China produced more than twice the ship tonnage of the United States in 2024–25, a new report says, indicating Beijing is closing the naval gap with Washington. 

The World Defense Shipbuilding report, compiled by Flottes de Combat and the French maritime industry association Gican and released ahead of the Euronaval defense show, states that China built about 636,208 tons of combat ships over two years through December 2025, while the United States built about 270,509 tons in the same period. 

China accounted for more than a third of the global naval tonnage built in 2024-25, the report states, presenting the magnitude of China’s shipbuilding capability.

“We are seeing a fairly substantial expansion of naval forces, and consequently of shipbuilding,” Philippe Missoffe, Gican’s general director, said in a press briefing on October 20. “We’re seeing an increase in power capabilities, particularly nuclear-powered attack submarines, for example,” he added.

In the two-year period, China’s combat-vessel building was valued at $43.5 billion, while US construction totaled $26.8 billion, according to the report. It also notes that  China’s shipyards produced 202,520 tons in 2022–2023, while the US produced 245,703 tons in the previous two-year period, indicating a clear year-on-year surge for China.

The US Navy still leads China in the overall fleet tonnage.

As of January 1, 2026, US warships weighing more than 200 tons totaled 3.11 million tons, compared with China’s 1.44 million tons, says the report. However, just two years ago, the figures were 3.22 million tons for the US and 1.3 million tons for China, showing how Beijing is closing the displacement gap.

China has already surpassed the US Navy in ship count. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has more than 370 battle-force ships, whereas the US Navy has over 290.

This gap is expected to further increase. US-based think tank Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) predicted in its 2025 report titled “Ship Wars – Confronting China’s Dual-Use Shipbuilding Empires” that China would have a 425-ship-strong fleet by 2030, compared to the US Navy’s 300 vessels.

That said, adding more tonnage is different from simply churning out ships faster, which a navy can do by producing many small or medium-sized ones. Meanwhile, tonnage measures the total displacement of those ships. One large destroyer or amphibious ship can displace as much as several smaller frigates, and higher tonnage means more overall mass in the fleet, more weapons, sensors, fuel, aviation facilities, troops, and endurance.

Currently, China appears to be doing both, expanding the fleet by accelerating production of smaller combatants while also adding displacement to bigger, more sophisticated vessels. The strategy is meant to make the PLAN combat-ready in the future. 

Notably, the latest Euronaval report findings are significant but hardly surprising, given that American senators and congressional researchers have repeatedly warned that the US may not be able to keep up with Beijing’s growing naval fleet because of China’s ever-expanding shipbuilding capacity, and the delays and bottlenecks in US naval production.

As of now, the US Navy has many qualitative advantages over the PLAN, including 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, a large and capable submarine force, greater overall tonnage, higher missile capacity per ship in many classes, and extensive combat experience. However, these could erode if China sustains high output of modern ships.

For now, China producing more naval tonnage than the US reflects a sustained advantage in Chinese industrial capacity. However, Beijing did not build twice the tonnage of the United States from a purely military-industrial base.

Its ability to expand naval tonnage production compared with the US stems from its enormous dual-use shipbuilding industry and economies of scale the US no longer has.

Civilian-Military Fusion Is Driving Construction

China’s maritime development has accelerated as the lines between military and commercial shipbuilding have blurred, as in other strategic areas.

The China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC)—the world’s largest shipbuilder—is the poster child for China’s seamless fusion of civil and military shipbuilding capabilities.

The CSSC operates several shipyards, factories, and research institutes under the oversight of China’s top political and military leadership. It has built warships for the Chinese Navy, including the Type 003 Fujian aircraft carrier, the Type 055 destroyers, and the Type 075 amphibious assault ships, among other popular combat ships.

At the same time, it is acing civilian shipbuilding. The CSSC built more commercial vessels by tonnage in 2024 than the entire US shipbuilding industry had since WWII, as the EurAsian Times reported earlier. Chinese shipbuilders produced 53.69 million deadweight tons (DWT) of commercial vessels in 2025, or about 56.1% of the world’s output. They also scored 107.82 million DWT in new orders, and closed the year with an orderbook of 274.42 million DWT, or 66.8% of the global outstanding work.

Order volume from foreign customers suggests the world is rapidly becoming dependent on Chinese shipyards to meet demand for commercial trading vessels, allowing the CSSC to redirect commercial revenue toward naval warship construction.

The expansion of China’s commercial shipbuilding industry directly supports higher naval tonnage production, primarily through shared physical infrastructure, including the same large dry docks, slipways, heavy-lift cranes, and fabrication halls used to build container ships, tankers, and bulk carriers, to build warships. In fact, several major CSSC shipyards routinely build commercial vessels and naval ships side by side, meaning that China does not need a completely separate, underutilized set of military-only yards.

Open-source analysis and satellite imagery have documented this physical integration of civil and military ships on multiple occassions. For instance, gray-hulled battleships and commercial hulls were previously seen being built concurrently at the huge Changxing Island complex in Shanghai. It is not much different at other shipyards in Dalian, Hudong-Zhonghua, and the Longxue Island complex near Guangzhou.

Not every Chinese yard is dual-use in the same way, and some high-end naval facilities have become more specialized as the PLA Navy moves toward larger, more complex platforms. In fact, a 2024 RAND working paper noted that certain yards producing the newest surface combatants and carriers had reduced their commercial output.

Nonetheless, wherever civil-military fusion is widespread, commercial work keeps tens or hundreds of thousands of skilled welders, fitters, engineers, and managers employed year-round. This basically gives it an experienced labor pool it can direct toward naval projects.

Moreover, sustained commercial volume accelerates learning and process improvements that transfer to warship building.

China’s astounding rise in commercial shipbuilding has given it access to dual-use technologies such as specialized engines and propellers, navigation and control systems, integrated electronics, and radar modules.

Another advantage of this civil-military fusion is that the high-volume commercial production creates robust domestic supply chains for steel, engines, electrical systems, coatings, and other components. China uses these suppliers to support naval ships.

Additionally, high supply volumes drive down unit costs through economies of scale.

The machinery keeps running smoothly, with revenue flowing in from expanding commercial orders. These profitable commercial contracts, many from foreign buyers, generate cash flow that Beijing uses to fund yard expansion, integrate new equipment, and upgrade technology.

However, China’s rise as a shipbuilder did not happen overnight. It resulted from a long-term strategy that combined government support, investment in industrial infrastructure, a large workforce, and an extensive domestic supply chain. China developed the capacity to manufacture ships at an enormous scale while ensuring that many of the materials, components, and industrial facilities needed for production were available domestically. This helped Chinese shipyards become highly competitive in cost, capacity, and output.

“China has risen because, in 2015, they declared that seas are the future of prosperity and trade. Therefore, China needed to build robust maritime infrastructure and a strong PLAN to protect its interests.

These are two factors that made them realize that shipbuilding infrastructure should serve a twin purpose, so the facility can be used to its full potential since this infrastructure is expensive to build,” Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha, a retired Indian Navy officer, earlier told the EurAsian Times.

By contrast, the US lacks this industrial base and has struggled to expand shipbuilding capacity to counter Beijing.

It is now deliberately drawing on the advanced commercial and naval shipbuilding expertise of its closest Indo-Pacific partners, including South Korea and Japan, to bolster shipbuilding and prevent delivery delays and cost increases that have become common for US Navy programs.

However, the latest figure suggests Washington may have to do more, and faster. 

China’s sustained high output of modern ships, underwritten by dual-use commercial strength, continues to narrow the quantitative gap. The United States retains qualitative and experiential advantages for now, but those edges are not permanent.

• Contact the author at sakshi.tiwari13 (at) outlook.com
• Follow EurAsian Times on Google News

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While the European Union expressed its full solidarity with Greece, regarding Libya’s approval of the Maritime memorandum with Turkey, Washington appeared distanced to the issue and urged both neighboring countries to find a solution through negotiations. In a statement issued on Thursday, the U.S. State Department has encouraged its partners in the Eastern Mediterranean “to […]

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Greece and Egypt ​are discussing extending their Exclusive Economic ‌Zone eastwards towards Cyprus after eastern Libya’s parliament ratified a disputed maritime agreement with ​Turkey earlier this week, Greece’s ​foreign minister said. Greece, Egypt and Cyprus ⁠have long opposed the Turkey-Libya maritime ​accord, arguing that it infringes on ​their own maritime claims in the eastern Mediterranean. […]

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As X Milhas do Guadiana regressam a 8 de novembro, com partida na Praça Marquês de Pombal, em Vila Real de Santo António, e chegada à Plaza de la Ribera, em Ayamonte, Espanha. A 31.ª edição da prova terá um percurso de 16,09 quilómetros, que inclui a travessia da Ponte Internacional sobre o rio Guadiana, e contará ainda com uma corrida destinada aos mais jovens.

A partida da prova principal está marcada para as 10h00, hora portuguesa, seguindo-se, às 10h15, a X Milhas Kids, destinada a crianças nascidas entre 2016 e 2021.

Com um limite de mil participantes, a competição está aberta a atletas federados e populares nascidos em 2008 ou antes. A prova inclui classificações individuais masculinas e femininas, por escalões etários e por equipas, estando prevista a entrega de troféus aos três primeiros classificados da geral masculina e feminina, aos três primeiros de cada categoria e às cinco melhores equipas.

Ao longo do percurso, haverá postos de abastecimento de líquidos aos quilómetros 5, 10 e 13, bem como na zona de chegada. A organização garante também assistência médica na partida, durante a corrida e na meta.

As inscrições custam dez euros e devem ser efetuadas exclusivamente através do sítio www.10millasdelguadiana.com, até às 23h59 de 5 de novembro. As vagas são atribuídas por ordem de inscrição e não serão aceites inscrições fora do prazo nem no dia da prova.

Em Portugal, os dorsais podem ser levantados a 7 de novembro, entre as 15h00 e as 18h00, na sede do Grupo Desportivo Pic-Nic. No dia da corrida, a entrega decorre entre as 8h30 e as 9h30, na Praça Marquês de Pombal.

Organizada pela Comissão Desportiva Conjunta de Vila Real de Santo António, Castro Marim e Ayamonte, a prova envolve os três municípios, o Grupo Desportivo Pic-Nic e o Patronato Municipal de Desporto de Ayamonte.

As X Milhas do Guadiana integram a dinâmica de cooperação desportiva da Eurocidade do Guadiana e o calendário de iniciativas associado ao reconhecimento deste território como Comunidade Europeia do Desporto 2026, promovendo a atividade física e a ligação entre as comunidades dos dois lados da fronteira.

Well-known pizza chain Pizza Fan was boasting that “everything was Greek.” Allegedly everything was Greek including the fraud scheme that cost the state 25 million euros in Value Added Tax. On Thursday, teams of the Greek Directorate for Combating Organized Crime raided the headquarters of Pizza Fan, an unknown number of its affiliates stores, houses […]

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VTM

Integrado na estratégia de valorização do turismo de natureza e do património local, o festival proporciona um fim de semana de caminhada, convívio e contacto com as tradições do concelho, permitindo aos participantes explorar paisagens vinhateiras, aldeias históricas e locais de elevado interesse cultural.

Sónia Pires, vereadora da Câmara de Alijó, disse à VTM que foram dois dias a descobrir o concelho, com dois percursos diferentes. “No sábado, tivemos uma caminhada pelo Douro, por Vale de Mendiz, Vilarinho de Cotas e Casal de Loivos. No domingo, o percurso foi para o norte do concelho, que é mais montanha, para se descobrirem duas realidades distintas do nosso território”.

A vereadora destacou ainda que este projeto “representa uma forte aposta do município na valorização de um dos produtos turísticos mais procurados pelos amantes da natureza, da paisagem e do património”.

The post Festival dos Percursos Pedestres mostra o melhor do concelho appeared first on A Voz de Trás-os-Montes.

A deteção do vírus do Nilo Ocidental numa ave em Costa Esuri, no concelho espanhol de Ayamonte, levou as autoridades andaluzas a declarar a zona em alerta, numa área próxima de Vila Real de Santo António e Castro Marim. O Jornal do Algarve contactou várias entidades portuguesas para esclarecer se a situação está a ser acompanhada e se representa algum risco para a região, mas, até ao momento, não obteve resposta.

Este é o primeiro caso detetado em aves na costa da província espanhola de Huelva e o décimo positivo confirmado na Andaluzia, segundo a Consejería de Presidencia, Sanidad y Emergencias, avançou o jornal espanhol Huelva Hoy. A deteção foi também incluída no registo nacional espanhol de doenças animais de declaração obrigatória.

A deteção do vírus levou ao reforço das medidas de vigilância e prevenção na zona. As autoridades recomendam à população que evite picadas de mosquitos, nomeadamente através da utilização de repelentes autorizados, do uso de roupa clara que cubra a maior parte do corpo e da instalação de redes mosquiteiras nas janelas. Aconselham ainda a eliminar acumulações de água parada em pátios e jardins, para reduzir os locais de reprodução dos mosquitos.

O Ayuntamiento de Ayamonte mantém também os tratamentos de controlo e prevenção de mosquitos, em colaboração com a Diputación de Huelva, segundo a informação divulgada pelas autoridades locais.

74 casos humanos registados na Andaluzia

De acordo com o balanço das autoridades sanitárias andaluzas, não foram identificados novos casos em seres humanos no último ponto de situação divulgado, mantendo-se o total anual em 74 infeções.

Deste número, 42 pessoas apresentaram sintomas ligeiros e 32 desenvolveram doença neuroinvasiva. Foram necessárias 36 hospitalizações, permanecendo uma pessoa internada à data do balanço, e registaram-se cinco mortes desde o início da época de transmissão.

As autoridades espanholas realizaram ainda análises laboratoriais para excluir a infeção em 866 pessoas e estudos de arboviroses em 212 casos de meningite vírica. Entre 1 de junho e 11 de outubro, foram também efetuados testes a 15237 dádivas de sangue, no âmbito da segurança transfusional.

Alerta abrange cinco províncias espanholas

Com a inclusão de Costa Esuri, a lista de zonas em alerta na Andaluzia abrange localidades das províncias de Almería, Cádiz, Córdoba, Huelva e Sevilha.

A declaração de alerta implica o reforço da vigilância de mosquitos, animais e seres humanos, bem como das ações de informação à população. As autoridades locais devem também intensificar as medidas de controlo dos mosquitos transmissores.

Do lado português, o Jornal do Algarve procurou obter esclarecimentos junto de entidades ligadas à saúde pública e à vigilância veterinária, nomeadamente sobre o acompanhamento da situação, a eventual avaliação do risco para o Algarve e a existência de medidas adicionais de prevenção nas zonas próximas da fronteira. Até ao momento, não foi possível obter respostas.

A proximidade de Costa Esuri ao território algarvio, em particular aos concelhos de Vila Real de Santo António e Castro Marim, coloca a vigilância transfronteiriça entre as questões a esclarecer. A deteção do vírus numa ave em Espanha não significa, por si só, que exista transmissão em Portugal ou um risco confirmado para a população algarvia.

EM ATUALIZAÇÃO…

Drone strikes in war-torn Sudan have killed hundreds in just three days. Most of the deaths were in West Kordofan state, including in an area contested with South Sudan, sparking fears of a spillover of the war.

The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) reportedly killed 41 people by striking a gathering of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) near Sudan’s southeastern border with Ethiopia in the Blue Nile state last Friday, October 9.

Later on Sunday, October 18, air defenses of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), which heads the government, intercepted multiple suicide drones launched by the RSF. The drones targeted Upper Atbara and Setit dam complex in Gedaref state, and the Khashm El-Girba dam in neighboring Kassala.

The following day, on October 19, the RSF launched a wave of drones toward the airport in the national capital, Khartoum. While the air defenses intercepted most of them, one drone struck near the airport, killing four people, including three children.

The RSF took over the capital soon after starting this war in April 2023 against the SAF, the national army with which it had ruled as part of a military junta. The SAF regained control of the capital in March 2025.

In the meantime, later in October 2025, the RSF consolidated control over most of Sudan’s vast western region of Darfur, overrunning the SAF’s last holdout, El Fasher, and depopulating the city in a campaign deemed genocidal by a UN investigation. 

Read more: A bloodbath visible from space: RSF’s massacres in Sudan’s El Fasher   

After thus taking over Darfur – except for some SAF small holdouts on the border with Chad – the RSF has since been pushing eastward toward Khartoum. The Kordofan region in between, comprising three states, has since become a main front of this war.

Here, on October 18, in West Kordofan’s RSF-controlled town of al-Dabba, SAF struck a transport hub that was crowded on a market day, killing 80 people on the spot. 30 others later died in hospital. Another SAF drone also struck a market in the Al-Mujlad town.

Then, on the morning of October 19, SAF drones struck yet another market it suspected to be a source of fuel supply for the RSF, killing 153 people in Abyei, an area disputed by Sudan and South Sudan, ever since the latter seceded from the former in 2011.​

This area in the Nile oil basin has over 4,000 UN peacekeepers and is jointly administered by Sudan and South Sudan. South Sudan’s government summoned Sudan’s ambassador to protest this strike.

A spillover of Sudan’s war into South Sudan could have dire consequences, especially since South Sudan, the world’s youngest country, is itself at a heightened risk of slipping back into its own disastrous civil war, which had claimed up to 400,000 lives between late 2013 and mid-2015.​

The death count of the war in Sudan has been lost after exceeding 150,000 as early as June 2024. By the time the war entered its fourth year in April 2026, drone strikes had become the main driver of civilian casualties in this war, causing 80% of all the civilian deaths in the first four months of this year, killing at least 880 people.  

“We are alarmed by the continued deadly drone strikes across the country that are killing civilians, including children, and that are disrupting essential services,” UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric said on October 19.

​Read more: The war in Sudan is “between two wings of a comprador parasitic capitalist class”

When both Subic Bay Naval Base and Clark Air Base were closed as active American military facilities in the early 1990s, the Philippines was said to be the sick man of US alliances. The same Philippines now seems to have emerged as America’s pivot in the Indo-Pacific.

General Ronald Clark, Commander of US Army Pacific, made it clear in an October 18 interview with the Financial Times that the Philippines, alongside Japan and South Korea, is central to US deterrence against hostile forces (implying China) in the Indo-Pacific.

The commander of US Army Pacific, a component of Indo-Pacific Command, said he wanted to demonstrate more “exquisite” military capabilities to help “show the adversary some things that they should be concerned about.”

As part of that push, US Army Pacific has expanded its role, including by temporarily deploying weapons in the Philippines, Japan, and other parts of the region that would play a critical role in a war with China, including over Taiwan, according to General Clark.

He revealed how Typhon, a mobile missile launch system that fires SM-6 missiles at ships, and Tomahawks that could strike parts of coastal China from the Philippines, have been used in recent joint exercises with the Philippines.

The US Army has also been using the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) in ways designed to send a clear message to China about the joint military capabilities of America and its allies, Clark said.

Mentioning an exercise earlier this year in which the army moved long-range precision weapons from the US to the Philippines and brought ammunition from South Korea for a live-fire mission, Gen. Clark stressed that it was important for deterrence.

“It causes them to go: ‘Hey, this is something that we have to think about,’” he said,  adding, “You can see it operate and we can do it at scale at a time and place of our choosing. So, you reveal capability in order to give your adversary pause.”

Incidentally, in an earlier conversation with the Wall Street Journal, Gen. Clark, who commands 107,000 soldiers, talked about the “tyranny of distance” that made it impossible to fight China with just air and naval power.

He argued that China’s vast geographic expanse and its anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities make it impossible or too risky to rely solely on air and naval power.

Here, Gen. Clark argues that the Philippines’ geography is a major advantage. The country’s 7,641 islands sit near vital maritime routes, the South China Sea, and the Luzon Strait/Taiwan Strait, making it an irreplaceable staging ground for US surveillance, logistics, and coastal defense.

From Batanes in northern Luzon—100 miles from Taiwan—to Palawan facing the Spratlys in the south, the archipelago locks the two hottest flashpoints: the north controls the Taiwan Strait, and the south controls the South China Sea.

For the US  military, it is the only territory that can monitor both the Taiwan Strait and the West Philippine Sea simultaneously. The archipelago can thus complicate the movement of Chinese naval forces from their coastal waters into the wider Pacific.

Incidentally, America is rebuilding its military presence in the Philippines after its 1992 withdrawal.

The return to Subic Bay and the expansion of US military cooperation across the Philippines mark a major strategic reversal. Washington is once again developing access to facilities that can support its operations in the western Pacific.

The US has access to nine Philippine military sites under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) and is investing more than $300 million to upgrade infrastructure.

However, all 9 (nine) bases are owned by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), but the US has been granted rotational access. The first 5 (five) were agreed in 2014, with 4 (four being added later in 2023 by President Marcos Jr. to deal with threats from the South China Sea.

The nine sites are being turned into A2/AD nodes that complicate any Chinese movement through the First Island Chain.

Notably, rather than building massive permanent bases, the US and the Philippines are building a flexible, distributed network that complicates targeting by China and raises the costs of a potential conflict (“deterrence by denial”).

Viewed thus, it is understandable why the US has introduced, as seen in Gen. Clark’s  FT interview,  advanced mobile-strike and missile systems such as the Typhon mid-range missile system into the Philippines, capable of reaching targets in the South China Sea and southern China.

One could further argue that Gen. Clark’s interview was not about the Philippines alone. It was about a new American way of fighting a war in the Indo-Pacific that is distributed, land-based, visible, and anchored on three democracies of  Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. That is why he put the Philippines in the same sentence as Japan and Korea.

One can thus surmise that, in a future contingency arising from Chinese actions, Japan will provide airfields, South Korea ammunition, and the Philippines firing positions.

This aligns with the US 2026 National Defense Strategy that EurAsian Times explained earlier. The idea is to build “a strong denial defense” along the First Island Chain.

In this scheme of things, Japan is the northern anchor — with long-range missiles, US-Japan command integration, and bases. South Korea is the arsenal and logistics hub — Clark himself cited a live-fire exercise in the Philippines using ammunition brought from South Korea, showing how Korean stockpiles now sustain Philippine operations.

The Philippines is the southern anchor and now a vital Indo-Pacific center for the US. The 12th Philippines-United States Bilateral Strategic Dialogue, held in Manila on February 16, 2026, officially reaffirmed both allies’ commitment to maintaining a vigilant posture, strengthening deterrence across the First Island Chain, and keeping critical sea lanes open.

Apparently, Washington is not only institutionalizing this triangle, the US, Japan, and the Philippines, but also widening its scope by involving Australia and forming the “Squad.”

The Squad’s core focus is to counter maritime pressure and escalation in the South China Sea and East China Sea and reinforce freedom of navigation.

Accordingly, defense officials and defense chiefs from the four nations have increasingly aligned through mini-lateral dialogues, joint exercises (such as Balikatan), and security assistance packages (including transfers of Japanese warships and patrol aircraft to the Philippine Navy).

The developments above make it clear that the Philippines has become the centerpiece of Washington’s strategy to deter China in the Indo-Pacific. As Elbridge Colby, US Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, said this year, Manila is Washington’s “model ally”.

In his words, “When our partners are strong, deterrence is strong. And that is exactly what we have here in Manila, under the leadership of President Marcos, Secretary of National Defense Teodoro, and other key leaders. We see and respect a resolute and proud nation that is determined to strengthen its own capabilities to better defend itself and its interests. A model ally.”

The Philippines now strengthens America’s network of strategic positions running from Japan through Taiwan to the Philippines. Both are developing capabilities intended to make Chinese military operations more difficult, costly, and uncertain.

But as explained above, that is in a manner that affords more operational flexibility for America through access to ports, airfields, and other facilities that can help US forces disperse, sustain operations, and respond more quickly during a crisis, without depending on a small number of major bases.

In other words, thirty-four years after losing its sovereign bases in the Philippines in 1992, the US military has returned with comparable power, but by shifting its status from a base owner to a rotational guest.

• Author and veteran journalist Prakash Nanda is Chairman of the Editorial Board of the EurAsian Times and has been commenting on politics, foreign policy, and strategic affairs for nearly three decades. He is a former National Fellow of the Indian Council for Historical Research and a recipient of the Seoul Peace Prize Scholarship.
• The author can be reached at prakash.nanda (at) hotmail.com

The post Three Decades After Subic Bay Withdrawal, U.S. Military Returns to the Philippines With a New Model to Check China appeared first on EURASIAN TIMES.

The European Parliament has awarded the 2026 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its officials, recognising the Hague-based tribunal’s work in investigating and prosecuting war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

Announcing the decision in Strasbourg on Thursday, 22 October, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola said the award reflected the European Union’s commitment to multilateralism and international institutions.

Metsola praised the Court for its work in upholding international law and justice. The announcement was met with a standing ovation in the parliamentary chamber.

The decision comes amid an escalating confrontation between the European Union and the administration of US President Donald Trump over the ICC’s jurisdiction and independence.

Washington’s sanctions against the Court

On 9 October, the United States imposed sanctions on the ICC as an institution, extending measures previously directed against individual judges and prosecutors.

The restrictions place the Court under the US Treasury’s sanctions regime, limiting financial transactions involving American individuals, businesses and institutions. Washington has issued several temporary and limited exemptions intended to allow specified operations to continue.

The measures followed earlier sanctions against senior ICC officials, including Court President Tomoko Akane, and form part of Washington’s campaign to prevent the tribunal from exercising jurisdiction over American personnel.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has argued that the ICC threatens American sovereignty by asserting authority over nationals of countries that have not accepted its founding treaty.

The Court rejected the latest restrictions, describing them as an attempt to obstruct the administration of international justice.

Established under the Rome Statute, the ICC operates independently of national governments and investigates serious international crimes where its jurisdictional requirements are satisfied.

Neither the United States nor Israel is a party to the Rome Statute.

Arrest warrants involving Russia and Israel

The dispute with Washington has intensified since the ICC issued arrest warrants in November 2024 for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity connected with military operations in Gaza.

Israel rejects the Court’s jurisdiction and disputes the allegations. Washington has similarly opposed the proceedings against Israeli officials.

The ICC has also pursued investigations into Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In March 2023, its judges issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova, Russia’s commissioner for children’s rights, over the alleged unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children.

Further warrants followed in 2024 against senior Russian military commanders and officials in connection with attacks on Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure.

The proceedings demonstrate the geographical scope of the Court’s investigations, although its ability to secure arrests depends heavily on cooperation from individual states.

The ICC has no independent police force and relies on national authorities to execute its warrants.

European Parliament backs international justice

The ICC’s nomination for the Sakharov Prize was submitted by the Socialists and Democrats group in the European Parliament.

Its selection comes as European lawmakers examine how the EU should respond to American sanctions affecting the Court and organisations supporting its activities.

The October restrictions have raised practical questions about access to banking, technology services and other infrastructure required by the tribunal.

European governments must also consider how to support an institution established through an international treaty while maintaining relations with Washington.

The Sakharov Prize carries no legal authority to reverse American sanctions or compel governments to cooperate with ICC investigations. Nevertheless, the award represents an explicit institutional endorsement of the tribunal at a time when its operations face increasing external pressure.

Other nominees and award ceremony

The ICC was selected from three finalists announced earlier this month.

The other nominees were Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu and Iranian sisters Taraneh and Romina Rahimi, whose cases have attracted international attention over political persecution and judicial proceedings.

The Sakharov Prize, established by the European Parliament in 1988, is named after Soviet physicist, dissident and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Andrei Sakharov.

It recognises individuals and organisations defending human rights, freedom of expression and fundamental liberties. The award includes €50,000.

Previous recipients include Nelson Mandela, Malala Yousafzai and imprisoned journalists.

In 2025, the prize was awarded jointly to Belarusian journalist Andrzej Poczobut and Georgian journalist Mzia Amaglobeli.

The formal presentation of the 2026 prize is scheduled for 16 December at the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The award places the ICC alongside previous Sakharov laureates while drawing further attention to the unresolved dispute between Washington and European governments over international criminal jurisdiction.

The European Parliament’s call to consider a Black Sea naval operation recognises a mounting threat. But protecting merchant ships requires capabilities, clear decisions and political resolve that another resolution cannot supply.

Europe’s Black Sea security problem has become a test of credibility. Merchant vessels face deadly attacks near EU member states, crews are being placed in danger, and Ukrainian export routes remain vulnerable. Yet Brussels is still discussing whether to consider a naval response.

The European Parliament’s latest resolution, adopted on October 22nd by 432 votes to 52, with 88 abstentions, delivers a forceful political message. MEPs hold Russia responsible for attacks on civilian vessels and for extending its aggression into the western Black Sea.

The harder question is what follows. Parliament wants the EU and member states to consider a naval operation, alongside stronger NATO engagement and closer cooperation between Bulgaria, Romania and Türkiye. That is a serious proposal. It is also several consequential decisions short of an operational mission.

Ships, aircraft, defensive weapons, command arrangements and rules of engagement cannot be supplied by parliamentary language. Governments must commit them—and accept responsibility for what happens when an approaching drone threatens a merchant vessel.

The economic stakes are already clear. As EU Today previously reported, attacks threatening routes off Bulgaria have widened the pressure on Ukrainian agricultural exports and neighbouring economies. Higher insurance costs and shipowners’ reluctance to enter dangerous waters can undermine trade without any formal blockade being declared.

That makes maritime insecurity an effective instrument of coercion. Every additional voyage becomes a commercial gamble, while exporters and importing countries absorb costs created by a war they cannot control.

EU Global’s earlier coverage of drone attacks off Bulgaria similarly highlighted the threat to commercial navigation and NATO’s southeastern frontier. These incidents demonstrate how quickly a conflict centred on Ukraine can impose direct burdens on neighbouring European states.

Parliament is unusually pointed about Bulgaria’s conduct. It criticises Sofia’s ambiguous response, challenges Prime Minister Rumen Radev to match requests for allied solidarity with action, and urges Bulgaria to stop delaying participation in NATO’s counter-drone initiative.

The principle is sound. Collective security depends on national governments contributing to the arrangements from which they seek protection. Political hesitation becomes particularly difficult to defend when commercial crews bear the immediate risks.

Nevertheless, Bulgaria cannot reasonably be expected to solve a regional security crisis alone. Nor can Romania. A credible response requires shared surveillance, coordinated interception procedures and practical cooperation with Türkiye.

There is movement. Defence Matters reported on October 21st  that NATO was reinforcing regional surveillance through aircraft, drones, radar systems and specialist personnel. Those measures should improve detection and investigation, although they do not constitute a standing naval escort operation.

That distinction matters. Detecting an incoming threat is essential; defeating it before it reaches a civilian vessel requires a further chain of decisions and capabilities.

Any proposed naval deployment also faces geographical and diplomatic constraints. Türkiye controls passage through the Turkish Straits under the Montreux Convention, which imposes restrictions on warships. A workable mission must therefore be developed with Ankara and grounded in a realistic assessment of available regional forces.

Calling an operation “European” does not resolve those difficulties. Its value would depend on its mandate, resources and ability to protect shipping while managing escalation.

Parliament also wants the EU’s Black Sea maritime security hub operationalised rapidly. Better information sharing and infrastructure protection are sensible objectives. But institutional coordination must produce measurable operational improvements, rather than another layer of meetings between organisations already describing the same threat.

Funding deserves similar scrutiny. MEPs propose using unspent SAFE resources and ensuring that the next long-term EU budget addresses regional defence needs. Governments should explain which capabilities can actually be financed, procured and deployed—and when.

The resolution identifies the danger. Europe’s failure would be to treat that diagnosis as an achievement sufficient in itself.

Merchant crews need protection during their next voyage. Ukraine needs reliable access to export markets. Bulgaria and Romania need capabilities that arrive before another emergency.

Brussels has issued its warning. Governments must now demonstrate that European maritime security means more than condemning the consequences of its absence.

This article originally appeared at DEFENCEMATTERS.EU

Main Image: Adrian-George Asinina MEP, byPhilippe BUISSIN © European Union 2026 – Source : EP

VTM

Paulo Braga, secretário-geral da ANMP, explicou que esta plataforma foi criada para concentrar, num único instrumento, dados que se encontravam dispersos por diferentes entidades. O observatório abrange áreas como a educação, a ação social, a saúde, a governação e a proteção civil, permitindo consultar indicadores relativos a cada município, à NUT III em que se insere e ao conjunto do país.

“Aquilo que pretendemos é agregar num único instrumento dados que andam dispersos por inúmeras entidades”, afirmou à VTM, sublinhando que a ferramenta permite aos utilizadores ter uma visão mais abrangente da realidade dos seus territórios e compará-la com outros níveis de análise.

Realidade

O projeto surgiu inicialmente da necessidade de acompanhar a descentralização de competências para as autarquias, tendo sido posteriormente alargado a outros domínios e áreas temáticas. O objetivo passa por disponibilizar aos municípios o máximo de informação possível sobre a sua realidade, facilitando a identificação de necessidades e a preparação de respostas adequadas.

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Airbnb has changed its rules to limit what property hosts may ask guests to do – including when it comes to cleaning. The updated guidelines state that hosts can now set seven standard house rules and can also add other “reasonable” requests. Airbnb states that guests – who are required to pay a cleaning fee […]

The post Airbnb new rules: Hosts can no longer ask guests to clean before checking out appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

The explosion of a bag with drugs on Wednesday that injured two police officers and two civilians was “not a terrorist act, but one of the common criminal code,” Citizen Protection Minister Michalis Chrisochoidis said on Thursday. Speaking to ANT1 TV. the Minister said the police were investigating the scene and that those responsible will […]

The post Bomb explosion in Athens “wasn’t a terrorist act”, says Minister appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

VTM

A Câmara Municipal de Vila Pouca de Aguiar e a Junta de Freguesia de Bornes de Aguiar contestam a decisão da VMPS — Águas e Turismo, S.A., de limitar o fornecimento gratuito de Água Mineral Natural Gasocarbónica, mais conhecida como Água das Pedras à população local a um grade por mês e por pessoa, exigindo a manutenção das condições anteriormente acordadas.

Num comunicado publicado nas redes sociais, a câmara municipal e a junta de freguesia afirmam que a redução anunciada “põe em causa um compromisso assumido há várias décadas entre a empresa e a comunidade”, entendendo que este se encontra consolidado como um direito da população, na qualidade de contrapartida pela exploração das águas minerais naturais gasocarbónicas.

O protocolo celebrado em 25 de maio de 2021 entre a câmara municipal, a junta de freguesia e a VMPS previa o fornecimento anual de cerca de 200 mil litros de água mineral natural gasosa engarrafada à população local. Segundo a autarquia, este compromisso foi reafirmado num aditamento assinado em 2024, o qual manteve as obrigações anteriormente estabelecidas em vigor.

As entidades consideram inaceitável que a população seja confrontada com uma redução do fornecimento sem uma explicação prévia e devidamente fundamentada, bem como sem discussão com o município. No comunicado, classificam a decisão como unilateral e defendem o cumprimento integral dos compromissos assumidos.

No dia 7 de outubro de 2026, após terem tomado conhecimento da intenção de reduzir o fornecimento, a câmara municipal enviou um ofício à VMPS, manifestando a sua discordância e exigindo a manutenção das condições anteriormente asseguradas. Esta posição foi também comunicada aos vereadores do executivo municipal durante a reunião da câmara realizada no dia seguinte.

Segundo o município, a Câmara Municipal de Vila Pouca de Aguiar ainda não recebeu qualquer resposta ao ofício enviado à empresa.

A câmara municipal e a junta de freguesia garantem que continuarão a acompanhar a situação e a defender os interesses da população, procurando uma solução que permita manter o fornecimento gratuito de Água das Pedras, conforme acordado. As duas entidades comprometem-se também a manter a comunidade informada sobre os próximos desenvolvimentos.

NOTÍCIA DESENVOLVIDA NA EDIÇÃO DE 28 DE OUTUBRO

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VTM

O apoio varia consoante o número de filhos do agregado familiar. Pelo primeiro filho, o incentivo é de 3500 euros, valor que sobe para 4000 euros no caso do segundo filho e para 4500 euros a partir do terceiro filho.

O montante é atribuído através de duas modalidades complementares: o Cheque-Bebé, pago diretamente às famílias após a aprovação da candidatura, e o Crescer+, destinado ao reembolso de despesas relacionadas com o desenvolvimento e o bem-estar da criança.

A componente Crescer+ permite comparticipar despesas com consultas e exames médicos, medicamentos, alimentação infantil, artigos de higiene e puericultura, vestuário, calçado e frequência de estabelecimentos de ensino, entre outras despesas previstas no regulamento. Para serem elegíveis, as compras e os serviços têm de ser realizados em estabelecimentos comerciais localizados no concelho de Armamar.

The post Incentivo à natalidade procura atrair famílias jovens ao concelho appeared first on A Voz de Trás-os-Montes.

The Ministry of National Economy and Finance on Thursday underscored the close cooperation between Greek authorities and their counterparts in the United States, as well as with other partners, to safeguard the integrity of the international financial system. The statement followed an announcement by the U.S. Treasury Department regarding operation Economic Outcast, which aims to […]

The post Greece enforces sanctions against Iran, says FinMin appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

A Praia da Falésia, em Albufeira, conquistou o quarto lugar entre as melhores praias da Europa nos Readers’ Choice Awards 2026, promovidos pela edição britânica da revista “Condé Nast Traveller”. Com 94,70 pontos, é a praia portuguesa mais bem classificada numa seleção de 20 destinos europeus, baseada nas preferências dos leitores da publicação.

A praia algarvia surge atrás de Sperlonga, em Itália, da Lagoa Azul, em Malta, e de Patara, na Turquia. Portugal volta a estar representado na classificação com a Praia de Benagil, no concelho de Lagoa, que ocupa a 16.ª posição.

A edição deste ano dos prémios reuniu mais de 296 mil respostas de leitores do Reino Unido, refletindo as escolhas e experiências dos próprios viajantes.

Conhecida pelo extenso areal e pelas falésias de tons dourados e avermelhados, a Praia da Falésia é uma das paisagens mais emblemáticas de Albufeira e um dos destinos procurados por residentes e turistas ao longo do ano.

A Câmara Municipal de Albufeira considera a distinção “motivo de orgulho para o concelho” e destaca a importância de preservar o património natural que caracteriza a praia e contribui para a atratividade turística da região.

O reconhecimento surge numa altura em que o Algarve volta a destacar-se no panorama internacional. A região foi eleita Melhor Destino de Praia nos World Travel Awards 2026, distinção que conquistou pela 11.ª vez, e está também nomeada para Melhor Destino de Praia do Mundo.

O projeto “Almoço Mineiro Subterrâneo”, que propõe uma experiência gastronómica na Mina de Sal-Gema de Loulé, venceu a categoria “Turismo & Recursos Geológicos” do concurso INOVA ALGARVE + DIVERSIFICAR, promovido pelo NERA. A iniciativa, apresentada pela Tech Salt, S.A., foi distinguida a 20 de outubro, em Loulé, com um prémio monetário de 2.500 euros.

Desenvolvido em parceria com a Associação das Terras e das Gentes da Dieta Mediterrânea, o projeto combina uma visita guiada ao património geológico e mineiro com uma refeição inspirada na Dieta Mediterrânica, a cerca de 230 metros de profundidade.

A experiência pretende recriar os momentos de convívio dos antigos mineiros, aliando a gastronomia à valorização da história, das tradições e dos recursos locais. A proposta procura, assim, diversificar a oferta turística algarvia através de uma experiência que cruza património industrial, geologia e cultura gastronómica.

A distinção foi anunciada durante uma conferência dedicada à fileira dos recursos geológicos, realizada nas instalações do NERA, em Loulé. O encontro reuniu representantes de entidades regionais, académicas e empresariais para debater o contexto económico do setor e as oportunidades de inovação.

O primeiro painel contou com a participação de representantes da Região de Turismo do Algarve, da Universidade do Algarve e da Assimagra – Associação Portuguesa da Indústria dos Recursos Minerais. O programa incluiu ainda uma apresentação do designer Miguel Soeiro sobre a inovação na ligação da pedra natural a outros materiais.

O segundo painel, centrado nas boas práticas de inovação empresarial, reuniu representantes do Geoparque Algarvensis, da TECH SALT, da Geowalks and Talks, da Pedramoca e da EDM – Empresa de Desenvolvimento Mineiro, proporcionando a partilha de experiências e abordagens inovadoras no setor.

O ciclo de conferências INOVA ALGARVE + DIVERSIFICAR prossegue a 5 de novembro, com uma sessão dedicada à fileira dos citrinos. Ao longo do mês, estão ainda previstas conferências centradas na Economia do Mar e nas Plantas e Flores.

A iniciativa é organizada pelo NERA, em parceria com a Algarve Evolution, a Associação KIPT, a CCDR Algarve, a Região de Turismo do Algarve, a Tertúlia Algarvia e a Universidade do Algarve, no âmbito do projeto INOVA ALGARVE 3.0, cofinanciado pelo programa regional Algarve 2030, integrado no Portugal 2030.

Mais informações sobre os projetos finalistas e o calendário das próximas sessões estão disponíveis em https://inova-algarve.pt/ciclo-de-conferencias.

Amid stiff competition from Silicon Valley-based, AI-focused defense companies, Northrop Grumman, part of the US defense market’s ‘Big Five,’ has posted better-than-expected sales and a record order backlog of US$ 109.6 billion.

Notably, at nearly $110 billion, the company’s order backlog is nearly 1.4 times its US$78 billion market cap and equals about two and a half years of sales.

Northrop Grumman’s record backlog suggests that traditional prime contractors in the US defense-industrial complex continue to win substantial new orders even as their leadership faces increasing pressure from AI-focused defense firms such as Palantir and Anduril.

For instance, Anduril, founded in 2017, is already worth US$ 90 billion, more than Northrop Grumman’s and General Dynamics’ market caps.

Meanwhile, Palantir, founded in 2003, is already worth nearly US$480 billion, more than any of the Big Five.

Northrop Grumman’s steady sales and record US$109.6 billion backlog should reassure investors that traditional defense primes can continue to thrive alongside the rapid growth of AI-focused defense companies.

The Virginia-based defense contractor reported third-quarter revenue of US$11.12 billion, up 7% from US$10.42 billion a year earlier.

Net income rose to US$1.12 billion from US$1.10 billion a year earlier.

However, the biggest surprise came in the company’s backlog order book. The company received US$16.4 billion in net contract awards during the third quarter (Q3) of 2026, pushing its net outstanding backlog to US$109.6 billion.

A year ago, at the end of Q3 2025, the company’s backlog stood at US$91.4 billion. Since then, it has received new contracts worth US$18.2 billion.

“In a complex world with the growing need for solutions that scale and perform, our customers continue to turn to Northrop Grumman,” Chair, Chief Executive and President Kathy Warden said in the earnings announcement.

According to company filings, the company’s third-quarter contracts totaled US$16.4 billion, which included US$4.6 billion for classified programs, US$2 billion for the Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile program, and US$1.4 billion for Virginia-class submarines.

The company also received US$1.3 billion in awards related to the F-35 fighter jet and US$1 billion for the E-2 Hawkeye airborne early warning aircraft.

The Q3 contracts show strong demand for the company’s products in fighter jets, AWACS, missiles, submarines, and space programs.

Overall, Defense Systems accounted for the largest portion of the company’s backlog at US$36.5 billion, followed by Aeronautics Systems at US$26.8 billion and Space Systems at US$26.3 billion.

U.S. Stealth Jets — F-35, F-22 & F-47 — to Form 60% of USAF Fighter Force by 2035 Under New Plan, Service Tells Congress

Strong Demand for Northrop Grumman’s Aeronautics Systems

In Q3, Northrop Grumman reported aeronautics systems revenue of US$3.58 billion, up 14% year-on-year, and won new contracts worth over US$3 billion.

Strong aeronautics systems performance is driven by demand for the F-35 fighter jet, progress on the B-21 Raider program, maintenance work on the B-2 Spirit bomber, and work on Army helicopters such as the AH-64 Apache, CH-47 Chinook, UH-60 Black Hawk, and others.

Northrop Grumman is a principal contractor on the F-35 Lightning II program, with Lockheed Martin as the prime contractor. The company contributes roughly 25% of the aircraft and produces or supports several major structural and mission systems for all three variants – F-35A, F-35B, and F-35C.

Northrop Grumman designs and produces critical F-35 components, including the center fuselage, AN/APG-81 AESA radar, communications subsystems such as the AN/ASQ-242 Integrated Communications, Navigation, and Identification (CNI) system, and the EO/IR Distributed Aperture System.

It also leads mission systems development, pilot and maintenance training courseware, and low-observable technology support to ensure readiness and modernization across all three F-35 variants.

The company also received new contracts worth US$1.3 billion for F-35 fighter jets.

It also won contracts worth US$1 billion for the E-2 Hawkeye airborne early warning aircraft.

Northrop Grumman is the prime contractor, Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM), and sole designer, developer, and manufacturer of the E-2 Hawkeye family, including the current E-2D Advanced Hawkeye.

Northrop Grumman is also the prime contractor for both the B-2 Spirit and the B-21 Raider.

In 2024, Northrop won a US$7 billion award for the B-2 Spirit modernization and sustainment program, including programmed depot maintenance of the fleet, sustaining engineering, software maintenance, support equipment, logistics elements, and interim contractor support.

This B-2 Spirit modernization and sustainment work continues at Palmdale, California; Whiteman Air Force Base (AFB), Missouri; Tinker AFB, Oklahoma; Wright-Patterson AFB, Ohio; Edwards AFB, California; and Hill AFB, Utah, and is expected to be completed by May 2029.

In 2015, Northrop Grumman won the Long Range Strike Bomber (LRS-B) program, also known as the B-21 Raider.

However, the US Air Force has deliberately withheld detailed pricing for the program.

Earlier this year, the USAF and Northrop agreed to expand B-21 Raider production capacity by about 25% with roughly US$4.5 billion in government funding.

A 2021 Pentagon Cost Assessment and Program Evaluation (CAPE) study estimated that developing, procuring, and operating a fleet of 100 B-21 Raider aircraft could cost about US$203 billion over the next 30 years.

In September, Northrop Grumman also won a US$4.84 billion Army contract for CIRCM (Common Infrared Countermeasure) laser-based missile defense systems to protect Army helicopters, such as the AH-64 Apache, CH-47 Chinook, UH-60 Black Hawk, and others, from infrared-guided missiles. The program will run through 2035.

The Bombers U.S. Paid to Scrap Weakened Ukraine, Helped Russia. Why Did Kyiv Clip Its Own Wings?

Another critical program is Northrop’s role in the Sentinel missile program, a key part of the US Nuclear triad.

In the third quarter, the company won a US$2 billion contract for the Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile program.

Northrop Grumman is the prime contractor for the LGM-35A Sentinel program, also known as the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent (GBSD).

Under the program, Northrop will design and produce a new three-stage solid-propellant ICBM with improved range, accuracy, reliability, and modularity compared with Minuteman III.

It will also construct hundreds of new or heavily modernized hardened launch silos and related facilities across multiple states, and new nuclear command-and-control networks. Sentinel will provide the US with on-alert nuclear deterrence through 2075.

Northrop Grumman is also a major supplier and Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) for key components on Virginia-class submarines. It won a US$1.4 billion contract in Q3 for the Virginia-class submarines.

Northrop also plays an important role in the Patriot missile defense system. It supplies the solid rocket motors, ignition safety devices, and related propulsion elements for PAC-3 MSE missiles.

Patriot interceptors are in global demand due to the two ongoing wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.

In August, the Department of War (DoW) signed framework agreements worth US$3 billion for expanding Patriot interceptor missile production.

The contract allocates nearly US$2 billion for solid rocket motors and ignition safety devices, in which Northrop will play a key role.

Northrop is also the prime contractor for the Integrated Battle Command System (IBCS), which integrates Patriot with other air- and missile-defense assets.

The company is also executing many of the USAF’s classified space-segment programs.

Many of these contracts, such as the B-21 Raider, F-35, Sentinel, and Patriot PAC-3 MSE interceptors, will run for decades, providing Northrop with a steady source of income. However, execution risk remains.

Demand for many of the company’s products, such as aircraft, missiles, and space systems, remains strong; however, investors’ key question is whether Northrop can turn its record US$109.6 billion backlog order book into improved margins and earnings.

• Sumit Ahlawat has over a decade of experience in news media. He has worked with Press Trust of India, Times Now, Zee News, Economic Times, and Microsoft News. He holds a Master’s Degree in International Media and Modern History from The University of Sheffield, UK. 
• He can be reached at ahlawat.sumit85 (at) gmail.com

The post Northrop Wins Fresh F-35, B-21, Sentinel & Virginia-Class Work as Backlog Hits Record $110 Billion appeared first on EURASIAN TIMES.