent candidates, Kshama out in Washington State, and just talking to their campaign managers about how y’all getting this done against multi, multimillions of dollars that are just, they’re not even talking about us yet because they don’t want to give any rise to the awareness of people that there is a person like myself running. So they’re just suppressing everything else by covering everything with signs, with commercials, things that we just don’t have.
So we’re doing our best. We’re boots on the ground. It took them two days to get 10,000 signatures to get back on the ballot. It took us months because we were grassroots. I stood outside in the rain, the heat, the snow, whatever for months, personally asking people if they would sign my ballot sheet. But also it gave me an opportunity to have conversations with people about what’s their pain points, what do they need in their lives to create joy? It’s not just about the struggle we’re going through, but where are the investments to create joy in the lives of the people of the commonwealth, all of us.
So it has been a really — And then again, Massachusetts is a blue, blue state. We got a blue governor, which is another reason why I ran because I’m like, hold up. The line in the sand for me was we went — So, Massachusetts was one of three states up until 2000 that allowed incarcerated people to vote, full access to the ballot. They took that right away from incarcerated people in 2000 because the brothers inside of a men’s prison here called Norfolk State Prison started to organize themselves. And they started to organize themselves because of the hard draconian sentences that more of these young brothers were starting to come into the prison with these real heavy sentences hanging over them, young.
And so the Legislature was predominantly white and male was like, oh wait, you going to organize yourselves and your families on the outside? We make 7% of the population, Black folks in Massachusetts. We make up 51% of the carceral population. First of all, make that make sense. Math ain’t mathing, OK?
So they said, we’re going to strip you of the right to vote. And they did. They had to move heaven and earth. They had to change the Massachusetts Constitution to strip us of the right to vote inside.
Now, we have been fighting to reinstate that ever since. And so, they got a congressional hearing in one of the sessions, and we went and poured our hearts out. And with my testimony, I lined up the fact that this is voter suppression. This goes back to denying Black people the right to vote whenever you have a disproportionality in the numbers of Black folks in the state and the levels of incarceration, on and on. Well, they didn’t even reconvene after the hearing to discuss it. It never made it out of committee. It was what every other piece of our legislation that we have worked on over decades went to what they call “went to study.”
That was it for me. Y’all ain’t even going to huddle and discuss this after we came in and poured our hearts out about why it’s important as people who have had direct experience with incarceration for people inside to vote. I was a mother. I had a 5-month-old little baby boy when they made me go into the prison, a 12-year-old daughter, and young adult, a son and two daughters. I had good reason to still have my right to vote.
MANSA MUSA: Right. Answer this here, Andrea. And I want you to put yourself in this space, your candidacy in this space. So when we was at the Free Her March, I asked you about that, and this is what you said. You said when we first started this, the first time we came down here, we had a hundred people. The day that we was down there, we had blocks and blocks and blocks of people. We had Freedom Plaza flooded. So that’s one. I want you to put your candidacy in these two spaces. How do you see your candidacy in this light?
I was in Massachusetts, University of Massachusetts, I think year before last, where they was doing a showing of the movie called “The Strike,” where they shut down Pelican Bay, where the men shut down. How do you see your candidacy in terms of you was in a prison where they was treating y’all like animals, y’all made y’all minds up when y’all got out, when y’all got in a position to change the narrative, you was going to change it systematically and continuously, you changed it. Her movement.
When I was down there where the buses was at, I ran into a lot of sisters I had dealt with and interviewed. Everybody was energized. Strike. They organized this strike throughout California under a situation where they ain’t even had the ability to communicate. So put your candidacy under that type of light.
ANDREA JAMES: Well, we did. We started our work as incarcerated women inside of a federal prison and we were like, You know what? We don’t hear nothing about us, the separation of us from our children, whatever. So we organized ourselves in that prison, and we didn’t have no way of… We were writing letters and sending kites outside, whatever we could do to raise awareness of the issue of the incarceration of women and our separation from us from our children. But if you look at the life of a woman on a prison bunk, every issue that we are fighting for has been a factor that led them to that prison bunk. The lack of housing, the lack of health care, the lack of education, the lack of childcare, the lack of resources for the most vulnerable among us. And so that’s the first thing.
The second thing is I’m older. I’m older, and they want to create a narrative, and have created a narrative, that we have no more value and we don’t count. And the issues that we’re talking about, nobody should listen to because we have incarcerated or formerly incarcerated as part of who we are. And because of that, we just valueless now. We have no more authority. We cannot be accountable. We cannot be relied upon to run these institutions, to run these states.
And they have these positions like Qiana Johnson, county clerk. What? Come on now. We got the first formerly incarcerated Black woman who is now the clerk in Prince George’s County. This is what we talking about. We’ve got a new Black woman mayor in Washington, D.C. because of the rallying and the intense work that Black women did, formerly incarcerated Black women did, to change that and put new leadership into that seat.
So I want to be that. Let me break the mold. You know what I mean? It’s a win-win for us as far as I’m concerned because I’m challenging that. Yeah, they’re like, oh, now they started out only writing stories. There’d be one page of a story when I announced my candidacy a year ago and the whole page was filled up linking my case and talking about my transgression of wire fraud and went to federal prison as a lawyer and one little line that said, oh, and by the way, she’s running for governor.
So I’m like, OK, somebody has to step out and kind of be like, OK, I’m the whipping post. You know what I mean? Because I’m going to push back on that. And what? I don’t have time to talk about that. I have time to talk about why it’s important to have people with direct experience who actually know and have the urgency, the transparency, the accountability that it requires that we don’t currently have from our current legislature, from our current governor, particularly in Massachusetts. Massachusetts just received the Black Hole Award in the country. That means the least transparency in any state in the United States. The least. We have the least effective legislature in the entire country. So we have to do something different.
And they’ve made it impossible pretty much if you have a felony conviction to run for things. You can’t be a state legislator for the felony conviction in Massachusetts, but guess what they didn’t think anybody would have the nerve to do as a formerly incarcerated person? Run for governor. But also I’m not a politician. I’m a community organizer, and I have no interest in making a career out of starting from school committee and working my way up and sitting around in the state legislature. I’m going straight to the top.
MANSA MUSA: To the top. Yeah, that’s right.
ANDREA JAMES: Where we can get the things moving that we need to have moving. And so if this just tills the soil, I have had so many sisters in our network across the country say, hey sis, I’m going to run for office now. You’ve inspired me. That’s what I’m talking about.
MANSA MUSA: One thing for sure and two things for certain, you got a broad network in terms, I seen the response that you got from men and women coming out that’s in this space. So what kind of feedback, because you told me earlier that you’ve been traveling across the state. And I want to say this, because Massachusetts got the misnomer of being a progressive state, the Kennedy and whatnot, but talk about what kind of response you getting from the people that you’re talking to across the state. And I know you going everywhere, every crevice. Talk about the response you’re getting from the people that’s going to be responsible for you getting elected, because I believe you can get elected and you will get elected.
ANDREA JAMES: Well, those are the communities that I’m in where no other politicians seem to go. The people who represent those communities go there when it’s election time and then they become the untouchables. Nobody sees them or hears from them. I’ve been in the western part of the state, which is closer to New York than it is to Massachusetts. They wear Yankees caps as opposed to Red Sox hats because they are completely disconnected. I’m talking about what’s the Springfield, Holyoke, Chicopee, these towns that… I was in Holyoke last year and this sister said to me, you came all the way out here. And I was like, of course I came out here it’s a part of Massachusetts, isn’t it? She was like, nobody comes out here. They can’t even tell you who the governor is in those parts of the state. And it’s mostly Black and Brown. Black, Brown and poor. And they’re feeling like they don’t even vote.
And so we have this tiny, tiny base of predominantly Democrats who are holding a party platform in place. There’s not enough Republicans in Massachusetts to make that matter. And they are predominantly white. They do not have the direct experience of struggle economically, and they have co-opted the term “progressive,” and they go to things like No Kings and hold signs because that’s the only kind of way that they’re feeling like they could make a difference. They will never vote for me. And so I’m like, if you vote for me, I would love, great, you have a choice. We just want you to know that. I [inaudible] communities that are in the housing developments, you know what I mean? Up in the projects. I’m knocking doors there. I’m talking to people in towns where people are like, Don’t nobody vote out here. And I’ve never voted. But we’ve been simultaneously doing a voter registration drive along with this campaign from day one.
We have a false belief amongst the majority of formerly incarcerated Black men that I’ve found out running this race over the past year that do not even know that they can vote because they’ve been told when they leave the prison. Massachusetts, if you’re felony conviction in a state prison, they took the right to vote. But the minute you walk out of that door, if you were registered before, all you got to do is go and vote again. If you aren’t registered, you can register and vote in the next election. We can vote as formerly incarcerated people in Massachusetts as long as we are not currently serving a state prison sentence for a felony conviction.
If you’re in jail in Massachusetts, you can vote. You can vote while you are serving a misdemeanor sentence in a county jail, access to the ballot. Do they have it? No. So those are the people that we’re talking to.
And again, we live. I get it. So many people have said to me, Black people have said to me, sis, I don’t vote. I would vote for you, but I can’t vote. I’m formerly incarcerated. We correct that and say, You can. We get them registered. We tell them, you don’t have to go into the voting place. You can get a mail-in ballot. You can do all these things. The other piece of that is no matter what, too many Black and Brown folks have said to me, I don’t even believe in the process, sis. I don’t vote.
And now my response to that is one in six Black children in the commonwealth of Massachusetts go to bed hungry. 30,000 children, predominantly Black and Brown and poor kids, sleep in a car or under some makeshift shelter every single night in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. If they still go to school, they go to schools that are woefully, unequally funded, underfunded, and they just had more teacher layoffs.
If you say to me, I’m asking you, I’m an elder Black woman running for office. We’ve never had a candidate like me. I’m asking you to get engaged just to vote. Just vote. Vote for us. Vote for our issues. If I’m wrong, I’m willing to step out of the electoral process and to do. What are you doing? When I tell you that, do you have children? Most of them tell me yes. Do you care about the Black child over here who’s going to bed hungry every night, that’s sleeping on the street? If you have a better way to approach that, I’d like to know. If you have an alternative to getting somebody like myself in the governor’s seat to create immediate significant radical change that is going to start not from a budget that they’ve created that has no transparency, that nobody knows if it’s true, if it’s not true, that we voted for an audit that we can’t get.
We don’t know how much money’s there. We don’t know who’s deciding where money should be allocated. If you don’t understand the power to not start from a budget that we don’t even know if it’s true or not, but instead start from the issues and the people that need the support the most and make that the priority for the work and where the money is being spent. Then tell me what you have as an alternative for me to make sure as a mother who raised Black children, as a grandmother who now has grand babies and is from a community that the fabric has been shredded by all of these systems, you tell me what your proposal to me is so that I’m not wasting my time any longer so I can make sure that these Black babies and these poor families, white, Black, Brown, whatever, we don’t have any more children who are hungry and sleeping on the street.
MANSA MUSA: Andrea, tell our audience as we close out how they can get involved with your campaign or how they can get more information rather about your campaign.
ANDREA JAMES: We don’t have millions of dollars. We barely have any dollars. Our money comes from mostly poor, formerly incarcerated Black, white, Brown women who just are urgent to create change in their own families and communities who are struggling just to feed their kids, find a place to live and the whole bit. AJFOR — That shows my age. My kids were like, Ma, why didn’t you just put the number four? Because I didn’t know — So ajforma.com, that’s our website. You go there, there’s a volunteer form, there’s a donate button. No amount is too small. We get $5, $10, $15, $20 donations, and that has carried us for whatever we’ve been able to get the signs, whatever we’ve been able to do. We’re doing lit drops right now. Lit drops are where you carve out turf and you literally drop in literature like this so that people know we’re running and knocking on doors, door knocking.
Anybody who’s run campaigns like we have to stop prison builds and so forth, you’ve door knocked with me. Come and stand with me and door knock for this campaign now. It is change. And so that’s how they can. Ajforma.com, hit us up, send us an email, whatever you want to do, ajames@ajforma.com. All the information’s on our website. And we’ve got 45 [days]maybe, I don’t know, Nov. 3 is the election day. We are in the 11th hour, and still too many people in the commonwealth of Massachusetts who want or are looking for change don’t know about this campaign because mainstream media has intentionally left us out. And so we need help. We need boots on the ground who can go do a standout for us, disseminate our lit for us, put a yard sign if you have a yard or a window sign if you have a window. We need to raise awareness and we need to do it right now.
Over the summer, Russia intensified its use of jet-powered one-way attack drones. Flying faster and higher than the propeller-driven Shahed-136s (or Geran-2s as Russia calls their copies) that have been terrorizing Ukraine for years, these weapons are far harder to intercept. We predicted this would happen over three years ago when Iran first introduced its jet-powered Shahed-238, which itself was an adaptation of the Shahed-136. Initial variants of Russia’s copy of that drone, called the Geran-3, first appeared over the skies of Ukraine in early 2024. By mid-2025 they were becoming a real problem. Since then, the latest higher-performance variant of this weapon, the Geran-4, has added great strain to Ukraine’s dwindling air defense resources and is the source of increasing levels of destruction across the country.
The Geran-4 appeared last May, according to the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence Directorate (GUR). Unlike the Geran-3, which largely used a modified Shahed-136 airframe, the new drone has one purpose-built for higher-speed flight because “the structural strength [of the older model] was insufficient for high-speed flights, and even less so for maneuvering under high G-loads,” GUR noted.
The Geran-4’s new airframe features a blended air intake and overall “improved aerodynamic efficiency, a reinforced structure, and a turbojet engine with increased thrust,” GUR stated. “The wings are now permanently integrated into the center wing section. To reduce air resistance, the number of technological hatches on the fuselage has been minimized.”
In an overnight attack across Ukraine that lasted until Monday, “Russia launched 165 drones overnight, 79 of them jet-powered, the Air Force reported. Air defenses downed or suppressed 112, and hits were recorded at 14 locations.” You can see the aftermath of one of those attacks in the following video.
We’re under constant attack
— Antoninaodesa NAFO (@antoninaodesssa) September 28, 2026
Burn in hell, ruzzians
Recently, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) got its hands on one of these weapons. Its report offers the best view yet of what makes these drones so dangerous.
The Geran-4 is “a new, faster version of the attack drone that is proving harder for Ukrainian air defenses to intercept,” the report states. “We were given a rare opportunity to literally take this surviving drone apart and find out what makes it so much faster, more maneuverable, and more accurate.”
“The first part we uncover is the turbojet engine. It is one of the Geran-4’s most significant upgrades, allowing the drone to fly at altitudes of up to eight kilometers,” the report explained. “That’s twice as high as the older propeller-powered drones. According to specialists, drones equipped with this type of engine have already flown from Russia-occupied Crimea to Lutsk in northwestern Ukraine, a distance of more than 700 kilometers.”
RFE/RL takes apart a Russian Geran-4 drone to uncover what makes the jet-powered unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) faster, harder to intercept, and capable of operating deep inside Ukraine — from its turbojet engine and advanced camera to foreign-made communications and navigation… pic.twitter.com/WGNdlpS9w1
— Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (@RFERL) September 25, 2026
“This engine allows it to fly at speeds of up to 450 to 500 kilometers per hour over Ukrainian territory. Sometimes even faster,” RFE/RL proffered. “It flies fast and high, which is why it is still difficult to intercept.”
As the camera pans down over the engine, the reporters noted that while it is made in China, “we have investigated cases where these engines were assembled in Russia using Chinese components.”
The next component examined was the drone’s camera.
“It has several modes: daylight, night vision, and infrared,” the report stated. “The camera offers 10-times optical zoom and up to 32-times digital zoom, allowing the drone operator to view terrain from an altitude of eight kilometers.”
“If there is a relay station and it is connected to the network, an operator sitting in an automated workstation somewhere in Bryansk, Oryol, or Crimea can control the drone and guide it to its target,” RFE/RL stated.
“Once the drone is inside Ukraine, regular cellular SIM cards can help keep it connected,” the report continued. “We also found two GSM modems inside this drone. Using SIM cards, they can transmit the Geran-4’s location over mobile networks, allowing the operator to track it in real time.”
Back in 2024, we explained how Shaheds fitted with 4G modems and SIM cards from Ukrainian telecom firms, combined with a camera installed on the drone and the ability to use wireless networks, could be one of a number of avenues that would transform the Shahed into a relatively long-range reconnaissance and strike asset capable of beyond-line-of-sight real-time operations. This could help plug what at the time was a glaring gap in the Russian arsenal, although the stability of its connectivity is still unknown and providing man-in-the-loop guidances in real-time for strikes may be beyond the capabilities of this configuration, at least consistently.
Regardless, most of these drones do not have cameras or modems, they fly to a specific set of coordinates and dive on a target before detonating.
The following images offered a glimpse into that system.
— MAKS 26
Drone specialists who have investigated the remains of these weapons told the outlet that they had found SIM cards “from Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, and even some European Union countries. And the deeper we go inside the drone, the more foreign-made components we find.”
The RFE/RL team also found a Chinese mesh modem the Russians use to help guide the drone.
“It’s responsible, among other things, for radio and video communications. Essentially, this device allows the drone operator to see the video feed from the Geran-4 almost in real time,” RFE/RL stated. “The modem has a range of up to 300 kilometers and can also act as a signal relay. That means several drones flying near each other can relay and strengthen the signal, making it possible to control them over much greater distances.”
The discovery of the Chinese mesh modem illustrates something we reported earlier this year: “For some time now, Russia has been working on a man-in-the-loop (MITL) control capability for the Shahed/Geran, a feature that was confirmed when they started to appear with cameras and cellular modems, something TWZ explored in detail at the time. These developments allow the drone to be connected to an operator. Standard Shaheds fly autonomous routes to pre-planned targets on autopilot with no man-in-the-loop control. They are ‘fire and forget’ weapons.“
“Meanwhile, the range at which MITL can be achieved has been steadily increased. At first, the drones were adapted to exploit patchy cellular networks to provide additional connectivity when available. More recently, Shaheds have been flying with antennas allowing for direct line-of-sight control close to the front lines. This allows them to hit targets dynamically like an FPV drone, while packing a much heavier punch and being able to loiter for long periods of time. You can read all about this development here. Now, the datalink range is being extended using airborne signal relays, possibly creating a mesh network with multiple line-of-sight links.”
درون”Geran-4“ توقف محرك الـMicro-turbojet قبل الانقضاض على الهدف،
— TACTIX
وتتَّخذ وضعية الانزلاق البطيء، ربّما لتوفير الوقود او لدقة افضل اثناء البحث بالعدسة البصرية.
ايضاً يظهر بوضوح هوائيات الارسال Mesh Antennas
اثنان مثبَّتان على الذَّيل، أحدهما موجّه الى الاعلى والاخر الى الاسفل. pic.twitter.com/cQIyHhvbmm
Finally, the Ukrainian journalists found something else we have long reported on. Like many other Russian weapons, the Geran-4 even contains components made in America.
“Despite international sanctions, a significant portion of its components are still coming from abroad, highlighting gaps in global export control enforcement,” RFE/RL showcased. “We just opened up the drone’s onboard computer, and these circuit boards contain components made by a U.S. company. The markings on this component are partly worn off, but you can still see the manufacturer, Texas Instruments.”
“According to the specialists, what is actually Russian-made here is mainly the drone’s body and its assembly. This particular drone was manufactured and assembled at Alabuga, a major Russian drone production site. According to Ukraine’s military intelligence, Russia is now producing around 3,000 Geran-4 and Geran-5 drones a month at Alabuga and other facilities across Russia.”
Satellite images of the site first emerged in 2023, which you can see below.
Satellite images of the factory producing Iranian kamikaze drones Shahed-136 in Yelabuga, Tatarstan.#russia #Ukraine pic.twitter.com/07HBMwcGCs
— Dr. Khaled Alfaiomi (@Alfaiomi) November 15, 2023
As if the Geran-4 drones were not challenging enough for Ukraine, Russian Geran-5 jet-powered drones are equipped with “a DSMAC (Digital Sensor Module for Autonomous Navigation) module for navigation using reference images of the Earth’s surface, similar to the X-101 missile,” the Ukrainian technology monitoring channel Polkovnyk GSh reported on Telegram. DSMAC allows for a weapon to navigate without any external help from global positioning satellites. The Tomahawk also uses this system. You can read all about it and how AI embedded in Shahed models will be the next leap in true autonomy far beyond the front lines, even for hunting and killing targets of opportunity, in our special feature linked here.
In addition, Russia has installed mesh repeaters on these weapons for radio signals so that video of the attacks can be “recorded (and immediately transmitted),” presidential adviser on defense technology Serhii Beskrestnov, known as Flash, said on Telegram.
The Russian military is now capable of acquiring real-time, high-quality BDA of its strikes with Geran-type OWA-UAVs/cruise missiles in downtown Kyiv.
— Status-6 (@Archer83Able) September 27, 2026
In the footage below, we can see the moment of a Russian strike with Geran-5 cruise missile on the "Inkom" business center… pic.twitter.com/mPx4Kf9tmH
Though these jet-powered drones are causing major problems for Ukraine, the country is finding a way to combat them.
One way is by using Ukrainian Air Force F-16 Vipers to shoot them down, which you can see in the following video.
The moment a Russian jet-powered "Shahed" drone is shot down by an F-16 fighter jet using its M61 Vulcan cannon. pic.twitter.com/gU72HJTXUa
— WarTranslated (@wartranslated) September 23, 2026
The Russian jet-powered drones were largely outrunning the drone interceptors Ukraine began using with great success against the piston-driven Shaheds. Those interceptors were not only saving lives, but they were also saving money because they cost a tiny fraction of far more expensive, higher-end munitions like the PAC-3 MSE fired by the Patriot system or the AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile variants fired from the National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System (NASAMS) air defense launchers.
Seeking a more efficient and effective defense, Ukraine adapted by fielding higher-performing interceptor drones that are purpose-built to take on the jet-powered Russian munitions. Still, the engagement window for hitting the Russian drones is small, and these are more expensive to build. However, they will remain far less costly and faster to acquire than surface-to-air missiles.
In his speech earlier this week at the U.N. General Assembly, President Volodymyr Zelensky claimed that “our soldiers have already successfully tested four new jet-powered interceptor drones against Russian jet-powered Shaheds. So we are scaling up production.”
It is unclear exactly which interceptors the Ukrainian president was talking about; however, other types designed to take on Russian jet-powered Gerans have become public. One of them is the Sting S, a variant of the bullet-shaped Sting interceptor drone made by the Ukrainian Wild Hornets drone company.
On Sept. 19, the company posted a video on X claiming that “a crew from the 1020th Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment took down a Russian Geran-5 using the new STING S. This drone is faster and carries a larger explosive payload than other Geran variants.”
TWZ cannot independently verify these claims.
STING S takes down a Geran-5 jet-powered drone-missile
— Wild Hornets (@wilendhornets) September 19, 2026
The crew from the 1020th Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment took down a Russian Geran-5 using the new STING S. This drone is faster and carries a larger explosive payload than other Geran variants.
Big thanks to the… pic.twitter.com/Eg0rQgd1tL
When we asked for more details, Wild Hornets told us “that the tests are going well. About a dozen enemy ‘Geran-4′ jet-powered strike UAVs have already been shot down, as well as several ‘Geran-5’ models, just in the last few days. We should note that at this stage we are talking about only the first results of combat testing within a few select units.”
The Sting S “is a high-speed quadcopter-type interceptor,” the Wild Hornets spokesperson added. “When choosing this model, we took into account that the solution should be inexpensive, easy to use, and quickly scalable.”
“Furthermore, most of the targets during combat testing have been destroyed using ‘Hornet Vision Ctrl’ remote control technology,” the spokesman stated. Wild Hornets claims the system provides low-latency image transmission, long-range communication, and resistance to electronic warfare.
100 remote interceptions in 100 seconds: Hornet Vision CTRL in action
— Wild Hornets (@wilendhornets) September 3, 2026
Since deployment, Ukraine’s Defense Forces have remotely destroyed 1,000+ enemy targets using the system.
All thanks to the skill of crews taking down enemy drones with STING interceptors every day
“We expect this will allow us to rapidly scale up the deployment of the new interceptor once mass production begins,” the spokesperson noted.
As we have frequently noted, Russia and Ukraine continuously create new weapons and ways to defeat them. The jet-powered Russian drones, and Ukraine’s newest interceptors designed to destroy them, are the latest examples of a seemingly endless weapons evolution cycle in this war.
Contact the author: howard@twz.com
The post Russia’s Jet-Powered Shahed Drones Are Quickly Evolving As Ukraine Scrambles To Blunt Their Damage appeared first on TWZ.
O vídeo “Grandes Igrejas, Master Negócios, publicado pelo ator e comediante Fábio Porchat, na semana passada conseguiu dois feitos almejados pela campanha eleitoral do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, candidato à reeleição. O primeiro foi “furar a bolha” dos grupos já alinhados com as pautas de esquerda, e o segundo foi explicitar o elo entre o maior escândalo financeiro do país, o caso Master, e o grupo político ligado ao principal adversário de Lula na corrida presidencial, senador Flávio Bolsonaro (PL-RJ). A conclusão é do cientista político e diretor executivo da Ipse Global, Leonardo Magalhães.
“O Flávio Bolsonaro aparece como o segundo nome mais citado em um caso que nem é diretamente sobre ele, mas o envolve como um potencial beneficiário ou agente envolvido. Depois vêm o André Valadão com 11,6%, e o Nicolas Ferreira com 2,9%.”
O vídeo de Porchat foi alvo de um relatório da Ipse Global que realiza monitoramentos dos temas que movimentam a esfera pública digital para o desenvolvimento de estratégias de marketing político e eleitoral. Em entrevista à Agência Pública, Magalhães não aponta apenas pontos positivos sobre a campanha do presidente candidato à reeleição.
Magalhães explica que o acesso ao vídeo do Porchat para fora da “bolha” de Lula não significa conversão em voto. “O material circulou mais fora do campo que o produziu do que dentro dele, o que é um caso raro. Mas o alcance não é [necessariamente] adesão. Nós medimos a exposição”, explica.
Além disso, o cientista político afirma que o marketing eleitoral dos dois principais candidatos à Presidência da República estão perdendo oportunidades de obter resultados melhores nas redes sociais. O motivo seria a adoção de estratégias rígidas, ou como Magalhães nomeou: “receitas de bolo”. Para o diretor, o sucesso do filho do ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro tem ocorrido nas frentes digitais da corrida eleitoral “mais por lacunas deixadas pela campanha do Lula do que por outra coisa.”
O diretor executivo também faz um alerta, vindo das pesquisas qualitativas realizadas pela Ipse Global. A falta de confiança do eleitor nas instituições e no futuro segue crescendo, o que mantém um forte sentimento anti-sistema.
“Quem vem com uma proposta de resetar o sistema, uma coisa muito forte em 2018, fabricada pelo [Jair] Bolsonaro, acaba mantendo um eleitorado cativo. E quem sugere uma mudança no sistema, segura esse eleitorado”, argumenta.
Segundo Magalhães, isso é um desafio para o presidente que está no poder e, para o eleitor, mantém e representa esse mesmo sistema. “A campanha do Lula não entendeu que precisa dar esperança, que as pessoas precisam de caminho. [Falta dizer] ‘olha, nós também estamos insatisfeitos, se nós pudéssemos, teríamos feito mais, não tivemos oportunidade, mas, a gente quer fazer mais’”, conclui.
Leia os principais trechos da entrevista de Leonardo Magalhães à Pública:
No relatório sobre as reações ao vídeo do ator Fábio Porchat, os dados mostram que o engajamento diário saltou de 1,15% para 5,78% em uma semana. Esse vídeo conseguiu furar a bolha e chegar aos eleitores indecisos?
Chegou a quem não tem lado fixo, mas não há evidência matemática de que tenha convertido alguém. Na análise de mídias sociais, você não consegue cravar a conversão de voto a menos que tenha uma massa histórica de dados muito explícita. O que o dado preciso nos mostra é que o engajamento quintuplicou em uma semana, e o pico não aconteceu no dia do lançamento do vídeo, mas no dia da remoção do perfil do ator pelas plataformas.
Foram duas pautas que se somaram: a denúncia original e a pauta da censura. Essa segunda acabou se sobrepondo, o que atraiu muito o público que consome teorias de conspiração e polêmicas. Entre os perfis sem posicionamento definido, uma em cada quatro publicações nomeava o vídeo ou o Porchat. Na bolha de esquerda, era apenas uma em cada oito. O material circulou mais fora do campo que o produziu do que dentro dele, o que é um caso raro. Mas o alcance não é [necessariamente] adesão. Nós medimos a exposição.
Entre os nomes citados no caso, Daniel Vorcaro concentra o maior desgaste, seguido por Flávio Bolsonaro; instituições como a Igreja Batista da Lagoinha lideram o engajamento. É possível concluir que o episódio conseguiu ‘colar’ o escândalo do Banco Master ao campo bolsonarista?
Sim, eu diria que sim, os nomes citados e a forma como eles são citados também evidenciam isso. O Flávio Bolsonaro aparece como o segundo nome mais citado em um caso que nem é diretamente sobre ele, mas o envolve como um potencial beneficiário ou agente envolvido. Depois vêm o André Valadão com 11,6%, e o Nicolas Ferreira com 2,9%.
O dado mais forte é que a associação da Igreja da Lagoinha com o caso, que lidera com 49% do engajamento, não foi construída por um argumento lógico-racional, mas, sim, por cenas e imagens que circularam massivamente. O caso produziu uma quantidade enorme de registros visuais e testemunhos, o que fixa a denúncia no imaginário de forma muito mais profunda do que um texto escrito.
A campanha de Lula tenta explorar esses episódios de corrupção do adversário, mas sem o mesmo sucesso digital. Por que o vídeo do Porchat funcionou e a comunicação oficial do governo não funciona?
Porque o emissor faz parte da mensagem. No caso do Banco Master, os influenciadores respondem por 38,5% do engajamento e os políticos por apenas 21,2%. No debate digital sobre o presidente Lula na ONU, por exemplo, a proporção se inverte: 55,3% da indignação da oposição é produzida diretamente por agentes políticos e não por influenciadores.
[Essa] denúncia feita por um político é imediatamente lida pelo eleitor como peça de campanha. Ela ativa o modo de defesa do campo adversário na mesma hora. Já a denúncia feita por alguém de fora do sistema partidário é lida como apuração independente ou como uma resposta legítima da sociedade.
O adversário fica sem saber como responder, porque ele não pode atacar a sociedade civil diretamente, a menos que tente rotular aquele emissor como militante. Esse caminho de usar influenciadores, a campanha pode estimular na informalidade, mas não pode assinar, porque no momento que assina, que isso faz parte da campanha, o efeito [positivo] acaba sendo desfeito.
O campo bolsonarista optou pelo silêncio estratégico sobre o vídeo do Porchat. Essa tática de não responder foi positiva para eles nas redes?
Para eles foi, na verdade, a melhor opção que tinham à disposição. E, claramente, foi bem mais deliberado do que parece. Na bolha de direita, não localizamos publicações de destaque mencionando o Porchat ou o vídeo. Eles falam do “caso Master”, mas ignoram a peça que os acusa.
Na lógica das plataformas, responder equivale a distribuir. Cada refutação que eles tentassem fazer entregaria ao denunciante uma audiência que ele não teria sozinho, transformando uma acusação de terceiros em uma conversa entre pares.
Por outro lado, o silêncio custa caro para o Flávio Bolsonaro: quem não responde, não enquadra o assunto. Eles perderam a chance de definir o significado do caso, aceitaram o enquadramento do adversário e deixaram o tema livre para ser reciclado no futuro.
O que a força desses escândalos e a fragilidade do debate eleitoral formal revelam sobre quem pauta uma campanha digital hoje?
Não existe uma resposta única e isso fica evidente na diferença entre os casos [analisados]. O escândalo [do Master] é pautado por quem está fora da política institucional, ou na oposição. Já a disputa eleitoral, propriamente dita, continua nas mãos dos políticos.
No debate sobre o presidente Lula na ONU, 55,3% [do engajamento] foi gerado por políticos da oposição e 38,2% [gerado por políticos aliados] de apoio. [A soma é de 93% do engajamento total].
A imprensa é minoritária em engajamento nos dois casos citados: Master ou campanha eleitoral. […] A gente está vendo também um desarranjo muito grande do sistema de mídia, que é um sistema híbrido [tradicional e redes sociais].
A gente tem uma pauta que está ocupando a agenda inteira [caso Master]. A campanha está muito morna, não se fala praticamente de campanha, não se sente um clima de campanha. Isso de alguma maneira está gerando um prejuízo para a campanha do Lula, que é quem deveria, ou poderia, estar falando dos feitos deste último governo, de qual direção quer para o futuro, e não estão conseguindo. Está falando basicamente [do caso Master].
A própria mídia ajuda muito nisso e eu entendo. É interessante falar e explorar o caso Master por uma questão de audiência. Se não fizer isso, vai perder a audiência para outro que vai fazer. É o caso mais interessante e ficar falando de proposta acaba não sendo tão palatável, pensando na lógica da economia da atenção.
Pensando em Lula e Flávio Bolsonaro, alguma campanha está vencendo o debate sobre o caso Master?
Não acredito que o campo da oposição, dos bolsonaristas, tenha entendido como usar melhor o caso. Acredito que a campanha do Lula está comendo algumas bolas, [vejo] oportunidades perdidas. Talvez por não entender como utilizar o marketing político, porque ele está cheio de “receita de bolo”. Por mais que a gente fale de profissionalização e modernização das campanhas eleitorais, e de uso maior de dados segmentados, que é como a Cambridge Analytica, que ficou famosa há anos atrás.
Na minha visão, ambas as campanhas estão usando essas “receitas de bolo” para ganhar vantagem em cima do adversário. A do Flávio Bolsonaro está usando uma estratégia mais de contenção e está se dando bem mais por lacunas deixadas pela campanha do Lula do que por outra coisa.
A campanha do Lula aplicou uma regra que tende a funcionar em eleições genéricas que é a da campanha negativa, para desidratar um adversário. Principalmente, quando o adversário está tão associado, de forma tão óbvia, com provas, com imagens, a um caso de corrupção grande como é o caso Master.
Só que eles [da campanha de Lula] estão esquecendo de analisar o presente, como as coisas estão funcionando de fato, com uma mentalidade mais pragmática, não o que normalmente funciona. Na questão do Banco Master, tudo aquilo que envolve corrupção, as pessoas [que votam em Flávio] já colocaram na conta.
A campanha de Lula não entendeu [isso], apesar de todo o barulho que vários atores estão fazendo, imprensa, influenciadores, a própria campanha, toda a esfera política aliada ao Lula, e nem isso está desidratando o Flávio.
Como o governo poderia quebrar essa dinâmica?
A oposição não tem como lutar no terreno da entrega material, campo no qual o governo teria vantagem, mas, por algum motivo, está ignorando isso. Acredito que seja porque [Lula optou por] aplicar uma “receita de bolo” na campanha eleitoral.
O que a oposição faz é lutar num terreno mais favorável e o próprio campo governista está contribuindo. Em qualquer outra eleição, com qualquer outro candidato, em qualquer outra circunstância, um candidato com as suspeitas que recaem sobre o Flávio Bolsonaro não teria a menor chance de vencer. Não alcançaria nem 5% [dos votos]. Mas, evidentemente, tem alguma coisa ligada ao antipetismo [ou] ao bolsonarismo, que faz a oposição lutar em um terreno mais favorável.
Para reverter isso [é preciso] atuar com mais informação. [A campanha de Lula] tem que dar uma forma narrativa ao que já foi entregue [pelo governo]. Com rosto, emoção, lugar, conflito, mostrar um antes e um depois, indicar para onde quer ir.
Isso que o governo deveria fazer, enriquecer essa narrativa para se diferenciar do adversário, ele pode fazer isso. Mas tem que entregar de uma maneira mais sistêmica essa narrativa. Não é colocar todas as fichas em cima de falar sobre os defeitos do adversário, quando isso não está funcionando e talvez não funcione também no segundo turno.
O vídeo [do Porchat] é um modelo de formato. Ele conta uma história que funciona, com personagens, não é um balanço de governo. Como campanha negativa, [porém], não é a resposta ideal para a campanha do Lula porque continua jogando exclusivamente nesse campo [de abordar o escândalo do Master] que é um campo menos pior para o adversário [Flávio Bolsonaro].
O relatório aponta que o enquadramento de “corrupção moral” responde por 67,2% dos debates do caso Master. Já os sentimentos de indignação e desprezo geram 85% de reações relacionadas a ele. Por que a pauta moral engaja tanto mais do que os debates sobre economia e entregas sociais?
A razão disso é mais econômica, no sentido de custo [pessoal]. A acusação moral não exige que o eleitor verifique nada, é o suficiente. [O eleitor] precisa apenas reconhecer uma cena. Já a entrega material exige que o eleitor identifique um benefício na própria vida, ou na vida de quem ele reconhece como família, ou, de maneira um pouco mais ampliada, como comunidade. E esse processo é bem mais lento e menos compartilhável.
O que as pesquisas qualitativas estão identificando e como isso afeta o comportamento eleitoral brasileiro?
O que a gente vê é uma falta de confiança enorme, crescente, nas instituições, no futuro, no outro. E também uma insatisfação muito grande com o sistema. Como se, após várias décadas de promessas de que haveria crescimento na qualidade de vida, isso não se sustentasse mais.
As pessoas estão insatisfeitas, têm que colocar a culpa em alguém. Então, quem vem com uma proposta de resetar o sistema, uma coisa muito forte em 2018, fabricada pelo [Jair] Bolsonaro, acaba mantendo um eleitorado cativo. E quem sugere uma mudança no sistema, segura esse eleitorado.
A campanha do Lula não entendeu que precisa dar esperança, que as pessoas precisam de caminho. [Falta dizer] ‘olha, nós também estamos insatisfeitos, se nós pudéssemos, teríamos feito mais, não tivemos oportunidade, mas, a gente quer fazer mais’.
A resposta que [o governo Lula] deu nos últimos anos é muito baseada na defesa do sistema, em fazer certos acordos, e não em combater o bolsonarismo. Apesar de ser mais neoliberal, mais pró-sistema do que o governo Lula, [o bolsonarismo] habilmente monopolizou a rebelião antissistema.
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JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frUn homme se penche, saisit une poubelle qui brûle, la traîne loin des grilles d'un lycée, se relève et danse avec les élèves qui l'applaudissent. Un peu plus tard, il applaudit les pompiers. C'est la séquence complète, publiée par L'Humanité. Celle qui a tourné d'abord, diffusée par le site militant Frontières, commence après le geste : on y voit un élu s'écarter d'un feu et danser. Vingt secondes, et l'affaire était faite.
Bally Bagayoko, élu maire de Saint-Denis en mars, a démenti mardi devant la presse, au lycée Paul-Éluard : « Je n'ai évidemment ni allumé ni encouragé de feu de poubelle », « j'ai au contraire tenté de l'éteindre ». Des lycéens ont raconté à l'AFP qu'il leur criait d'arrêter de mettre le feu. Le député RN Julien Odoul avait dénoncé la scène sur CNews avant que la version longue ne circule.
Le montage n'est pas un mensonge. C'est une vérité à laquelle on a retiré ce qui la contredit.
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S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frLa veille, lundi, Mediapart publiait des dizaines de conversations écrites datées de 2013 à 2015, qu'il dit avoir vérifiées de façon indépendante, et qui attribuent à Jordan Bardella des propos antisémites. Le président du Rassemblement national parle de « propos parfaitement délirants », de faux grossiers, et a chargé son avocat d'engager les actions nécessaires. Marine Le Pen dénonce des manigances. Aucune expertise technique extérieure des pièces n'a été rendue publique à ce jour.
Disons-le sans détour, parce que c'est la ligne de ce journal et non une précaution d'écriture : si ces écrits sont authentiques, rien ne les excuse, aucune position diplomatique ne les rachète, et il n'y a pas d'indulgence à négocier. Mais nous ne le savons pas encore. Et « nous ne le savons pas encore » est exactement ce que plus personne ne supporte d'entendre.
Car les deux camps ont fait le même calcul en vingt-quatre heures. D'un côté, le clip a valu constat. De l'autre, le fichier vaut condamnation. Chacun a reconnu dans la pièce ce qu'il savait déjà, et s'est épargné la peine de l'ouvrir.
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REJOINDRE LE FIL t.me/resterlibreOn m'objectera que le journalisme ne peut pas attendre les tribunaux, et c'est vrai : un journal qui ne publierait qu'après un arrêt définitif ne publierait jamais rien. Mais publier une pièce et prononcer une sentence sont deux actes distincts, et ce ne sont pas les mêmes gens qui les commettent. Mediapart a publié et dit avoir vérifié — c'est son métier, et il en répondra. Frontières a coupé. Ceux qui ont conclu, dans les deux affaires, ce sont ceux qui regardaient.
Or une accusation et sa rectification ne circulent pas à la même vitesse, pour une raison qui n'a rien de mystérieux : la rectification n'est pas amusante. La séquence longue de Saint-Denis existe, elle est datée, elle est accessible à quiconque veut cliquer — elle ne fera pas le tiers du chemin des vingt secondes. Et si les conversations publiées lundi sont un jour écartées par un juge, dans dix-huit mois, à la page des brèves, qui le lira ?
Nous avons donc deux régimes de preuve pour un seul pays. Quand la pièce accuse l'adversaire, elle suffit. Quand elle accuse les nôtres, on demande une expertise, un contradictoire, un délai. Et chacun trouve l'autre partial, ce qui est la seule chose sur laquelle les deux camps aient raison.
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LAISSER UN POURBOIRE merci !Il faudrait se demander ce que nous avons fait, nous, pendant ces vingt-quatre heures. Pas les médias, pas les partis : nous, qui avons regardé, partagé, tranché. Le test est simple et il ne coûte rien à passer : sommes-nous aussi pressés de vérifier lorsque la pièce accuse quelqu'un de notre bord ? Si la réponse est non, nous ne sommes pas des citoyens informés. Nous sommes des supporters avec une connexion.
Voilà ce que la liberté demande de plus banal et de plus difficile : accepter de rester vingt-quatre heures sans avis. Ce n'est pas de la prudence, c'est un exercice, et il se pratique contre soi.
En France, le verdict ne suit plus l'enquête. Il l'attend, déjà rédigé.
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JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe 16 novembre 2016, à Bobigny, Emmanuel Macron annonçait sa candidature. Il avait trente-huit ans, aucun mandat électif derrière lui, trois mois de vie civile depuis sa démission du gouvernement, et une dizaine de points dans les sondages. Cinq mois plus tard il était élu. On a beaucoup écrit sur le personnage ; on a moins regardé le gabarit. Ni élu, ni militant, ni comptable d'un bilan devant des électeurs, mais lourd d'une excellence certifiée par des institutions — l'Inspection des finances, une banque d'affaires, un secrétariat général adjoint, un ministère par nomination.
Ce gabarit n'était pas un accident. C'était une réponse à une panne, et la panne est revenue.
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S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frRegardons l'offre. Édouard Philippe est mesuré à 19 % d'intentions de vote quand il n'a qu'un concurrent au centre, à 17 % quand il en a deux, à 14 % quand ils sont trois, selon la notice déposée le 14 septembre à la Commission des sondages par Toluna Harris Interactive. Sa cote de popularité recule de trois points en un mois chez Odoxa, à 27 %, et de dix points depuis mai 2025. Une information judiciaire a été ouverte au printemps sur la gestion du pôle numérique du Havre ; il n'a pas été mis en examen et bénéficie de la présomption d'innocence, mais le dossier existe et il pèse.
Gabriel Attal va de 8 à 15 % selon le nombre de concurrents. Il progresse — trois points et huit places au baromètre Cluster 17 de septembre — et c'est précisément son problème : à trente-sept ans, après un passage à Matignon qui aura duré huit mois, il monte dans les classements de sympathie sans jamais franchir le plafond de la crédibilité présidentielle. Bruno Retailleau ne dépasse jamais 10 % dans aucune hypothèse, et perd six points de popularité en un mois, à 20 %. Il tient une ligne, ce qui est déjà rare ; il ne tient pas un électorat.
Élargissons, puisque c'est la mode, et comptons le Parti socialiste dans le bloc central — ce que personne n'assume et que tout le monde pratique. Raphaël Glucksmann a annoncé sa candidature le 23 août, ce qui lui donne un avantage sur les trois précédents : il existe. Il est mesuré entre 9 et 12 %. On dira qu'il progresse, et c'est vrai — il est le seul du haut de tableau à gagner un point en septembre chez Odoxa. Mais une candidature déclarée qui ne décolle pas est un plafond, pas un plancher, et il lui manque les trois choses qu'on ne fabrique pas en dix-huit mois : le charisme, l'habileté de manœuvre, et cette crédibilité gouvernementale qui ne s'acquiert qu'en ayant tenu un ministère par gros temps.
Quatre hommes, quatre plafonds. Aucun n'émerge, et chacun empêche les autres.
Voilà où le sujet devient sérieux. Dans l'hypothèse où le centre et la gauche non insoumise présentent trois candidats, le mieux placé d'entre eux est à 14 %. Jean-Luc Mélenchon est à 16. Marine Le Pen est à 33. Faites l'addition : le second tour se joue sans le bloc central.
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JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe feuilleton judiciaire Foodora illustre une mécanique institutionnelle où les créances sociales et les droits individuels s’affrontent désormais devant le tribunal judiciaire de Paris. Et rien n’est encore définitivement réglé.
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S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe 23 septembre 2026, l’Urssaf a demandé la condamnation solidaire de Foodora et de deux anciens dirigeants à lui verser 2,7 millions d’euros. La somme correspond aux cotisations sociales que l’organisme estime avoir été éludées lorsque les coursiers étaient présentés comme indépendants alors que leur relation de travail relevait, selon l’accusation, du salariat. Foodora a cessé son activité en France en 2018 ; 4 600 coursiers avaient été recensés par l’Urssaf.
L’entreprise et ses deux anciens dirigeants avaient déjà reconnu leur culpabilité dans une procédure de plaider-coupable en mars. Foodora avait accepté une amende de 200 000 euros, tandis que Boris Mittermüller et Stéphane Mac Millan Gay avaient accepté respectivement 50 000 et 20 000 euros d’amende, ainsi qu’une interdiction de gérer de trois ans avec sursis.
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REJOINDRE LE FIL t.me/resterlibreLe nouveau volet financier a toutefois provoqué le report au 27 janvier de l’examen des dommages et intérêts réclamés par les 231 anciens coursiers. La défense invoque des discussions en cours avec l’Urssaf. Son avocat affirme que des « pourparlers avancés » pourraient aboutir à de nouvelles informations début 2027. L’Urssaf elle-même a évoqué un préjudice susceptible d’évoluer puisque des versements de Foodora ont déjà été perçus.
Les avocats des livreurs demandent, eux, plusieurs milliers d’euros par personne au titre du préjudice moral et de la précarité financière. Ils soulignent également que certains documents professionnels, comme les certificats de travail ou attestations France Travail, ne seraient toujours pas régularisés.La procédure est en cours. Aucune décision définitive n'est rendue sur ce redressement, dont le montant et le sort restent à trancher.
Pendant ce temps, les coursiers attendent une réparation que Foodora a pourtant admis leur devoir. On ignore comment l'éventuel redressement s'articulerait avec les indemnités des livreurs, et si la plateforme peut honorer les deux. Une transaction entre la société et l'Urssaf ne prévoit rien pour les victimes, qui n'y sont pas parties.Les livreurs ont été privés de leurs droits une première fois. Ils risquent de l'être une seconde, par une puissance publique qui règle ses comptes d'abord.
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LAISSER UN POURBOIRE merci ! #Guine Laissez mon pre rentrer la maison. Il y a un an, des hommes non identifis ont enlev le pre de @Mamoudou Babila Keita son domicile, en reprsailles son travail journalGerman authorities have frozen €5.9 million ($6.5 million) in assets of an operator of a fast-growing intensive-care nursing service. She is now in custody over allegations that the company billed public health insurers for services that were never fully provided or were performed by unqualified staff, causing an estimated €11 million in damage.
Zeynep C., 39, a Turkish national who rose from supermarket work to run White Angels Intensive Care, was arrested Sept. 17 during coordinated raids involving more than 200 officers from police, customs and financial crime units. The case is making major headlines, also in part due to the luxury lifestyle she was living.
Her 44-year-old German husband was also detained. Both remain in pretrial custody.
Thirteen people ages 20 to 54 — of Turkish, Moroccan, Egyptian and German nationality, some with dual citizenship — are also under investigation.
The Wuppertal public prosecutor’s office, which specializes in health-care billing fraud, said investigations began in December 2025 after anonymous tips. Over eight months, detectives examined a network of companies centered in the Düsseldorf and Mettmann area that provided outpatient intensive care, including home ventilation and palliative services, to severely ill patients.
Prosecutors allege the group billed statutory health insurers for intensive-care hours that were not delivered or were incomplete, and that some care was given by staff lacking the required qualifications.
“They must keep qualified personnel available around the clock for seriously ill patients. Those are considerable wage costs that an employer also has to bear,” Chief Prosecutor Wolf-Tilman Baumert told WDR. Using unqualified workers or billing for nonexistent care made “huge profits” possible, he said.
Company records reviewed by investigators showed explosive growth. After roughly eight months of operation under its current name, the service posted about €1 million in profit by the end of 2023. Profit rose to nearly €3 million in 2024, with €11 million in revenue projected for 2025 — a figure that now matches the estimated total loss to insurers. The firm, previously called CAN-Vefa GmbH, marketed itself as offering “culturally sensitive care” with a multilingual team.
During the searches of 31 homes, offices and practices across North Rhine-Westphalia and one site in Hesse, officers found a care-dependent child in a Düsseldorf apartment in “very poor health.” The child was taken by ambulance to a hospital for inpatient treatment; child-protection officials were notified. Authorities said any proven neglect of patients would be an aggravating factor in the case.
Seized items included several luxury vehicles registered as company cars — a Maybach, Mercedes-AMG models and a purple Lamborghini — plus €51,000 in cash, jewelry valued at €265,000, gold worth about €10,000, designer handbags and watches totaling more than €150,000. Mortgages totaling €3.3 million were placed on properties. At the couple’s home in Mettmann, police also recovered a loaded firearm, marijuana and anabolic steroids. A doctor’s stamp, which investigators believe used to forge prescriptions, was among the documents seized.
Zeynep C. had cultivated a public image of success. Photos circulated in German media showed her wearing Chanel-branded clothing and accessories alongside images of the seized Lamborghini being towed. Prosecutors are examining whether the luxury spending was financed by the alleged fraud.
The Düsseldorf-based nursing company itself has not been shut down and continues under a different manager, according to local reports. No charges have been filed yet, and the investigation is still underway.
Billing fraud of this scale, if proven as commercial and organized, can carry prison terms of up to 10 years under German law. If prosecutors discover children and other patients were left untreated or poorly treated due to fictional or inadequate care services, the length of potential prison sentences could expand significantly.
The post Germany: Turkish national went from working in supermarket to buying purple Lamborghini and gold watches through €11 million healthcare fraud scheme appeared first on Remix News.
A 93-year-old disabled woman, who neighbors described as “the little grandmother of the neighborhood,” was found dead inside her small house in Toulouse on Sunday afternoon. Inside the home, police arrested a naked Sudanese illegal migrant in his 30s, according to French media reports.
Neighbors in the Minimes district, behind the Cité Bourbaki housing complex, called police after hearing prolonged screams and insults coming from the house of the woman, identified by local media as Juliette.
Officers arrived about 5:00 p.m. Sunday and found her body inside. The Sudanese migrant was subsequently removed from the residence, with neighbors telling the press that he was naked and fighting with officers as they tried to restrain him.
One officer was injured in the shoulder, according to accounts given to La Dépêche du Midi and confirmed by the Toulouse prosecutor.
Toulouse prosecutor David Charmatz said the suspect was “in an altered state,” according to witnesses at the scene, and that police subdued him only with difficulty.
A homicide investigation was opened. Charmatz’s office sent a duty magistrate to the scene to oversee detectives and speak with family members who arrived later in the evening.
Police technicians and investigators from the organized and specialized crime division remained at the house for hours. Additional charges could be added as the inquiry proceeds, local reporting said. The precise cause and circumstances of the woman’s death had not been publicly detailed Monday.
Residents described Juliette as a longtime fixture of the street.
“She was the little grandmother of the neighborhood,” one neighbor told La Dépêche, still in shock.
A man in his 30s who lives next door said, “It’s awful. She saw me being born. We used to do her shopping.”
A frightened resident who called emergency services said the shouting “kept going” and that she did not immediately understand where it was coming from.
The suspect remained in custody Monday.
The post France: 93-year-old disabled woman found dead inside her house, naked Sudanese man arrested inside appeared first on Remix News.
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JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frLa Ville de Rennes a annoncé le 24 septembre 2026 la mise en place de ce dispositif, officiellement destiné à lutter contre l’habitat indigne. Mais derrière cet objectif légitime se dessine aussi une nouvelle étape dans l’encadrement administratif du marché locatif privé.
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S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe dispositif concernera les logements de moins de 20 m² construits avant 1975 dans le centre ancien. Avant chaque nouvelle mise en location, le propriétaire devra déposer une demande sur une plateforme en ligne, puis accepter une visite de contrôle organisée par la municipalité.
La mairie disposera ensuite d'un délai d'un mois pour répondre. L'autorisation accordée sera valable deux ans. En l'absence de demande ou d'autorisation, les sanctions pourront atteindre 5 000 euros, puis 15 000 euros en cas de récidive dans les trois ans.
Le mécanisme n'est pas une invention rennaise. Créé en 2014, le « permis de louer » est déjà appliqué dans plus de 700 communes françaises. Rennes étend donc à son tour une logique où la collectivité intervient directement avant qu'un propriétaire puisse proposer son bien à la location.
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REJOINDRE LE FIL t.me/resterlibreSur le principe, contrôler les logements présentant des risques pour leurs occupants peut se comprendre. Mais le changement de logique mérite d'être regardé de près : le propriétaire ne se contente plus de respecter les normes applicables ; il doit désormais solliciter une validation administrative préalable.
Pour un propriétaire d'un petit deux-pièces, la location devient ainsi une procédure : dossier, inspection, délai d'attente et renouvellement périodique de l'autorisation. Le risque financier, lui, est loin d'être symbolique.
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LAISSER UN POURBOIRE merci !La question dépasse donc Rennes. La mairie contrôle, le propriétaire supporte le risque, le locataire subit la rareté. Un droit de propriété qu'il faut faire valider tous les deux ans par l'administration n'est plus un droit : c'est une concession.
Durante todo o mês de outubro, o Município de Loulé coloca a causa animal no centro da agenda local com o lançamento do evento Loulé Festival Animal. Esta iniciativa, integrada na política municipal para o Bem-Estar Animal, apresenta um programa diversificado repleto de atividades presenciais e digitais focadas na sensibilização, adoção responsável e proteção da biodiversidade.
O festival arranca a 1 de outubro, com a comemoração do Dia do Cão Idoso. Neste dia será conhecido o vencedor do concurso digital, que decorreu nas últimas semanas, para encontrar o canídeo mais idoso do concelho. Uma iniciativa que pretende conscientizar sobre as necessidades especiais dos cães em idade avançada.
No Centro Autárquico de Quarteira inaugra a exposição fotográfica da autoria de Carlos Filipe, “À espera de um lar”. Ao longo de todo o mês vai ser possível visitar esta mostra, que conta com fotografias exibindo histórias de cães e gatos para adoção na Associação Animal Rescue Algarve (ARA).
No dia 3, das 10h às 15h, a Cerca do Convento do Espírito Santo, em Loulé, recebe a Feira do Bem-Estar Animal. No recinto estarão presentes diversos expositores, associações locais, cuidadores, sessões de desenho e contos infantis. Pretende-se que esta seja uma montra do trabalho que é realizado em todo o território concelhio ao nível da causa animal.
O Dia da Adoção Animal assinala-se a 4 de outubro e para marcar a data, a Praça do Mar, em Quarteira, recebe algumas iniciativas para uma adoção responsável, sob o mote . “Adop.Don’t shop!”. O acolhimento será feito pela ARA, estando ainda prevista uma Cãominhada e um sorteio de prémios. Quem quiser adotar o animal poderá fazê-lo aqui.
A 10 de outubro, o festival agrega uma iniciativa inovadora: sessões de Kitty Yoga/Pilates dirigidas a gatos. A atividade acontece no Gatil do Canil de São Francisco de Assis, assinalando o Dia Mundial da Saúde Mental.
Também neste dia celebra-se o Dia Mundial das Aves Migratórias e para alertar para o crime que constitui a captura de aves selvagens, irá realizar-se uma atividade de informação e divulgação nas redes sociais, numa ação que tem como parceiro a Associação Almargem.
Nos dias 13, 14 e 15, no Mar Shopping Algarve, o Município dá a conhecer o Kit de Emergência PET. No Dia Internacional para a Redução do Risco de Desastres, este ano subordinado ao tema “A resiliência começa em casa”, pretende-se informar sobre o conjunto de bens essenciais fundamentais para garantir a segurança e a autonomia do animal durante pelo menos 72 horas, em situações de crise, tais como catástrofes naturais (sismos, incêndios, cheias), falhas prolongadas de energia ou evacuações de emergência.
Ainda neste âmbito, irá realizar-se uma formação de “Primeiros-Socorros” a animais.
O Dia Internacional do Bicho-Preguiça acontece a 17 de outubro. O Loulé Festival Animal vai dar a conhecer a necessidade de preservação desses animais e promover a importância de viver de forma mais lenta e consciente, através da iniciativa “Estórias para famílias”, que acontece na Biblioteca Municipal de Loulé. No mesmo local, no dia 24, entre as 10h00 e as 12h00, as famílias podem participar numa oficina de dedoches, “Animais na ponta do dedo”.
Antes, no dia 21, pelas 11h, o executivo municipal e a equipa do Bem-Estar Animal visitam as instalações da Cimpor tendo em vista a criação da primeira colónia de gatos empresarial.
Finalmente, no encerramento do mês, dia 31 de outubro, no Mar Shopping Algarve, tem lugar o Algarve Coolest Dog, um evento lúdico que irá premiar os cães em diversas categorias como “o melhor apanhador de biscoitos”, “o mais barulhento”, “o mais pachorrento”, “o melhor truque” ou “o mais feliz”.
No ano do seu lançamento, o Loulé Festival Animal prolonga-se no tempo. O encerramento oficial está agendado para o dia 10 de janeiro de 2027, data em que se celebrará a 1ª Missa de Bênção do Animal em Loulé. Esta celebração religiosa e comunitária também irá assinalar formalmente o encerramento das comemorações do Ano Jubilar da Morte de São Francisco de Assis, o padroeiro dos animais e da ecologia.
Com a aposta na realização deste festival, a Câmara Municipal de Loulé reforça o seu compromisso contínuo na sensibilização da comunidade para o respeito, dignidade e proteção de todos os animais de companhia e vida selvagem.
LA NEWSLETTER · GRATUITE
L'essentiel de l'actualité, passé au crible par les cinq plumes du Courrier. Dans votre boîte, chaque jour ouvré.
Gratuit. Vous restez libre de partir quand vous voulez.
JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe baromètre Odoxa-Mascaret pour Public Sénat et la presse quotidienne régionale, réalisé les 23 et 24 septembre 2026 auprès de 1 005 personnes représentatives de la population française âgée de 18 ans et plus, mesure 27 % d'opinions favorables pour Édouard Philippe, en recul de 3 points. L'institut relève une baisse de dix points depuis mai 2025.
La même série le mesurait à 30 % en mai 2026, après un recul de 2 points en mai et de 4 points en avril, soit six points sur deux mois.
Le tableau de bord des personnalités de l'Ifop, réalisé les 2 et 3 septembre 2026 auprès de 1 034 personnes, mesure 46 % de bonnes opinions, en recul de 2 points, et le place au cinquième rang. Les trois premières places sont occupées par des personnalités sans mandat électif en exercice. Gabriel Attal y est mesuré à 43 %.
Les deux instruments ne donnent pas le même niveau — 27 % et 46 % — parce qu'ils ne posent pas la même question. Seules leurs évolutions respectives sont comparables. Elles vont dans le même sens.
ABONNEMENT
Deux grands formats par jour. Les cinq plumes du Courrier. La série Sécession, le dimanche.
Le monde commente. Vous, vous comprenez.
S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frL'enquête Toluna Harris Interactive pour M6 et RTL, dont la notice a été déposée le 14 septembre 2026 auprès de la Commission des sondages, a été réalisée du 8 au 10 septembre auprès de 2 052 personnes inscrites sur les listes électorales. Édouard Philippe y est mesuré à 14 % dans l'hypothèse qui retient également Raphaël Glucksmann et Gabriel Attal, à 17 % dans celle qui ne retient que Glucksmann, et à 19 % dans celle qui substitue François Hollande aux deux précédents.
Sur les autres enquêtes de la période, il est mesuré entre 14,5 et 18 % par l'Ifop les 24 et 25 août, entre 17 et 19,5 % par Elabe du 26 au 28 août, et à 19 % par Cluster 17 pour Politico les 15 et 16 septembre. L'enquête Odoxa-Mascaret des 20 et 21 mai le mesurait à 17 %, en recul de 4 points sur la vague précédente.
La borne basse de cette fourchette, 14 %, correspond à l'hypothèse où trois candidats du centre et de la gauche non insoumise se présentent simultanément. Dans cette configuration, Jean-Luc Mélenchon est mesuré deux points au-dessus de lui.
TELEGRAM · L'INFO EN CONTINU
La newsletter vous donne le matin. Le fil vous donne l'instant.
Gratuit, et en continu.
REJOINDRE LE FIL t.me/resterlibreDans le même sondage Toluna, Édouard Philippe obtient 45 % face à Marine Le Pen, contre 49 % dans la vague d'août 2026 : quatre points en un mois. Gabriel Attal y est mesuré à 44 %, contre 45 % en août. Sur le second tour, l'institut annonce une marge d'erreur de 2,9 à 3,1 points selon le score visé.
En mai, l'enquête Odoxa-Mascaret donnait un second tour Jordan Bardella-Édouard Philippe à 52-48, après des vagues précédentes qui plaçaient Philippe en tête.
Une information judiciaire a été ouverte au printemps 2026 sur la gestion du pôle numérique du Havre. Les qualifications visées, telles que rapportées par la presse, sont le détournement de fonds publics, le favoritisme, la prise illégale d'intérêts et la concussion. Les faits portent sur une convention conclue en 2020 entre la communauté urbaine et l'association LH French Tech, qui a perçu 2,154 millions d'euros de compensation publique. Un signalement avait été adressé au Parquet national financier en septembre 2023, des perquisitions ont eu lieu en avril 2024, et le PNF a pris des réquisitions aux fins d'ouverture d'une information judiciaire le 7 mai 2026.
Aucune mise en examen n'a été rapportée à ce jour. Édouard Philippe bénéficie de la présomption d'innocence. Son entourage a indiqué qu'il répondrait aux questions de la justice, comme il l'a toujours fait.
Odoxa rattache explicitement le recul de mai à l'ouverture de cette enquête. L'Ifop, qui mesure un recul sur la même période, n'avance pas de cause.
TIPS · SANS ABONNEMENT
Un média libre vit de ses lecteurs. Un pourboire ponctuel, sans compte ni engagement, quand le cœur vous en dit.
Vous donnez ce que vous voulez. Vous restez libre.
LAISSER UN POURBOIRE merci !Édouard Philippe demeure le candidat du bloc central le mieux placé dans la plupart des hypothèses testées, et le seul mesuré à 19 % dans deux enquêtes de septembre. Au second tour, il conserve un point d'avance sur Gabriel Attal. L'Ifop relève qu'il garde un avantage parmi les sympathisants de Renaissance et les électeurs d'Emmanuel Macron en 2022. Son score de premier tour est le plus élevé lorsque le nombre de candidatures concurrentes au centre est le plus faible, ce qui dépend de décisions qui ne lui appartiennent pas.
Aucune des personnalités du bloc central n'a déclaré sa candidature. Les instituts testent des hypothèses qu'ils construisent, et ces hypothèses diffèrent d'une enquête à l'autre : une variation de score peut donc traduire un changement d'opinion ou un changement de configuration testée. Les marges d'erreur annoncées, de 1,4 à 2,9 points au premier tour, sont du même ordre que la plupart des écarts commentés. Les baromètres de popularité et les intentions de vote mesurent deux objets différents, et rien n'établit que l'un précède l'autre.
Trois séries reculent sur la même période. Elles ne disent pas si le mouvement se poursuivra.
“Oii Pri, boa noite. Você tem como me enviar uma conta do apartamento de vocês no nome do meu pai? Água, luz, telefone, internet… Vamos tentar tirar a driver license do Alexandre amanhã no DMV”, diz a primeira mensagem. E a seguir: “Fiz o contrato aqui também para ele levar como se tivesse alugado o quarto. Vamos ver como vai ser”.
Essas mensagens de WhatsApp fazem parte da investigação da Polícia Federal (PF) sobre a fuga de Alexandre Ramagem para os Estados Unidos em setembro do ano passado. Elas foram enviadas por Celso Rodrigo de Mello, filho de Rodrigo Martins de Mello, conhecido como Rodrigo Cataratas, para a esposa de seu pai em 15 de setembro de 2025. Cataratas foi condenado em fevereiro deste ano a mais de 16 anos de prisão por liderar uma organização criminosa responsável pela mineração ilegal de cassiterita e ouro dentro da Terra Indígena Yanomami. Em resposta, Priscila Freitas de Melo diz apenas “Oi Deixa eu ver aqui”. DMV é o departamento estadual de trânsito da Flórida.
As mensagens fazem parte de uma série de diálogos, fotos e notas recuperados do celular de Priscila aos quais a Agência Pública teve acesso. Elas comprovam que a família de Rodrigo Cataratas ciceroneou, forneceu auxílio material e hospedou Ramagem logo na sua chegada à Flórida, foragido do Brasil. A apuração foi feita com apoio do ICIJ, Consórcio Internacional de Jornalistas Investigativos.
Diretor da Abin (Agência Brasileira de Inteligência) durante o governo Bolsonaro, Ramagem foi condenado pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em 11 de setembro de 2025 a 16 anos de prisão pela tentativa de golpe de Estado. Os ministros consideraram que ele utilizou a estrutura da Abin para monitorar adversários e apoiar a trama golpista do ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Na ocasião, ele também perdeu o seu mandato como deputado federal (PL-RR) e o cargo que tinha na Polícia Federal. Desde 21 de novembro, antes da condenação, o STF já havia decretado sua prisão preventiva por suspeita de fuga. Ele segue foragido da Justiça brasileira.
A família de Cataratas, incluindo Priscila e Celso, é investigada por ter ajudado a fuga de Ramagem do Brasil através do município de Bonfim, em Roraima, que faz fronteira com a cidade de Lethem, na Guiana, em 9 de setembro de 2025. Da Guiana, Ramagem pegou um avião para os Estados Unidos, onde teria chegado no dia 11 de setembro, segundo a PF. Ramagem estava proibido de sair do Brasil desde junho de 2025 por medida cautelar determinada por Moraes, que também o obrigou a entregar todos os seus passaportes.
O ex-diretor da Abin chegou a ser detido pelo ICE, serviço de imigração dos Estados Unidos, motivado por uma infração de trânsito. Entretanto, ele foi liberado dois dias depois com ajuda direta da Casa Branca. Ele teria feito um pedido de asilo aos EUA “por perseguição política” e o ICE disse à época que ele poderia esperar os trâmites em liberdade.
A reportagem não encontrou Alexandre Ramagem, Rodrigo Cataratas e Celso de Mello para comentar. O espaço permanece aberto.
Segundo as mensagens analisadas, Priscila era o principal elo de ligação entre a família e a administração do Condomínio Sole Mia, residencial de luxo no norte de Miami onde Ramagem ficou hospedado durante três meses. Foi ela a encarregada, em 17 de setembro, de enviar uma mensagem pedindo um “cartão de acesso” ao estacionamento. A mensagem, assinada por Priscila e dirigida à administradora do condomínio, se referia a Ramagem como um “amigo nosso” – dela e do então marido, Rodrigo Cataratas.
“Estou escrevendo para te pedir gentilmente um cartão de acesso para o portão, já que infelizmente perdemos o originalmente designado para nosso apartamento. Como estamos viajando, não vamos conseguir retirá-lo. Portanto, autorizamos um amigo nosso, Alexandre Rodrigues Ramagem, a coletar o novo cartão em nosso nome”.
O pedido pretendia resolver um problema que Ramagem enfrentou assim que chegou nos EUA. O filho Celso estava contestando duas multas que o “amigo” teria tomado no Sole Mia por estacionar na vaga errada.
O Sole Mia é um residencial de luxo mesmo para os padrões de Miami. Os moradores e hóspedes podem usufruir de uma piscina e um lago artificial de 28 mil metros quadrados, com areia e coqueiros plantados ao redor, além de campo de futebol, quadras esportivas, playground, pista de cooper, trilhas para caminhadas e spa. O apartamento de Cataratas tem 96 m², dois quartos e dois banheiros, uma enorme varanda com vista para o majestoso lago, além de cozinha montada com pia, fogão e geladeira em aço inoxidável. O valor do aluguel começa em cerca de 20 mil reais por mês (3,7 mil dólares).
Em 17 de novembro, a esposa de Ramagem e as filhas chegaram a Miami, onde também ficaram no apartamento dos Martins de Mello. Antes disso, Rebeca Ramagem, que hoje concorre a uma vaga de deputada federal (PL-RJ), chegou a ser parada pela PF no aeroporto do Galeão, no Rio de Janeiro, e teve o celular e computadores apreendidos, mas conseguiu seguir viagem.
Para a PF, Cataratas, Priscila e Celso desempenharam “papel de protagonismo na manutenção clandestina de Alexandre Ramagem em Miami/EUA, porquanto estão viabilizando a sua moradia em condomínio luxo, além de estarem auxiliando o foragido a ludibriar as autoridades americanas com documentos falsos a fim de obter a chamada driver license (carteira de motorista)”.
A revelação complica ainda mais o grupo ligado a Eduardo Bolsonaro nos Estados Unidos que atua em lobby na construção de ataques ao STF e contra a investigação sobre o 8 de janeiro de 2023. Desde que chegou aos EUA, Alexandre Ramagem tem apresentado o programa da Revista Timeline no Youtube, ao lado de Allan dos Santos, onde Eduardo é convidado frequente. Ramagem também tem participado de eventos com a extrema direita norte-americana junto com o filho 02 de Jair Bolsonaro.
O financiamento de Eduardo nos EUA tem sido investigado desde a revelação que ele teria orientado a captação e uso de recursos do filme Dark Horse, financiado por doação do ex-banqueiro Daniel Vorcaro através de uma empresa acusada de lavagem de dinheiro, a Entre Investimentos.
Agora, a manutenção dos Ramagem na Flórida passa a estar associada a pessoa ligada a outro grupo criminoso, investigado por uma série de crimes ambientais.
Rodrigo Martins de Mello foi condenado em fevereiro deste ano a 16 anos e sete meses de prisão por liderar uma organização criminosa responsável pela mineração ilegal de cassiterita e ouro dentro da Terra Indígena Yanomami. Rodrigo Cataratas era responsável pela logística, com uma frota de helicópteros adulterados que faziam o trânsito do pessoal, de combustível e dos minerais. Seu filho Celso também foi condenado a oito anos de prisão por atuar na gestão financeira e logística do grupo. Ambos estão recorrendo em liberdade.
Cataratas foi também denunciado por financiar a destruição de uma caminhonete Hillux pertencente ao Ibama e por patrocinar a invasão da superintendência de Roraima na tentativa de queimar um helicóptero do órgão como retaliação a operações de combate ao garimpo em 2021. Além disso, ele também foi denunciado criminalmente e responde a uma ação civil pública que pede reparação de danos e multa, dentro da Operação Forja de Efestos, por conta da extração e comercialização de cassiterita proveniente de terra indígena.
Cataratas, Celso e Priscila também são investigados pelo STF por terem dado apoio à fuga de Ramagem para a Guiana. Celso chegou a ser preso em Manaus em dezembro do ano passado, mas hoje responde em liberdade, com uma tornozeleira eletrônica. Procurado, o STF afirmou que o caso está sob sigilo e não poderia passar mais detalhes.
“O garimpo geralmente é uma organização criminosa que, em regra, trabalha com os familiares. O Cataratas trabalha também nesse sentido: os filhos trabalham junto”, explica o procurador Alisson Marugal, do Ministério Público Federal (MPF) de Roraima.
Ele detalha que a atuação da família Martins de Mello na exploração da terra Yanomami levou não apenas à destruição de grandes partes da floresta, mas também à deterioração da vida e da saúde dos indígenas. Aquelas cenas que o mundo todo acompanhou na TV, de crianças desnutridas sendo hospitalizadas em situação de emergência circularam pelo mundo. Este foi o fruto mais visível do garimpo ilegal, que inclui corrupção, aliciamento de indígenas, violação sexual de adolescentes e mulheres e a transmissão de doenças. Na época, reportagem do site Sumaúma mostrou que 570 crianças indígenas morreram por doenças evitáveis entre 2018 e 2022.
“O garimpo alcança pontos mais distantes do território, nessas comunidades ainda mais sensíveis, mais desprotegidas, de recente contato, mais vulneráveis do ponto de vista epidemiológico, e toma conta do território muito rápido”, explica Marugal. Para a exploração de cassiterita, na qual se especializaram os Martins de Mello, o garimpo desvia água dos rios e destroi suas encostas. “O garimpeiro, quando chega na terra indígena, paga para deixar que eles instalem o garimpo. E aí vem uma dependência também dos indígenas, que passam a trabalhar nos garimpos de cassiterita e deixam de cultivar a sua roça’’, diz.
“Destruíram todos os rios, corromperam os indígenas, fecharam postos de saúde. A situação de segurança pública se deteriora rapidamente, os profissionais de saúde não vão mais às comunidades. As crianças começam a ficar doentes… foi o caos nesse período entre 2021 e 2022”, lembra o procurador.
Atualmente, o MPF em Roraima investiga um potencial genocídio do povo indígena Yanomami a partir da invasão deliberada de suas terras e a ação do garimpo entre 2021 e 2022. Ao menos 23 aeronaves foram empregadas no esquema de extração ilegal de ouro e cassiterita no território.
Meses antes de ser condenado, Rodrigo Cataratas, que chegou a anunciar que concorreria ao Senado (PRD-RR), mudou-se para a Guiana, onde segue operando no garimpo. Na época, ele pagou um publieditorial no jornal Folha de Boa Vista anunciando que, “com coragem e ação”, estava levando sua retroescavadeira para o país vizinho. Segundo a Repórter Brasil, ele chegou a anunciar um projeto em parceria com o país, com investimento de 10 milhões de dólares, levando a um alerta da organização local Rede Anticorrupção na Guiana. Seu Instagram tem como foto de perfil uma imagem abraçado a Jair Bolsonaro com a mensagem “anistia já”.
Tanto Alexandre Ramagem quanto Rodrigo Martins de Mello admitem que se conhecem. Eles estiveram juntos em 31 de março de 2025, ocasião em que Cataratas postou uma imagem nas redes: “Tive a honra de receber em Boa Vista o deputado federal Alexandre Ramagem, grande aliado do presidente Jair Bolsonaro e defensor incansável da liberdade e da soberania nacional”, escreveu Cataratas.
Ele negou, entretanto, que a família tenha auxiliado na fuga. “Nos últimos dias, meu nome apareceu ligado ao caso do deputado Alexandre Ramagem”, escreveu em novembro do ano passado nas redes sociais, atribuindo a notícia à “perseguição” à direita. “Quando o Ramagem esteve comigo, ele não tinha qualquer condenação ou impedimento legal que o proibisse de sair do Brasil.”
Por sua vez, em vídeo postado no Instagram depois da prisão de Celso por facilitar a fuga, Ramagem afirmou que não conhecia “uma tal de” Priscila e nem Celso. “Prenderam um jovem, um rapaz, que só me conheceu quando eu já estava nos EUA. Eu não conhecia no Brasil. Inclusive esse rapaz é americano”.
Uma foto obtida pela Pública, que segundo investigadores estava no celular da Priscila, desmente a versão de Ramagem sobre não conhecer os familiares de Rodrigo Cataratas. Trata-se de uma imagem sua, sorridente, em um prédio público na Guiana em 10 de setembro de 2025, provavelmente em um posto de imigração. A foto foi tirada um dia depois de Ramagem chegar à Guiana e um dia antes de partir para os EUA, e segundo a PF teria sido tirada por Rodrigo Cataratas.
Celso de Mello tem cidadania dos Estados Unidos e tem, inclusive, registro de eleitor. Por conta disso, a família “notificou” o consulado dos EUA, segundo Rodrigo publicou em suas redes.
Ramagem e sua família tiveram que sair às pressas do apartamento de luxo da família de Cataratas em Miami no final de novembro de 2025. No dia 19 daquele mês, Rebeca e Alexandre foram flagrados pela coluna do jornalista Guilherme Amado caminhando tranquilamente no condomínio sob o sol da Flórida, trajando roupas esportivas.
Dois dias depois, em 21 de novembro, Priscila teria enviado uma nova mensagem à gerente do La Sole Mia, desta vez tentando dissociar o nome do seu marido da família Ramagem. A anotação sobre a carta foi encontrada no bloco de notas do celular de Priscila.
Desta vez, a carta foi assinada pelo próprio Rodrigo. As duas comunicações ao Sole Mia, contraditórias entre si, revelam um cuidado de Rodrigo Cataratas em relação ao condomínio e às autoridades norte-americanas. Afinal, pelos diálogos fica claro que seu filho Celso tinha acesso direto à Ramagem.
Para a PF, Rodrigo e Priscila redigiram o texto após a imprensa nacional vincular o seu apartamento à fuga de Ramagem como medida de precaução.
Conforme apurou a Agência Pública, a família de Rodrigo Martins de Mello está frequentemente na Flórida.
Na época em que Alexandre Ramagem chegou nos Estados Unidos, seu filho Celso e a esposa Mariana Poerschke de Mello estavam morando em Coral Bay, subúrbio a menos de uma hora de Miami. A mulher, que é influenciadora digital, chegou a promover eventos de consultoria em marketing nos EUA e conquistou o status de cidadã legal em fevereiro de 2025.
A realidade mudou no final de 2025 – depois do apoio aos Ramagem. Em novembro, Rodrigo Cataratas anunciou que seu filho estava de volta ao Brasil. No mês seguinte, em 15 de dezembro, Celso foi preso em Manaus por facilitar a fuga do ex-diretor da Abin. Questionado, o STF não pode compartilhar informações sobre o pedido de prisão e o andamento das investigações, pois o inquérito está em sigilo.
Poucos dias antes, Mariana já havia anunciado a seus seguidores que a família estava se mudando de volta para o Brasil em uma publicação em parceria com uma consultoria de transporte internacional de animais de estimação, responsável pelo transporte do cachorro do casal, um pit bull caramelo, à Boa Vista.
Até meados deste ano, no entanto, ficaram entre Miami e Boa Vista, segundo apurou a Pública. A casa em que ambos moravam foi vendida por 519 mil dólares em maio (aproximadamente R$ 2,6 milhões na cotação da época), segundo classificados de imóveis.
Hoje grávida do segundo filho, a influenciadora vive em uma mansão recém-reformada em Boa Vista enquanto o marido cumpre medidas cautelares – nas postagens no Instagram é possível ver fotos de Celso usando uma tornozeleira eletrônica.
Mais do que fugir da lei brasileira, a ida de Alexandre Ramagem aos EUA representa a continuidade de seus atos contra a democracia do Brasil.
Condenado a 16 anos de prisão por tentativa de golpe de Estado, o ex-diretor da Abin segue disseminando desinformação sobre as eleições e ataques a instituições brasileiras do território americano.
Desde dezembro do ano passado, ele apresenta o programa Conversa TimeLine ao lado do também foragido Allan dos Santos. Nele, frequentemente Ramagem nega que tenha havido tentativa de golpe de estado no Brasil e afirma que o país vive em uma “ditadura da toga”.
A ofensiva não se limita a publicações nas redes sociais. Desde que chegou aos EUA, em setembro de 2025, Ramagem já se encontrou ao menos quatro vezes com Eduardo Bolsonaro e Paulo Figueiredo, neto do ditador João Figueiredo e ex-apresentador da Jovem Pan que tem liderado ao lado de Eduardo Bolsonaro o lobby por retaliações da Casa Branca contra o Brasil.
Em março, ele participou de evento fechado organizado pela think tank de extrema direita Heritage Foundation. O Miami Security Forum contou com a presença de políticos republicanos como a deputada Maria Elvira Salazar, aliada de Figueiredo e Eduardo – Figueiredo chegou a fazer doação para sua campanha, segundo revelou a Pública.
Na ocasião, o empresário participou de uma mesa intitulada “Realinhamento político das Américas: implicações para o futuro da segurança hemisférica”, ao lado de congressistas do Chile, Colômbia e Honduras. “Falamos de PCC, CV, narcoterrorismo e até Foro de São Paulo”, revelou em post no X. O evento influenciou a política externa de Donald Trump para países latino-americanos que levou à inclusão das facções brasileiras no rol de organizações terroristas.
No mesmo mês, Ramagem e Allan fizeram uma cobertura ao vivo do CPAC, sigla em inglês para Conferência de Ação Política Conservadora, evento que reuniu líderes da extrema direita mundial em Dallas, no Texas. O cadastro garantiu acesso dos influenciadores a palestrantes e organizadores do evento, entre eles o Eduardo Bolsonaro e o candidato à presidência Flávio Bolsonaro.
Em abril, depois de ser detido pelo ICE, serviço de imigração dos Estados Unidos, Alexandre Ramagem recebeu mais uma visita de Eduardo Bolsonaro em Miami. A detenção de Ramagem, que durou dois dias, foi motivada por uma infração de trânsito e foi revertida com ajuda direta da Casa Branca.
Depois disso, Rebeca Ramagem foi anunciada como candidata a deputada federal pelo PL no Rio de Janeiro. Sua campanha tem como mote a anistia aos condenados pela tentativa de golpe de estado de 8 de janeiro, em especial, seu marido. No lançamento da candidatura de Flávio Bolsonaro à Presidência, na praia de Copacabana, a candidata enviou totens de papelão dela e do marido em tamanho real – exibidos pela esposa de Flávio Bolsonaro – e fez camisetas estampadas com a frase “Tragam a família Ramagem de volta, façam Justiça”, exibida pelo próprio candidato à Presidência.
A campanha, que recebeu R$ 1,5 milhão do fundo partidário do PL, usou recursos para contratar associados de Alexandre Ramagem, entre eles ex-funcionários de seu gabinete na Câmara dos Deputados que foram desligados após a cassação de seu mandato, e a irmã do influenciador Allan dos Santos, seu parceiro de bancada no canal Revista TimeLine.
Avec #MendorsPas, Havas Paris rend visible le silence des victimes de soumission chimique dans une campagne nationale.
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JE M'INSCRIS lecourrierdesstrateges.frDepuis l’été, le service d’accueil des urgences de Sainte-Foy-la-Grande ne reçoit plus normalement les patients. Une date de réouverture avait été fixée au 30 septembre, elle ne sera finalement pas tenue.
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S'ABONNER lecourrierdesstrateges.frLe 26 septembre, l’établissement a expliqué que, malgré une « très large mobilisation de l’ensemble des acteurs du territoire », les « postes médicaux nécessaires » demeuraient vacants. La conséquence est très concrète : les habitants du secteur doivent continuer à parcourir plusieurs dizaines de kilomètres pour accéder à un service d’urgences.
Le vocabulaire administratif mérite ici d’être regardé de près. Il n’est officiellement question ni de suppression définitive ni de fermeture assumée du service. Il s’agit d’un report, lié à l’absence de médecins. Mais, pour la population, la distinction devient secondaire lorsque la date annoncée de réouverture est repoussée.
Cette situation illustre une mécanique désormais familière dans l’hôpital public : une fermeture décidée pour une période limitée peut se prolonger faute de personnel disponible, puis devenir durable sans qu’une décision politique explicite de suppression ait été prise.
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REJOINDRE LE FIL t.me/resterlibreLe cas de Sainte-Foy-la-Grande pose donc une question qui dépasse le seul établissement. Qui décide réellement de l’organisation des soins lorsque l’État, l’hôpital et les autorités sanitaires invoquent simultanément le manque de médecins ?
L’établissement affirme avoir mobilisé les acteurs du territoire. Mais cette mobilisation n’a pas permis, à ce stade, de remplir les postes nécessaires. Pour les habitants, le résultat est identique : un service de proximité demeure inaccessible.
L'agence régionale de santé, l'hôpital et le ministère s'appuient sur la même explication : les médecins manquent. Aucun n'assume les conséquences. Maintenir une structure d’urgences suppose des médecins, des personnels, des gardes et une organisation permanente. À l’inverse, fermer temporairement transfère une partie de la contrainte vers les établissements voisins et vers les patients eux-mêmes, qui supportent les déplacements et les délais supplémentaires.
À Sainte-Foy-la-Grande, la question n’est donc plus seulement de savoir quand les urgences rouvriront, mais combien de temps une fermeture présentée comme provisoire peut durer avant de devenir, dans les faits, une nouvelle organisation des soins.
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