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Fernando Cerimedo. A name that unless you follow Latin America closely, you likely have never heard.

He’s been called “MAGA’s man” in Latin America. And he is at the heart of a shocking scandal that includes “attempted femicide,” election rigging, fake news, disinformation and powerful political ties to far-right presidents across Latin America, and even the White House, under Donald Trump.

It’s big news in Latin America, even though it’s been largely under the radar in the United States, until now.

The scandal has dire implications for the legitimacy of elections up and down the Americas, including elections where U.S. president Donald Trump has been throwing his weight around over the last year. Elections where right-wingers have won close, but shocking victories. And big elections are coming up in Brazil and elsewhere.

This is Episode 14 of Under the Shadow, Season 2.

Under the Shadow is an investigative narrative podcast series that walks back in time, telling the story of the past by visiting momentous places in the present. Season 2 responds in real time to the Trump administration’s onslaught on Latin America.

Follow Under the Shadow on Spotify and Apple Podcasts.

Hosted by Latin America-based journalist Michael Fox.

This podcast is produced in partnership between The Real News Network and NACLA.

It is supported, in part, by Global Exchange.

Theme music by Michael Fox’s band, Monte Perdido. Monte Perdido’s 2024 album Ofrenda is available on Spotify, Deezer, Apple Music, YouTube or wherever you listen to music.

Other music from Blue Dot Sessions and Epidemic Sound.

Script editing by Heather Gies. Hosted, written, produced, mixed, and edited by Michael Fox.

Guests: 

• Jake Johnston
• Maria Martha Bruno

Resources: 

• Progressive International’s Investigation into Fernando Cerimedo — How to Steal a Hemisphere: Fernando Cerimedo and the Heist of Latin American Democracy
• Facebook não barra anúncios com desinformação sobre eleições brasileiras
• You can visit Agencia Public for their reporting and analysis about Brazil. 
• Here is Agencia Publica’s investigación, Digital Militia. 
• Many thanks to Jake Johnston from the Center for Economic and Policy Research and Maria Martha Bruno, from Agencia Publica, for taking the time to speak with me and for their excellent analysis and insight.
• You can visit CEPR’s Live Tracker on Latin America.
• You can check out Michael Fox’s Patreon.
• More background… 
• The Beginning: Monroe and migration | Under the Shadow, Episode 1
• Panama. US Invasion. | Under the Shadow, Episode 13
• The legacy of Monroe | Under the Shadow, Bonus Episode 4 

Support Under the Shadow

Please consider supporting this podcast and Michael Fox’s reporting on his Patreon account: patreon.com/mfox. There you can also see exclusive pictures, video, and interviews.

You can subscribe to Michael Fox’s new free speech podcast, The Battle for Free Speech on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.

Michael Fox:

Fernando Cerimedo, a name that unless you follow Latin America closely, you likely have never heard. He’s been called MAGA’s man in Latin America, and he’s at the heart of a shocking scandal that includes election rigging, fake news, disinformation, and powerful political ties to far right presidents across Latin America, and even the White House under Donald Trump. It’s big news in Latin America, even though it’s been largely under the radar in the United States until now. The scandal has dire implications for the legitimacy of elections up and down the Americas, including elections where US President Donald Trump has been throwing his weight around over the last year. Elections where right-wingers have won close but shocking victories. Like Lawyer Abelardo de la Estrella’s right-wing defeat of the leftist candidate Ivan Cepeda in Columbia in June, he won by less than 1% of the vote.

Donald Trump:

He called me at 8:30 in the evening just to thank me very much. And I said, “You ran a great campaign?” He’s LT Gray, right?

Journalist:

And what do you anticipate for the relation with Colombia? Good,

Donald Trump:

Much better. It’ll be better. He’s going to be a great president.

Michael Fox:

And big elections are coming up in Brazil and elsewhere. We begin here. That’s him, Fernando Cerimedo, walking down a hallway lined with people ahead of Chile’s new far right president, Antonio Cast. Cerimedo puts a hand on his back and ushers him into a side room to meet with a group of men in suits. Cerimedo is a 45-year-old strategist and publicist from Argentina. He’s a co-founder of the right-wing Argentine outlet, La Dereche Diario. And in recent years, he’s become perhaps the most prominent political consultant for the far right in Latin America. But as we will see in this episode, he’s much more than a consultant. I think you could call him an election fixer and not in a democratic way.

Jake Johnston:

So you’ve had this sort of network of far right leaders who’ve shown a lot of affinity for one another, traveling to each other’s countries, supporting each other, this sort of broad network. And behind that, there’s been this sort of digital infrastructure that is built out to support this sort of new wave of far right leaders in Latin America.

Michael Fox:

I asked Jake Johnston from the Center for Economic and Policy Research to set the scene here.

Jake Johnston:

I mean, if you’ve spent any time on social media, you have seen the bots, you’ve potentially been attacked by the bots. You see this happening every day and you’ve seen it in all of these elections, many of which it should be noted were extraordinarily close elections. I mean, less than one percentage point separating the winner from the loser. And throughout this last year, year and a half, there has been one very prominent person sort of parading around the hemisphere and claiming credit for a lot of these electoral wins. And it’s just this guy, an Argentine political consultant that apparently used to drive a taxi in Argentina and has sort of risen to the top of the food chain in Latin American politics is Fernando Serimedo.

Michael Fox:

Here is the reason why we’re all talking about him right now.

Last month on August 18th, 2026, Cerimedo was arrested at Bolivia’s Viru Vero Airport after attempting to board a flight to Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was accused of ordering a hit on his pregnant girlfriend. Her name is Nadia Bayer. She’s a Bolivian lawyer and a political analyst. She’s a former supporter of leftist president Eva Morales, turned staunch critic. She was shot three times by two armed gunmen the day before outside of a hotel in the Bolivian lowland capital city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. That’s the heart of Bolivia’s agricultural heartland and one of the most conservative regions in the country. She survived. From her hospital room, she asked to speak to press.

This is the video. You can find it online. She’s laying in a hospital bed, the back slightly raised, so she’s kind of sitting up. She wears a white and gray striped hospital gown. She has several bandages and she’s attached to some machines. She sounds exhausted. “I’ve requested the presence of DTV to make a live statement because they tried to silence me,” she says. “And I’m absolutely sure that if I don’t speak out to the Bolivian people, they’re going to finish what they tried to do today. They’re going to end my life.” She speaks for 15 minutes about her relationship with Fernando Cerimedo, about his physical abuse, his cheating on her and others, and then she reveals dirt on Cerimedo and his underhanded political dealings across the region, including in high, high places.

She discusses Cerimedo’s ties to Trump’s former campaign manager, Brad Pascali, referring to Parscale as a member of the CIA. She describes her personal knowledge of corruption committed by Cerimedo and Bolivia’s new right-wing president, Rodrigo Pas and his family. Pas is the eldest son of the former Bolivian president, Jaime Pasamora. He was born in Spain, went to college in the United States, and Fernando Cerimedo helped to lift him into the presidency last year. “The government is the main one interested in silencing me,” she says. Rodrigo Pas, his wife, his family, they make the biggest deals with the brokers, with all of the insurance companies of all the state companies. They are the ones who negotiate the broker’s commission. “Do you have proof of all that?” Asked the man interviewing her behind the camera. “I have proof of many extremes,” she says. She also details Cerimedo’s power in Bolivia and abroad.

“Rodrigo Pas does not govern here,” she says. Fernando Cerimedo governs and they will absolutely cover it. He manages a group of the police that supposedly operates around the hotel where he made me go. That was the hotel where she was shot. All of this is just the tip of the iceberg about Cerimedo, the disinformation campaign he concocted, and the right-wing election wins he had a large hand in securing across the region.

Jake Johnston:

This is a door that is opening to a world that has largely been closed. I think that’s the interesting part about this. It’s what does this tell us about the broader infrastructure that exists in the region and likely elsewhere across the globe that is using digital sort of shock troops, bots, disinformation, media polarization to try and skew electoral outcomes, even at the margins where it might have a tremendously large impact, even if the operation itself seems sort of small.

Michael Fox:

All of that in a minute. This is Under the Shadow, an investigative narrative podcast series that looks at the role of the United States abroad in the past and the very present. This podcast is a co-production in partnership with The Real News and NACLA. I’m your host, Michael Fox, longtime radio reporter, editor, journalist, the producer and host of the podcast, Brazil on Fire: Stories of Resistance, and my new series, The Battle for Free Speech. I’ve spent the better part of the last 20 years in Latin America. I’ve seen firsthand the role of the US government abroad, and most often sadly, it is not for the better. Invasions, coups, sanctions, support for authoritarian regimes. Politically and economically, the United States has cast a long shadow over Latin America for the past 200 years. It still does. This is season two of Under the Shadow: Trump’s attack, episode 14, Fernando Cerimedo.

It’s February 10th this year. A passionate man is speaking in Spanish on a stage in Mar-a-Lago, Florida. This is Trump’s Hispanic prosperity gala. The back wall of the stage is plastered with a logo of a bull’s head and the words Latino Wall Street, Spanish language financial website. The name of the man on stage is Eduardo Bolsonaro, the son of Brazil’s former president, Jair Bolsonaro, and brother of the current far right presidential candidate, Flavio Bolsonaro. Eduardo resigned as a member of Congress in 2025 and moved to the United States after he came under investigation for trying to pressure the Supreme Court in defense of his father, who is now on house arrest for couplotting. The Bolsonaro family are close allies of President Trump, and Eduardo Bolsonaro has close ties with Trump’s former campaign manager, Steve Bannon. On stage, Eduardo Bolsonaro is praising Fernando Cerimedo. They’ve reportedly known each other for years, since 2010 when they met in the United States.

Eduardo invites Cerimedo to the podium. So I have the great pleasure, a great honor, he says, to call here on the stage Fernando Cerimedo, a brave Argentine who had the courage to denounce the bad things that happen in the world.

Eduardo Bolsonaro presents Fernando Cerimedo with the award for Best Hispanic Political Consultant of the Year. Cerimedo is wearing a black suit, white shirt, black tie. He has a bald head. Fernando and Eduardo embrace, and then they pose for the cameras with a tiny statue. Then Cerimedo walks to the podium. 2025 was a very good year for us. Together with our team, we won two elections, he says, Bolivia and Honduras. Serimedo also gives a shout out to the Bolivian First Lady and her daughter who he says are in the audience. Serimedo then turns and thanks his connection with the Trump administration.

Fernando Cerimedo:

I want to say something in English. Thank you to Brad Parscale for believing me all the time and give me your technology and Tim Dunn for do the fighting in Latin America against socialism. Thank you, Brad.

Michael Fox:

Tim Dunn is a Trump allied businessman from Texas. He’s in oil and gas, and he’s a big financial supporter of conservative causes. As for Brad Parscale, if you remember, Serimedo’s girlfriend mentioned him in her hospital interview. She said he was tied to US intelligence. He is a digital consultant with deep ties to the White House and Mar-a-Lago. He ran digital media for both Trump’s 2016 and 2020 campaigns. Since 2025, he’s been the chief strategy officer at the right-wing Christian Conservative Media Corporation, Salem Media Group. In May, The Intercept reported that he had been hired by the Israeli government to push pro-Israeli views over conservative media. Serimedo closes his acceptance speech.

“The message I want to give you is that it’s not about winning elections,” he told the audience. “That can even seem easy. If we don’t help our candidates govern so that the left never returns to those governments, our work will never be finished. So let’s keep fighting the cultural battle. That’s not just winning elections and taking positions. It’s battling every day to be able to regain freedom in Latin America. Thank you all very much and goodnight, “he said. Fernando Cerimedo. This guy is no ordinary political consultant. The things he has done that helped him win that award presented by Trump allies and Mar-a-Lago have included using underhanded, dirty, and other illegal means to help his candidates win elections, candidates who are all right-wing or far-right Trump allies. And look, he allegedly even tried to kill his own girlfriend to silence her. Cerimedo is just one man, but he’s part of a much broader network.

And for them, pushing their agenda is not politics as usual within democratic systems. As Cerimedo mentioned at that award ceremony, this is a culture war and they are fighting to win by any means necessary. It all calls into question many of these victories that the right has been winning across Latin America in recent years. Jake Johnston.

Jake Johnston:

But of course he’s not operating alone and his business partner in his company, Neumann Advisors, which was actually first registered in Florida, is Brad Parscale, who is Trump’s former campaign manager. And the way that it has been described, and Saramedo has given some interviews on this in the past, is that Parscale provides a sort of digital infrastructure that was implemented in the United States during Trump’s election and is sort of exporting that to the region. And the connection to all of these far right Latin American leaders in these networks between Parscale and them is Fernando Ceramedo.

Michael Fox:

Jake says that a key mouthpiece of this right-wing network has been La Derecho Diario, a right-wing news and opinion site founded by Serimedo and two of his colleagues around the year 2020. La Derecho Diario is now partially owned by Javier Negre, a Spanish right-wing media entrepreneur and disinformation broker.

Jake Johnston:

Now, in parallel to this, you’ve had this sort of digital media outlet, Ladarecho Diario, that has sort of risen to prominence as big promoters of the new far right in Latin America, sort of classic disinformation campaigns and things like this, but always sort of in support of these candidates and have been extremely active in a number of these electoral races and have sort of begun to expand both in Mexico and certainly are looking at Brazil, and Sarameto was also a partial owner of that operation. And of course, this is nothing new, right? I mean, this network of right-wing political operatives has been extremely active in Spain and Europe, but also in Latin America for any number of years, going back decades and following a lot of these folks’ work. What’s changed is that they now have an administration in Washington that is directly supporting the same agenda.

Donald Trump:

Found out in Chile, the person I endorsed who was not leading ended up winning quite easily, so I look forward to paying my respects to him. I hear he’s a very good person.

Jake Johnston:

And so that has sort of elevated it to a different level and certainly sort of just put a lot of money in the pockets of a lot of people who have an interest in promoting this new far right in Latin America.

Michael Fox:

The other thing is that we don’t actually know the true extent of everything. We have clues. Many are really concerning, but not all the dots connect. Just remember that as we continue. It’s been reported that Serimedo has had a role in the political victories of the right and far right in at least seven countries over the last four years, including Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Honduras, Polivia, and Peru. That is not a bad record. The first place I want to visit though, came before all of those in Brazil in late 2022. It’s election night, October 30th, 2022. Former Brazilian President Luis Ignacio Lula de Silva wins the vote by a slim margin, defeating Trump ally and incumbent far-right President Jair Bolsonaro in a huge victory for the left. But the next morning. Bolsonaro supporters hit the streets in protest, claiming the election was stolen. A claim Bolsonaro himself had spread ahead of the vote.

They shut down highways. They set up vigils in front of military barracks demanding the country’s armed forces rise up to overturn the results.

Amid this chaos, Jair Bolsonaro’s son, Eduardo Bolsonaro, who we heard from earlier, is interviewed by a right-wing Argentine media outlet where he spreads lies about Brazil’s electoral system. The interview was aired just three days before the vote. According to news reports at the time, the video had a live audience of more than 400,000 viewers. I remember this. It was a big deal because what Eduardo Bolsonaro did was actually illegal in Brazil. You can’t disparage the country’s electoral system, particularly just days before the vote. That’s why Eduardo Bolsonaro did the live in Argentina. Anyway, what most of us only realized recently is that the guy who interviewed Eduardo Bolsonaro during that live was Fernando Cerimero, and that outlet was Cerimedo’s La Derechediario. You can think of it as something akin to the bright part of Argentina. That live, I’ve been looking for it to play a clip here, but it was taken down shortly afterwards in Brazil.

It still had a wide reach though. It was shared across WhatsApp groups and far right media spheres. It reportedly played a significant role in undermining the election result and intensifying the widespread protests by Bolsonaro supporters in the wake of the 2022 elections.

All of this stoking of Bolsonaro’s base would of course culminate in the January 8th, 2023 invasion of Brazil’s capital by Bolsonaro supporters. They wreaked havoc, causing millions of dollars of property damage in Congress and the Supreme Court in a copycat performance of the January 6th US Capitol invasion in 2021. There was pushback against Laderecha Diario in Brazil.

Maria Martha Bruno:

And because of that live broadcasting and because of Cerimero’s intervention after Lula has won, actually the Brazilian electoral justice decided to suspend Laderecha Diario’s account in social media because it identified that it was a source of falsehoods and rumors that had been extensively dismissed by the Brazilian authorities.

Michael Fox:

Maria Marta Bruno is a journalist at Ajin Shepublica, the largest nonprofit investigative newsroom in Brazil. That outlet did an in-depth investigation in 2023 into the so-called digital militias and the use of internet, bots, disinformation, fake news, and media manipulation to sway opinions and elections across Latin America.

Maria Martha Bruno:

And the investigation is named the digital mercenaries. And Fernando Serimero is a core figure in this ecosystem because he orbited between Brazil, Argentina, and more recently we knew that he was also participating in the electoral process in Honduras in 2025.

Michael Fox:

Maria Marta actually spoke with Serimero for their report.

Maria Martha Bruno:

But Fernando Serimedo, when he talked to and to our partners at the Central Latin American he actually admitted in some of the interviews that he twisted and that he put many informations out of context just to make the case that he want to make the case. He admitted that that was sort of his strategy.

Michael Fox:

It’s a strategy that has been deployed across the region. Last month, Brazil’s Folio de Sao Paulo newspaper interviewed Nalia Bayer about Fernando Serimedo’s work fixing elections around Latin America. Remember, Bayer is Serimero’s ex-girlfriend who he allegedly tried to kill. This video was published eight days after the attempt on her life. She’s laying in bed and looking up at a cell phone through which she’s doing the interview. She spoke about the cases that she remembers where Serimedo used bots to sway public opinion online ahead of the election.

“I knew that in Honduras,” she says. “I knew that in Chile, in the constitutional assembly vote. I knew that in Brazil, in Bolivia, obviously in Argentina, in Columbia, they were going to do it, but I think they didn’t get to do it. I don’t know why. I think maybe it was because of economic agreements that weren’t closed or unless they had told me later that they had done it. But there were some negotiations with Spain as well, she says. I don’t know if you caught that, but she just said that he was even supporting Jair Bolsonaro’s digital campaign in Brazil in 2022. Maria Marta Bruno.

Maria Martha Bruno:

Fernando Serimedo, it’s a very key example of a core figure that get all those notes together, all those wires together across Latin America and help to boost this very successful digital communication ecosystem that has been helping the right and the far right in the past eight or so years.

Michael Fox:

The Brazilian outlet released the Fordham has reported that during an investigation into Serimedo’s properties, investigators discovered a mini bot farm worth more than $40,000 with a digital infrastructure to coordinate campaigns over social media. Jake Johnston.

Jake Johnston:

There’ve been a lot of allegations around. I mean, he’s even bragged around his control of hundreds of thousands of bots and things like this. And I think we do have to take a second to think like, okay, putting aside any legality or anything like this, or whether this is electoral interference or electoral fraud or anything, just put it aside. I mean, could this have had an effect on these elections? And I think you start to look at that, you say, “Well, these elections where there’s less than 1% difference between a winner and a loser, yeah, these sorts of interventions may have had a really profound effect in shaping this narrative that we have today of this rightward shift in Latin America, and how much of that narrative is really the product of a sort of digital army of folks all associated in one way or another with Serameto and with connections right back to the Trump.

Donald Trump:

When people like me, I like them. It’s very simple. It’s a very simple formula, and I like him. He said really nice things about me and the job we’ve done in the United States, and very, very powerful.

Michael Fox:

Here’s the thing, and Jake mentioned this earlier, this Cerimeto scandal has opened a window into the underhanded or dirty maneuvers one man has taken, in part on behalf of the Trump administration, to win elections for the far right in Brazil, but we don’t really know the full extent of what was done behind the scenes to sway the vote.

Jake Johnston:

It is important to note, we really don’t know much of what these people were doing, right? I mean, that is, I think, hopefully what we can learn through these investigations that are happening in Bolivia, through what I think should be far greater attention from the US media about the role of Brad Parscale and Trump connected officials with him and what they’re actually doing. What is the gangway? How have they helped these campaigns or interacted with these campaigns?

Michael Fox:

We do have a glimpse into actions that Serimeto took to allegedly help the right return to power in Honduras last year, and it is extremely concerning. Honduras. It’s just after the country’s election on November 30th, 2025. The race was so close the winner won’t be announced for weeks.

The conservative candidate Nazri Asfurda has faced off against leftist Rixi Muncada and Centris Salvador Nasraya. The leftist Libre Party has run the country for the previous four years. Before then, the US back right-wing national party held onto the presidency through violence, repression, and fraudulent elections. They took power after the 2009 coup. The president who ruled the country for much of that time with an iron fist was named Juan Orlando Hernandez. At that point last year, he was in a West Virginia prison serving a 45-year sentence for drug trafficking. We looked at a bunch of this in episode 12 about Honduras Gate. If you miss that, you can go back and listen. But here’s the thing. There’s a new audio clip about Honduras that was only released last month. It’s a one-minute, 30-second voice message from political consultant Fernando Serimedo to a member of the electoral campaign of Nasri Asfura.

He’s the right-wing candidate, Trump ally, and the man who would be declared president in late December after a protracted recount. I just have to tell you, this voice message gives me the chills. In it, Serimedo says not to worry that they’ve rigged the election, stuffed ballot boxes where necessary, and removed votes elsewhere, all with the support of members of the armed forces who are stationed at polling stations. Serimedo is confident about their victory.

“Yes, from all of this, the only thing we can learn is that the area where the votes are coming in right now is where Tito wins, “says Serimedo. Tito is the nickname of Nasri Asfura, the national party candidate who is now president. “In the second place, the locations where more national party votes are going to come in, if there were votes from somebody else, those were taken out. Those are being fixed,” he says. “We already have the numbers. According to what I’m seeing, we already have people aligned in the armed forces. It seems that everything is going well, “he says. “If we have the votes and we know where we lost the election, that’s where we place more votes, and they talk to everyone at each polling station. “That’s all that matters. We don’t have to worry,” he says.

This audio was released publicly last month by Marlon Ochoa. He’s a former member of the country’s electoral court who had to flee Honduras over death threats against him. He said he handed over the audio evidence in December 2025 before the election results were finalized, but investigations didn’t move forward and election authorities rubber stamped Asfura’s win. Ochoa did not reveal how he obtained the damning audio. I’m left with so many questions. Did Seri Medo really rig the elections for Nasre Asfura? If so, did the United States know? Did Israel? Both of them are staunch allies of former right-wing president Juan Orlando Hernandez, who was sentenced to decades in a US prison for drug trafficking and who Trump pardoned just after last year’s vote. Most importantly, if Seri Maedo rigged the elections in Honduras, did he also do it elsewhere? In Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru?

Even if he didn’t stuff ballots everywhere, it’s clear he was willing to use whatever means necessary to get his candidate elected, including spreading disinformation or fake news during the campaigns and even about the country’s electoral system. And this is “MAGA’s man in Latin America. Democracy itself is at risk.” Serimado is now in custody. He’s being investigated for attempted femicide. Many of his former staunch allies are trying to distance themselves. Jake Johnston.

Jake Johnston:

And so this has been a huge scandal and the investigation in Bolivia has expanded to move from femicide to illicit enrichment to the protection of drug traffickers. And so there’s at least three now investigations taking place in Bolivia. And one of the most shocking things is just the way in which all of the politicians who just a few months ago were working quite closely with Sarameta. Now totally wash their hands. I don’t know who this guy is. Rodrigo Paz, the new president in Bolivia says, “Oh, he was involved a little bit in the campaign, but I don’t know who he is.” There are photos of him meeting with Marco Rubio and the Bolivian president from just a couple months ago. So this is a total sort of hand wash. You saw the same thing in Argentina where Sarameto was very involved in the campaign of Javier Millet.

Now Miley said, “Oh no, he has nothing to do with us. Of course, it just came out that he visited the Casa Rosada 14 times last year.” So you see this all over the hemisphere. He was obviously very involved in Honduras and very publicly involved in Honduras and that electoral process. Again, another razor thin electoral margin there. I mean, obviously this fits into a much broader conversation around social media disinformation and what its effect is on democracy, on political processes more broadly. It’s certainly a conversation that has been quite prevalent in the United States for a long time now that is extremely relevant for the upcoming election in Brazil.

Michael Fox:

Jake says it’s not just about what Serimedo has or hasn’t done in these other elections. It’s about what underhanded tactics may still be used in future elections with or without Serimedo, and not just in Latin America, but in Spain and elsewhere where right-wing parties are gaining ground.

Jake Johnston:

There is a lot of people who are looking to make money off the political changes that are happening in Latin America, and they can sell their access to the Trump administration, their access to this legislator, this lobbyist, this business, and they play up those connections to get a contract, to get a consulting gig. And this is sort of the brave new world of the Don Roe doctrine in Latin America where it’s not just Sara Mato, it’s not just Brad Parscali and Javier Negre and Londoreche Diario. I mean, this is happening all over the place. You can see these lobbying filings that are coming in every day with different people hiring Trump connected folks. And so they’re all sort of competing for this space and to influence pedal and make money doing so in the region and take advantage of the sort of political interventionism and rightborn shift that we’re seeing.

And so this is just one piece of it.

Michael Fox:

In other words, this doesn’t begin or end with Serimado, but as Jake Johnston said in the beginning, this is a door that is opening to a world that has largely been closed. And there is so much more we need to understand and consider about how US President Donald Trump is using his power to influence elections around the region. This is where we’re headed next time. In the lead up to high stakes elections in Brazil in October where Trump is vying to help the son of the former far-right president Jair Bolsonaro win the election. Trump has levied tariffs and revoked the visa of the Brazilian ambassador to the United States and state department officials are allegedly courting journalists in order to spread the US narrative around the country’s elections. That is next time on Under the Shadow.

Folks, first off, I have big news. I’ve just launched a new website called Pan-American Dispatch. It’s a project of The Real News. We are translating daily articles from Portuguese and Spanish into English for a US audience. Over the next two months, we’re exclusively focused on the Brazilian election and Trump’s attempts to influence it. Please check it out. You can find us at panamericandispatch.org. As always, you can find me at patreon.com/mfox. There you can also support my work, become a monthly sustainer or sign up to stay abreast of all the latest on this podcast and my other reporting across Latin America. You can find a ton of content there exclusively for my supporters. Many, many thanks to SIEPR’s Jake Johnston and Ajin Shepublica’s Maria Marta Bruno. It was a pleasure to speak with you. I’ll add links to some of the reporting from their outlets in the show notes.

As always, if you’re looking for more information, news and reporting on Trump’s onslaught, both on communities within the United States and abroad, please check out The Real News and NACLA. Both of them are publishing daily indispensable reporting. The theme music is by my band, Monte Perdido. You can find us on Spotify or wherever you stream music. This closing music playing right now is off our 2024 album, Ofrenda. I hope you check it out. Under the Shadow is a co-production of The Real News and NACLA, it’s produced in partnership with Global Exchange. This episode was written, researched, reported, and produced by me, Michael Fox. The script was edited by Heather Geis. Thanks for listening. See you next time.

A Agência Pública lançou um e-book gratuito sobre desinformação na era digital, desenvolvido pela jornalista Natalia Viana, diretora executiva e cofundadora da Pública, e pelo tecnólogo Babak Fakhamzadeh. O material explica o que é desinformação, como funcionam as fake news e quais estratégias estão por trás da criação e circulação desses conteúdos. Também apresenta um guia prático com seis passos para identificar notícias falsas e aborda o método jornalístico, a inteligência artificial e os novos desafios para reconhecer informações na internet.

O e-book pode ser baixado gratuitamente. Basta se inscrever nas newsletters da Pública neste link para receber o material diretamente no e-mail. 

O guia apresenta diferentes tipos de desinformação, explica a estrutura de uma campanha para circular conteúdos falsos e os diferentes atores envolvidos em sua produção e distribuição, além de discutir os interesses que podem estar por trás disso.

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A freguesia da Guia voltou a acolher, no passado domingo, 13 de setembro, o Encontro Solidário de Motorizadas Antigas. A iniciativa reuniu perto de 400 participantes, que se juntaram para um dia de passeio e convívio sobre duas rodas.

O percurso matinal passou por vários pontos do concelho e incluiu uma paragem no quartel dos Bombeiros Voluntários de Albufeira. Ao final da manhã, o grupo juntou-se para o habitual almoço de confraternização, com o frango à Guia a servir de prato principal.

A vertente solidária do evento permitiu angariar 4.782,50 euros, valor que reverte integralmente para apoiar a atividade diária dos Bombeiros Voluntários de Albufeira. O montante foi entregue no final do encontro por Dinis Nascimento, presidente da Junta de Freguesia da Guia, a Paulo Afonso, presidente da Associação Humanitária dos Bombeiros Voluntários de Albufeira.

O Presidente da Junta de Freguesia da Guia, Dinis Nascimento, fez um balanço positivo da iniciativa, referindo que “ano após ano, é gratificante ver o enorme envolvimento de quem nos visita.” O autarca acrescenta que “há muito trabalho de organização para acolher da melhor forma quem vem de fora e garantir que tudo corre bem, pelo que ver esta adesão crescer e saber que esse esforço conjunto se traduz numa ajuda de quase 4.800 euros para os nossos bombeiros é o maior reconhecimento que podemos ter.”

O Encontro Solidário de Motorizadas Antigas regressa em 2027 com o compromisso de voltar a juntar os entusiastas das duas rodas à volta deste evento que junta convívio e solidariedade.  

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the podium Photographer: Dati Bendo © European Union

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen used her State of the Union address on Wednesday (16 September) to make the case for a more independent Europe, confronting war, economic competition, AI disruption and climate change — while proposing Canada become the EU’s first associate member.

Opening her #SOTEU speech with Charles Dickens’ “best of times, worst of times”, von der Leyen described a Union stronger but also more exposed to external threats.

“The state of our Union is the strongest it has ever been,” she said, while acknowledging it could feel “as precarious as it has ever been”. “Europe has chosen to forge its own path. And a stronger, independent Europe is now emerging.”

Competitiveness and energy

Von der Leyen called kickstarting Europe’s economy her “number one priority”, promising faster permitting, less red tape and further integration of the Single Market.

The Commission will propose a new Banking Package and create a European Corporation on Critical Raw Materials to secure supplies needed for chips, batteries, clean technology and defence.

With high energy costs weighing on European industry, von der Leyen called for faster electrification and investment in grids, renewables and nuclear power to reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels.

Climate after a 'summer of truth'

After a summer of fires, drought and extreme heat, von der Leyen promised a climate resilience framework focused on 100 of Europe’s most vulnerable territories, alongside a Climate Insurance Alliance, European Heatwave Plan and Water Initiative.

She also floated a future European Firefighting Fleet, declaring that Europe “can, must and will stay the course” on its climate targets.

AI: Opportunity and threat

AI was presented as both an economic opportunity and an emerging security threat. Von der Leyen warned that advanced models could enable hacking “on a level we never thought possible” and pledged closer cooperation with Canada, the UK and others on AI security.

At the same time, Europe will expand computing capacity and push AI into health, transport, agriculture, manufacturing, defence and space. “Above all, we want AI with human agency,” she said.

Jobs, housing and social rights

The Commission plans a Quality Jobs Act before the end of the year and a European Care Deal, alongside measures tackling housing pressures.

Von der Leyen said technological change must benefit workers, while strongly defending women’s rights and Europe’s social model.

PHOTO  European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney at the podium Photographer: Dati Bendo © European Union

Canada moves closer

One of the biggest surprises came with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney in the chamber.

Von der Leyen proposed an “Alliance for the Future” spanning technology, defence, energy, critical minerals, AI and the Arctic — before going further.

“I would like to work with you on opening the door for Canada to be the first associate member of the EU,” she told Carney. “We share one ocean, one set of values, one way of seeing the world.”

Security, defence and Ukraine

With drone incursions, cyberattacks and sabotage raising security concerns inside the EU, von der Leyen proposed a new European security strategy and an Emergency Security Protocol for incidents falling below the threshold of armed aggression.

She also wants to establish a European Security Council and strengthen joint European defence capabilities.

Ukraine faces what von der Leyen called the “toughest winter of the war”. She promised humanitarian and energy support, stronger air defences and deeper defence-industrial cooperation with Kyiv.

Borders, democracy and children online

The Commission will propose an Emergency Response Framework for exceptional migration crises and strengthen Frontex, while launching a Mediterranean Youth Skills and Jobs initiative.

Von der Leyen also announced an EU KIDS ACT, including no social media for under-13s and restrictions for children under 15, followed by a broader Digital Fairness Act.

Political groups draw battle lines

EPP leader Manfred Weber backed the focus on AI, defence and competitiveness but pushed against restrictive climate policies. “Climate change is a reality,” he said, arguing Europe needed “innovation and not bans.”

S&D leader Iratxe García Pérez demanded that von der Leyen turn “words into action”, backing climate investment, housing and worker protections while warning that simplification must not become deregulation.

Renew Europe leader Valérie Hayer made a pointed appeal for the Parliament’s pro-European majority, as the EPP has increasingly worked with parties further to the right on some legislation. “There’s only one possible majority. It’s our pro-European majority,” she said. “We need to do more. We need more Europe, and we need it more quickly.”

Greens/EFA co-chair Terry Reintke accused EU leaders of failing to respond urgently enough to extreme heat and wildfires. “We are in the middle of a climate emergency,” she said, demanding stronger Green Deal implementation while insisting: “We are not powerless. Europe is strong, and Europe can be even stronger.”

ECR co-chair Patryk Jaki struck a sharply different note, attacking the Commission over bureaucracy, energy costs and industrial competitiveness. Europe, he argued, was “as weak as it’s ever been.”

Von der Leyen closed on the central theme running through the speech: European sovereignty in an increasingly hostile world.

“The fate of Europe,” she said, “must remain in the hands of Europeans.”

A Câmara Municipal de Loulé dá as boas-vindas à comunidade escolar no arranque do ano letivo 2026/2027, e afirmando a Educação como um dos pilares centrais e estratégicos da ação autárquica. Através de um forte investimento na melhoria dos equipamentos, apoios sociais, alimentação, transportes e reforço dos recursos humanos e pedagógicos, o Município promove as condições para garantir a igualdade de oportunidades, o sucesso escolar e o bem-estar de milhares de crianças e de alunos/as de todo o concelho.

Loulé regista neste novo ano letivo o maior número de sempre de crianças e de alunos/as que frequentam as escolas do concelho, perto de 15 mil, entre a rede pública, a solidária e a privada, perfazendo um ecossistema educativo dinâmico e inclusivo, onde estão representadas dezenas de nacionalidades.

Para mitigar os encargos das famílias e promover a equidade, a Autarquia assume um papel determinante na alimentação e nos materiais pedagógicos. Entre setembro e junho, está previsto o fornecimento diário de cerca de 6 mil refeições, confecionadas nas próprias escolas.

No apoio pedagógico, o Município assegura a oferta de 60 mil cadernos de atividades a cerca de 10300 alunos/as dos estabelecimentos da rede pública do concelho, abrangendo os vários níveis de ensino, desde o 1º ciclo ao ensino secundário.

No ensino artístico especializado, serão igualmente distribuídas 874 partituras musicais a cerca de 350 alunos do Conservatório de Música de Loulé – Francisco Rosado.

Uma das novidades este ano é a distribuição de dois livros sobre mobilidade sustentável, “O Clube dos Pedais” e “Missão Pedalar”, aos alunos/as do 1º ano e do 5º ano de escolaridade dos estabelecimentos de ensino da rede pública do concelho.

Numa aposta clara na inclusão plena e na proximidade, o Município vai reativar o espaço do CREI em Loulé, expandindo a cobertura territorial deste serviço essencial para apoiar 31 crianças e alunos/as com necessidades específicas e as respetivas famílias.

Para garantir o conforto dos alunos/as e profissionais, está a ser realizado um levantamento das necessidades energéticas para a instalação de unidades de climatização nas escolas (ares-condicionados), tendo sido, entretanto, adquiridas e distribuídas pelas escolas 290 ventoinhas para resposta imediata.

Ao nível dos equipamentos, para responder ao crescimento demográfico do concelho, encontra-se em fase de conclusão o edifício da nova Creche do Forte Novo, em Quarteira. 

Estão em curso estudos e projetos de reconstrução e ampliação, nomeadamente na Escola Secundária Drª Laura Ayres, em Quarteira, e na Escola Básica Dr. António de Sousa Agostinho, em Almancil, estando também em análise a ampliação da EB Padre João Coelho Cabanita e o aumento da capacidade nos 2º e 3º ciclos. Estão ainda a ser elaborados projetos para a construção de novas escolas, nas zonas de maior pressão demográfica, desde a Educação Pré-escolar até ao Ensino Secundário, para responder às necessidades identificadas na Carta Educativa, a curto e médio prazo.

Para garantir o bom funcionamento diário das escolas, a Autarquia tem vindo a aumentar o número de pessoas trabalhadoras em funções nos estabelecimentos de ensino. Atualmente, estão afetos ao setor da educação 850 profissionais, aos quais se somarão brevemente mais 50 trabalhadores/as, além do reforço de vigilantes em 9 escolas, numa aposta clara na segurança nos estabelecimentos de ensino.

O Município destaca ainda o percurso diferenciador da Escola Profissional de Alte, agora com a chancela de “Escola Geoparque”, potenciando a sua ligação profunda à valorização e ao desenvolvimento sustentável do interior.

“A Câmara Municipal de Loulé reafirma o seu compromisso inabalável com o futuro das novas gerações, disponibilizando os recursos necessários para um ano letivo seguro, inclusivo e de excelência. Desejo a toda a comunidade escolar um excelente ano e que continuemos a trabalhar em conjunto para melhor as condições de aprendizagem dos nossos meninos”, afirma Telmo Pinto, presidente da Autarquia de Loulé.

Transportes escolares: 1200 alunos/as transportados/as e 5,7 milhões de investimento municipal

Com o objetivo de assegurar a acessibilidade plena, num território extenso, a rede de transportes escolares municipal irá abranger este ano letivo perto de 1200 alunos/as. No global está assegurada a mobilidade de cerca de 2200 alunos/as no concelho: 1200 transportados/as em circuitos geridos pelo Município e outros/as 1000 são abrangidos/as pelas carreiras públicas integradas no serviço VAMUS, gerido em toda a região pela AMAL (Comunidade Intermunicipal do Algarve).

Para responder às especificidades do território, o Plano Municipal de Transportes Escolares prevê a contratação de 70 circuitos especiais e 9 dedicados aos alunos com necessidades específicas em transporte adaptado, além dos que são garantidos pelos veículos do Município (8), totalizando 87 circuitos. O investimento global de 5,7 milhões de euros resulta da extensão de circuitos, integração de novas localidades e do reforço dos transportes para alunos acompanhados pelo Centro de Recursos Educativos para a Inclusão (CREI).

De referir que este Plano de Transportes decorre dos critérios definidos por lei: o transporte escolar é obrigatório (e gratuito) para todas as crianças que residam a mais de 3 quilómetros do respetivo estabelecimento de ensino. A legislação somente prevê exceções claras para distâncias inferiores, as quais se aplicam estritamente às crianças com mobilidade condicionada ou com necessidades específicas.

A Loja de Cidadão de Olhão já está aberta ao público, num espaço localizado no Ria Shopping, permitindo concentrar num único local um conjunto alargado de serviços públicos e municipais e facilitar o acesso dos cidadãos aos principais serviços da Administração Pública.

A abertura da nova Loja de Cidadão concretiza uma resposta há muito aguardada pela comunidade, através de um espaço mais central, acessível e com melhores condições de atendimento. A localização permite, também, uma maior facilidade de estacionamento e de acesso, contribuindo para aproximar os serviços públicos da população.

No novo espaço estão disponíveis serviços da Autoridade Tributária e Aduaneira, Segurança Social, Instituto dos Registos e do Notariado e do Espaço Cidadão do Município de Olhão.

No que diz respeito aos serviços municipais, o Balcão Único concentra a generalidade dos serviços ligados à cidadania e os serviços do Espaço Cidadão, ficando de fora, nesta fase, os serviços de Urbanismo, Espaço Público e Publicidade, cuja tramitação continua a ser assegurada nas instalações do Município, por razões de facilidade e agilidade dos procedimentos.

A nova Loja de Cidadão passa, ainda, a assegurar os registos de cidadão europeu, anteriormente realizados noutros locais.

Para o presidente da Câmara Municipal de Olhão, Ricardo Calé, a abertura da nova Loja de Cidadão representa um passo importante na melhoria do acesso da população aos serviços públicos: “Esta abertura da nova Loja de Cidadão num espaço mais central e mais acessível vem trazer aquilo que a comunidade esperava há muito tempo: a facilidade de acesso.”

O autarca sublinha, ainda, a importância da concentração de serviços num único espaço, considerando que as novas instalações permitem “centralização de vários serviços no mesmo espaço, permitindo que a população consiga mais rapidamente aceder aos serviços principais do Estado”.

A centralidade da nova localização, aliada às condições de estacionamento e acessibilidade, constitui, segundo Ricardo Calé, uma melhoria significativa na relação entre os cidadãos e os serviços públicos.

Com a abertura da Loja de Cidadão, Olhão passa, assim, a dispor de um espaço renovado e ,onde os cidadãos podem tratar de um conjunto diversificado de assuntos relacionados com os serviços municipais e da Administração Pública, tornando mais simples e acessível o contacto com os serviços públicos.

Propor o uso de inteligência artificial e a integração de bases de dados com imagens em tempo real para lidar com problemas de segurança pública virou uma bandeira comum entre os candidatos ao governo dos estados, independentemente do espectro político. “Centros de comando e controle”, “cercamento eletrônico” e “videomonitoramento” aparecem como solução nas propostas de candidatos de esquerda, direita e extrema direita, ainda que as tecnologias (muitas já utilizadas pelas forças de segurança) não tenham sido capazes de frear a violência em meio ao aumento da letalidade policial no país.

Em 2025, ações de agentes de segurança resultaram em 6.602 homicídios em todo o país, o maior número absoluto da série histórica do Anuário Brasileiro de Segurança Pública desde 2016. Produzido pelo Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública, o anuário aponta Amapá, Bahia, Sergipe, Pará, Goiás, Rio de Janeiro, Paraná, Rio Grande do Norte, Mato Grosso e Alagoas como os 10 estados com as forças de segurança mais letais no ano passado, com índices superiores à média nacional (de 3,1 mortes a cada 100 mil habitantes).

Para o professor de ciência política da Universidade Federal de São Paulo (Unifesp) Bruno Konder Comparato, os dados reforçam que só investir em tecnologia e integração não impede a violência policial. “A tecnologia não faz mágica, sobretudo quando falamos de letalidade policial: quem mata não é o computador ou um sistema, é o policial com uma arma na mão. Se queremos fazer investimentos para diminuir a violência policial, deve-se investir no treinamento de pessoas, no aprendizado e uso de técnicas não-letais”, afirmou Comparato à Agência Pública.

Todos os 10 estados com maior letalidade policial utilizam regularmente tecnologias de integração de dados sensíveis – com acesso em tempo real a informações sigilosas dos cidadãos, como RG, CPF e cadastro do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), entre outros – para monitoramento da população. Um exemplo que salta aos olhos é o Amapá: em 2025, o estado foi a unidade da federação com a maior taxa de letalidade policial do país pelo 7º ano consecutivo e, desde 2024, simultaneamente, concentra também o maior índice de homicídios em geral no Brasil. Há anos, a polícia local dispõe de iniciativas próprias de integração de dados e produção de inteligência, o que não foi suficiente para mudar essa realidade.

O governador Clécio Luiz (União), candidato à reeleição com apoio do presidente do Senado, Davi Alcolumbre (União-AP), anunciou em junho deste ano a criação de um novo sistema de inteligência estadual, agregando o Centro Integrado de Inteligência em Segurança Pública do estado a outros órgãos de segurança e agências federais, como a Polícia Federal (PF) e o Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública (MJSP).

O plano de governo de Clécio Luiz defende ainda a “instalação de câmeras inteligentes” nas “entradas e saídas dos municípios, áreas de maior incidência criminal, rodovias e equipamentos públicos”, com um sistema de “reconhecimento de placas, identificação de veículos com restrição, videomonitoramento em tempo real e inteligência artificial, conectado ao Centro Integrado de Operações de Segurança Pública”. A proposta, no entanto, não menciona ou propõe medidas para diminuir os índices de letalidade policial.

O principal adversário do governador, o ex-prefeito de Macapá Dr. Antônio Furlan (PSD), também promete “implantar e expandir o uso de videomonitoramento, inteligência artificial, análise de dados”, com “um sistema integrado de monitoramento eletrônico nas principais rotas logísticas e áreas estratégicas”, integrando “informações sobre criminalidade, apreensões de drogas e armas, atuação de organizações criminosas e disputas territoriais”. Furlan também ignorou a questão das mortes provocadas por agentes de segurança em sua proposta.

Um estudo feito por pesquisadores da Universidade Federal do Amapá e da Universidade de Lisboa sugere que as mortes causadas por intervenção policial no estado teriam relação direta com o avanço do narcotráfico. A conclusão segue a mesma linha de artigo de 2024 da pesquisadora associada ao Núcleo de Estudos da Violência da Universidade de São Paulo (NEV/USP) Ariadne Natal, que descreve como o Amapá se tornou “uma espécie de entreposto para rotas nacionais e internacionais do tráfico de drogas”. 

“Embora pareça haver um contexto de crescimento de ações do crime organizado, as respostas e soluções apresentadas pelas instituições de segurança do estado estão em descompasso com as ameaças registradas”, aponta Natal no artigo, destacando ainda que “o uso da força letal tem sido empregado de maneira excessiva e desproporcional” pelos agentes de segurança no Amapá – que, entre 2015 e 2023, teve uma média de 80 civis mortos para cada policial vitimado.

Promessas comuns sobre segurança unem direita e esquerda

O caso do Amapá passa longe de isolado. Dois governos de campos políticos opostos também na lista dos estados com os maiores índices de letalidade policial mostram como o uso da tecnologia na segurança não resolve, por si só, a violência: Bahia e Goiás – 2º e 5º lugares no ranking das maiores taxas de mortes praticadas por agentes de segurança, segundo o Anuário de Segurança Pública.

Nos últimos oito anos, a política de segurança pública em Goiás seguiu uma abordagem repressiva. O candidato que representa a continuidade da atual política da administração goiana, Daniel Vilela (MDB), insiste nessa abordagem, que inclui o uso extensivo de inteligência artificial sobre grandes bases de dados.

Até então, o governo de Goiás apostou pesadamente na área de inteligência, omitindo gastos com empresas envolvidas em escândalos recentes – como a israelense Cognyte, fabricante do programa cujo uso ilegal pelo governo Bolsonaro veio à tona por meio do caso conhecido como Abin Paralela. A compra do programa espião sequer foi avaliada pelo Tribunal de Contas de Goiás, como revelado pela Pública.

Em seu plano de governo, Vilela promete a “expansão do videomonitoramento inteligente”, com “análise de dados” e até mesmo “reconhecimento de padrões para antecipar crimes”, algo que ele apelida como “IA Contra o Crime”. Por um lado, o estado alega que a letalidade policial caiu mais de 40% desde 2020. Por outro, os índices seguem altos, com a polícia sendo responsável por 362 mortes em 2025 e sob suspeita de atuação de grupos de extermínio formados por PMs no estado.

Já o caso da Bahia mostra como o problema da letalidade policial também impacta administrações de esquerda, dado que o estado é um dos principais redutos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no país.

Na reta final do atual governo de Jerônimo Rodrigues (PT), que concorre à reeleição, o estado anunciou um plano de redução da letalidade policial que foi celebrado por órgãos de controle como o Ministério Público. Ainda assim, 1.570 pessoas foram mortas graças à ação das forças de segurança da Bahia – quase 25% do total de casos no país em 2025.

Em seu plano de governo, Rodrigues promete expandir “as câmeras corporais, o videomonitoramento inteligente, o reconhecimento facial, a leitura automática de placas e a integração de câmeras públicas e privadas”, “ampliando o compartilhamento técnico” com o governo federal por meio do Sistema Único de Segurança Pública (Susp). A campanha do petista é uma das poucas a admitir que não basta adquirir mais tecnologia, prometendo “expandir o plano estadual de redução da letalidade policial”.

Para o cientista político Bruno Comparato, exemplos como os de Amapá, Bahia ou Goiás mostram que “sistemas tecnológicos e investimento podem ajudar, especialmente em locais sensíveis onde há maior frequência de crimes, fornecendo horários e dias que demandam atenção”. 

Inteligência, espionagem e integração: os desafios nacionais na segurança

A repressão policial tornou-se uma bandeira da gestão do ex-governador de Goiás e hoje candidato à Presidência Ronaldo Caiado (PSD). Fundador da antiga União Democrática Ruralista (UDR), ele propõe criar um “sistema nacional de inteligência criminal” caso vença as eleições deste ano e planeja “utilizar inteligência artificial para cruzar dados, identificar redes criminosas, orientar operações e acompanhar a movimentação interestadual de suspeitos e presos” a partir da unificação das informações contidas nos “bancos de dados da União, dos estados, do Distrito Federal, do Ministério Público e do Poder Judiciário”.

Essa unificação também encontra respaldo nas propostas do atual presidente Lula (PT), cuja gestão priorizou a integração de dados usados pelas forças policiais, com o Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública (MJSP), concentrando os esforços de reunir informações de estados e municípios via Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (Senasp) e de instaurar mecanismos de controle na área, após um período de “libera geral” quanto ao uso de ferramentas de vigilância durante o governo Jair Bolsonaro.

A proposta de governo do petista, candidato à reeleição, inclui “a construção de um Sistema Nacional de Segurança Pública mais articulado” e promete que “fortalecerá a integração entre os entes federados” e “a inteligência estatal”.

Em alta no pleito de 2026, a participação da União na gestão da segurança pública, no entanto, se dá num campo mais estratégico e menos executivo. O titular da Secretaria Nacional de Segurança Pública (Senasp), Chico Lucas, defende o avanço da integração de dados, mas faz a ressalva de que cabe aos estados o uso das ferramentas oferecidas, como o Infoseg e o Córtex – um sistema de vigilância cujos problemas e abusos já foram detalhados em uma série de reportagens da Pública.

“Não concorremos com os estados. Não produzimos os dados [policiais], nós os integramos: o estado emite a carteira de identidade, nós a integramos. O estado produz o B.O. [boletim de ocorrência], produz relatórios de inteligência e nós integramos esses materiais. Nosso papel é esse: fornecer tecnologia e dar a logística para os estados, respeitando o pacto federativo”, disse Lucas, ressaltando que a pasta “nunca ‘desce’ para o nível da execução”, disse o secretário à Pública.

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The sudden death of Greece’s popular singer Giorgos Mazonakis opened the Pandora’s Box about illegal medical practices and pseudo-scientific “alternative” methods aiming first of all at the healing of the pockets of scam doctors with warm euros. His sudden death shocked the Greek society and mobilized health and police authorities in a speed we could […]

The post Mazonakis’ death opens the Pandora’s Box of illegal medical practices in Greece appeared first on Keep Talking Greece.

No âmbito da Semana Europeia da Mobilidade, a Federação Portuguesa de Cicloturismo e Utilizadores de Bicicleta (FPCUB) promove o Curso de Iniciação à Bicicleta – Nível 2 (Teórico). Destinado a quem já sabe andar de bicicleta, mas pretende adquirir mais conhecimentos, confiança e segurança para circular na cidade e dar o passo seguinte: adotar a bicicleta como meio de transporte no quotidiano.  Trata-se de uma sessão teórica, na qual serão abordados temas essenciais para uma utilização mais segura e autónoma da bicicleta, nomeadamente: ● como circular na cidade; ● as ciclovias das cidades; ● os percursos citadinos; ● como escolher o melhor percurso; ● como escolher a melhor bicicleta; ● as regras de trânsito e sinalização; ● partilha da via; ● a articulação com o transporte público; ● entre outros.  Data:  16 de setembro (quarta-feira) | 18h30 Local: Online – Via Zoom  As inscrições são gratuitas mas obrigatórias. Faça já a sua!

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Os Mercados Municipais de Olhão são, oficialmente, uma das Novas 7 Maravilhas de Portugal.

A distinção foi atribuída por votação para o concurso televisivo com o mesmo nome.

Mas o que poucos saberão é que estes equipamentos foram erguidos sobre uma impressionante fundação de 88 estacas, escondendo-se, portanto, sob o solo o segredo da sua longevidade e imponente estrutura.

Esta inovadora técnica de bate-estacas, que ligou cada pilar através de arcos de alvenaria de tijolo, permitiu a consolidação ideal das edificações, tornando este complexo um dos principais postais ilustrados da cidade e um dos ex-libris mais fotografados da região olhanense.

Inaugurados em 1916, após quatro anos de obras iniciadas em 1912, estes edifícios icónicos afirmam-se há mais de um século como um local de paragem obrigatória para residentes e turistas. Todos os dias, centenas de pessoas cruzam as suas portas em busca do melhor peixe fresco, frutas e verduras, fundindo a azáfama do comércio tradicional com a admiração por um património histórico e cultural único no Algarve.

Do ponto de vista arquitetónico, o complexo constitui um exemplo modelar da arquitetura do ferro e do vidro do início do século XX, marcando de forma indelével a introdução de soluções construtivas modernas em Portugal. O projeto, dotado de um enorme impacto urbanístico, destaca-se pela sua clareza visual, funcionalidade e por uma abordagem vanguardista perfeitamente alinhada com as necessidades comerciais da época.

A nível estrutural, os Mercados apresentam uma planta longitudinal dividida em dois corpos retangulares de vértices arredondados: o Mercado das Verduras e o Mercado do Peixe. Ambas as alas exibem fachadas marcantes em tijolo aparente e estrutura metálica, sendo delimitadas exteriormente por quatro elegantes torreões circulares envidraçados.

Embora tenham sido submetidos a profundas obras de reabilitação no final do século XX — reabrindo ao público em 1998 com o seu aspeto exterior e integridade originais totalmente preservados —, os Mercados continuam a saber renovar-se. A prova disso é o seu interior, que recentemente foi forrado e enriquecido com painéis de azulejos pintados pelo artista Costa Pinheiro.

Unindo a robustez da engenharia centenária à delicadeza da arte contemporânea, os Mercados Municipais de Olhão consolidam-se como uma referência incontornável da arquitetura portuguesa.

Leia também: A lenda secreta de uma igreja algarvia

Announcing the severing of diplomatic ties with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Thursday, September 10, Algeria summoned the Emirati envoy and gave him 48 hours to leave the country.​

“Algeria has exercised a great deal of restraint and a high sense of responsibility,” despite the increasingly “provocative or hostile actions emanating from” the Gulf power, the North African country’s foreign ministry said in a statement.​

“Despite these numerous warnings, the United Arab Emirates continued to persist in these actions, which have reached limits where they can no longer be considered acceptable or tolerable within the framework of relations between two sovereign states, nor remain without a response.”​

Later that day, its defense ministry announced that the UAE’s military and civilian aircraft are banned from using Algerian airspace from Friday. The only exemption is for commercial civilian planes, which can continue to fly over Algeria until the existing contract expires at the end of the year.​

Algeria had already initiated the termination of the air services agreement with the UAE in February, when President Abdelmadjid Tebboune alleged attempted Emirati interference in its elections.​

Multiple Algerian media outlets aligned with the state have reported that the UAE has been supporting the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylia (MAK), a separatist group Algeria designated as a terrorist organization in 2021.​

Algeria and the UAE also find themselves on opposing sides on several fronts of international relations.​

Algeria aids Western Sahara’s liberation struggle; UAE backs Moroccan occupation​

The support for the national liberation struggle of Western Sahara, occupied by Morocco immediately after it won independence from Spanish colonialism, has been a central plank of Algeria’s foreign policy.​

In 2021, Algeria severed diplomatic relations with Morocco, accusing it of supporting the MAK in retaliation for Algerian support to the Polisario Front (PF), which is fighting for Western Sahara’s national liberation. But there is no equivalence between the PF and the MAK.​

The MAK, which has long had close links to Israel, largely operates from Europe and is based in France, Algeria’s former colonizer. The PF, on the other hand, is fighting for Western Sahara’s liberation, with its military operating in its liberated territory adjoining Algeria. The UN recognizes the PF as the sole representative of the people of Western Sahara, a country it lists among the last few pending decolonization.​

Read more: Western Sahara’s decolonization at a crossroads after 50 years of occupation​

Despite funding and arming the Moroccan occupation, the US had not officially recognized Morocco’s claim to sovereignty over Western Sahara until December 2020, when Morocco signed the Abraham Accords to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel.​

The first Trump administration, in turn, proclaimed that the US “recognizes Moroccan sovereignty over the entire Western Sahara territory” and went on to open a consulate in Dakhla, a major city in the occupied region.

​The UAE was a step ahead, setting a precedent before the American move by opening its consulate on the occupied land in November 2020, a month before Morocco normalized relations with Israel. The UAE had already normalized relations with Israel that September.

​In contrast, Algeria refuses to normalize relations with Israel until the Palestinians have secured their statehood. Algerian media often refers to the UAE as an “Israeli vassal”.

​“Wherever they set foot, blood flows”

​Algeria’s diplomatic break was foreseeable since at least July, when President Tebboune said in a thinly veiled reference to the UAE in a televised interview, “Wherever they set foot, blood flows… We want them to stay away, so that blood does not flow in our country.” He gave the example of Mali, Libya and Sudan.

​A month later, in August, the UN confirmed that the USD 50 million transferred to the Al Qaeda-affiliated JNIM in the form of ransom helped fuel its attack across Mali. A Reuters investigation identified the UAE as the source of this payment to JNIM. The group has also attacked its neighbors, Burkina Faso and Niger, both of which have followed in Mali’s footsteps by expelling French troops.

​Read more: Mali fights yet another wave of attacks on multiple cities by terror groups

The UAE’s supply of arms and mercenaries to the Libyan warlord General Khalifa Haftar, who has been fighting Libya’s UN-recognized government, is also well-documented in multiple UN reports since 2017.

Tebboune’s reference to “blood” flowing from Emirati interference is best demonstrated in war-torn Sudan, where the UAE is funding and arming the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), whose depopulation campaign in El Fasher had all the “hallmarks of genocide”, according to the UN.

Read more: RSF has burnt and buried tens of thousands of corpses in El Fasher, says Yale report

He added in the July interview that a “diplomatic break” with the UAE “would have happened long ago.” Algeria, he explained, had refrained only to avoid adding to the already existing divisions in the Arabic-speaking world.

When the break finally came on Thursday, the UAE’s foreign ministry said it hoped that it “will be temporary, in a manner that preserves the fraternal ties between the two brotherly peoples.”

In an apparent reference to the absence of explicitly stated reasons in Algeria’s statement, Anwar Gargash, the diplomatic advisor to the UAE’s president, Mohamed bin Zayed, said, “Diplomatic relations are managed through reason, communication, and clarity of interests, not through puzzles and signals that require decoding.”

He went on to preach that “successful diplomacy is built on clarity of positions, sound management of interests and differences.”

Gargash’s statement “is revealing above all for what it carefully conceals. Not a word about the actions of this arsonist, predatory state, which thrives on chaos wherever it sticks its nose in Yemen, Sudan, the DRC, Somaliland, and elsewhere,” retorted former Algerian diplomat, Amar Belani.

Describing the UAE as a “state that has made other nations’ instability its economic model,” Belani concluded his response, saying: “As for the lesson on ‘reason and clarity of interests’, Abu Dhabi would do better to reserve it for its partners in the Abraham Accords, with whom it shares complicity in the face of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide committed against the Palestinian people.” 

This sentiment against the UAE is not limited to the government or the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), which led Algeria’s liberation struggle against French colonialism and has ruled since, except for a few years in the 1990s.

Mass protests erupted in 2019 against corruption and increasing economic capture by the military elite, strangling an economy already suffering under neoliberal austerity. This movement, known as the Hirak, forced the then president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, a veteran of the FLN, to resign.

But even in these protests against the government and the ruling FLN, “Down with the UAE” and “No to the UAE in the country of martyrs”, were among the popular placards and slogans.

O Museu Municipal de Olhão assinala as Jornadas Europeias do Património, nos dias 15 e 16 de setembro, com uma programação que convida a conhecer a cidade e a sua história através de diferentes formas de viver e interpretar o património olhanense.

Ao longo destes dois dias, o Museu Municipal abre as portas da cidade, motivando um novo olhar sobre o espaço urbano e reforçando os laços de pertença a uma identidade cultural única, profundamente moldada pelo mar e pela tradição oral.

A programação cruza a história material, a tradição imaterial e a vivência comunitária, através de propostas que levam o património para além das paredes do Museu e o aproximam dos espaços, das memórias e das pessoas que fazem parte da identidade de Olhão.

No dia 15 de setembro, às 21:30, o Largo da Restauração, junto ao Museu Municipal, recebe o concerto do Dúo Kasal, numa noite em que a música e a convivência se juntam à fruição do património no espaço público. Às 22:30, terá lugar uma visita acompanhada à Igreja Matriz de Olhão, proporcionando uma oportunidade para conhecer a arte, a arquitetura e o significado histórico daquele que é o principal monumento religioso da cidade.

No dia 16 de setembro, às 21:00, o Museu recebe um Encontro no Museu, seguindo-se, às 21:30, o percurso pela zona histórica “A Noite das Lendas Encantadas”, com Jorge Alves ao acordeão. A iniciativa propõe uma imersão no imaginário coletivo e nas histórias que integram a tradição oral olhanense, percorrendo lugares e memórias do centro histórico.

Com esta programação, o Museu Municipal de Olhão convida a comunidade e os visitantes a descobrir, escutar e experienciar o património da cidade, valorizando não apenas os seus monumentos e espaços, mas também as histórias, as tradições e as relações que lhes dão significado.

As relações de Daniel Vorcaro com jornalistas tiveram papel importante no seu plano de fuga no dia 17 de novembro do ano passado, frustrado pela Polícia Federal (PF) no aeroporto de Guarulhos quando ele se preparava para embarcar em um jato particular para os Emirados Árabes. É o que se percebe ao analisar a cronologia do dia da prisão, à luz de um documento da PF, liberado pelo ministro André Mendonça por determinação do ministro Edson Fachin.

No dia 17 de novembro de 2025, às 7h41, minutos depois de falar com seu então advogado, Walfrido Warde, ele conversou com o jornalista Diego Escosteguy, do site O Bastidor, sobre uma reportagem com informações que ele mesmo teria repassado ao jornalista, segundo os investigadores. Às 11h, recebe de volta o link da matéria publicada e o envia para Warde.

A reportagem de Escosteguy menciona um inquérito policial sigiloso contra o Master que corre na 10ª Vara Federal do Distrito Federal (DF), do qual Vorcaro já tinha conhecimento, inclusive do nome do juiz que o presidia, como revelam anotações anteriores no bloco de notas no celular do banqueiro preso. 

Como as informações foram obtidas de forma ilegal ou de informantes que não poderiam aparecer, Vorcaro não tinha como entrar com pedidos na Justiça. Mas, de posse da reportagem, como se fosse a partir dela que tivesse sido informado sobre o inquérito, o advogado de Vorcaro ajuiza uma petição na 10ª Vara, pedindo o conteúdo da investigação e citando como fonte a reportagem publicada pelo O Bastidor. 

No início da tarde daquele mesmo dia, às 13h35, Vorcaro recebe um link de Belline Santana, então chefe do Departamento de Supervisão do Banco Central, para participar de uma reunião articulada por ele e por seu chefe adjunto, Paulo Sérgio Neves de Souza, com o diretor de Fiscalização do Banco Central, Ailton de Aquino. Desde as 6h34 da manhã, Vorcaro estava em contato com Belline e Paulo Sérgio, que atuaram diversas vezes como seus conselheiros, para driblar os mecanismos de controle e fiscalização.

A reunião termina às 14h10 e depois de rumores que circularam durante a tarde, Vorcaro anunciou às 17h24 que o banco Master teria sido comprado por um consórcio liderado pela Fictor Holding, com um aporte financeiro imediato de R$ 3 bilhões. O consórcio incluiria investidores dos Emirados Árabes e, por isso, ele iria a Dubai para concluir o negócio. Nenhuma comunicação formal da transação havia sido feita ao Banco Central, embora a transação também tivesse sido comunicada por Rafael Góis, um dos sócios da Fictor.

A Fictor não tinha lastro para realizar a operação, tanto é que, três meses depois, entrou com pedido de recuperação judicial, declarando dívidas de R$ 4,3 bilhões, e o próprio Góis é hoje acusado de fraudes bancárias. Mas a notícia, amplamente divulgada, serviria de “cortina de fumaça” para Vorcaro voar para um país sem acordo de extradição judicial com o Brasil e escapar da prisão, se não tivesse sido flagrado no aeroporto pela PF por volta das 22 horas. No dia seguinte, o Banco Central deu início à liquidação do Master. 

O uso da imprensa por Vorcaro se deu principalmente pela dificuldade de checar os acontecimentos na velocidade que o mercado exige — e talvez pela confiança excessiva na fonte; Vorcaro tinha contato com vários jornalistas. No caso de Escosteguy, dono de um pequeno veículo, a PF suspeita que ele tenha participado voluntariamente da trama, já que encontrou uma planilha com o pagamento de R$ 2 milhões em nome do jornalista. A notícia foi publicada pela primeira vez na coluna de Malu Gaspar, em março de 2026, e, desde então, o jornalista nega as acusações. 

Desde 2024, circulavam rumores no mercado sobre a inconsistência dos papéis do Master e, em fevereiro de 2025, o Banco Central já havia barrado a compra do banco pelo Banco de Brasília. Uma situação que exigia cautela, mas que, pelo jeito, foi menor do que o contexto e o personagem exigiam. 

O jornalismo só ganha com o acesso público a informações relevantes para o país; vazamentos e fontes serão quase sempre direcionados ou interessados em divulgar informações. Embora a ação de Fachin, pedindo a Mendonça a retirar do sigilo de parte dos documentos, seja um avanço, para passar a crise do STF a limpo, o ideal seria liberar logo e integralmente tudo o que não prejudicar as investigações sobre os três inquéritos com impacto eleitoral: além do Master, os relacionados aos casos “Lulinha” e Dark Horse. 

This week marks the 25th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks.

The United States has experienced much political and social upheaval since then, but the subsequent “War on Terror” paved the way for our current moment, and there are booming echoes of the era all around us.

Once again, the United States is waging a disastrous war in the Middle East with no discernible end in sight. Islamophobic rallies targeting NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani conjure up memories of the “Ground Zero Mosque” controversy. The government designates activist and advocacy organizations as terrorists. The Guantánamo Bay detention camp remains open. In fact, a legal immigrant was just sent there.

CBS reveals that the Taliban seized roughly $7 billion worth of American-purchased military hardware after the United States officially lost that war 5 years ago.

“Taliban fighters patrol in armored vehicles once supplied to Afghan forces, wearing American tactical gear and carrying American weapons,” reads the report. “CBS News saw one Humvee in the Afghan capital still adorned with a faded Green Bay Packers decal — a remnant from its past operators.”

The small number of Americans who opposed that war were either dismissed or attacked. So too were those who warned that the Bush administration’s overreach would result in disaster.

“The civil libertarians were mostly ignored, and as one new threat followed another — Iraq, ISIS, ‘lone wolves’ — the president’s reach continued to grow. Across the Bush and Obama administrations, the commander in chief was given, or simply took, new powers to prosecute, shut down and seize the assets of alleged terrorist groups and their supporters,” writes Radley Balko in the New York Times. “With the arrival of armed drones, the president assumed the right to remotely assassinate anyone, anywhere outside U.S. borders, at any time, including American citizens.”

“If the ratcheting diminishment of our liberties came slowly and sometimes without much outcry under Presidents Bush, Obama and Joe Biden, the consequences of all those years of expanded presidential power are plainly visible now,” he continues. “Mr. Trump is using every authority we have given the president since Sept. 11, 2001, and some we haven’t, in ways the civil libertarians had tried to warn us about at the start.”

One of the major differences between the current war on Iran and Bush’s war on Iraq is that a sizable chunk of the population fell for the administration’s lies back then. The polling shows that’s not the case this time around, and, despite information from the region being consistently repressed, there seems to be a growing understanding that the United States military is losing quite badly.

They say Americans don’t vote based on foreign policy, but that isn’t exactly true. Many people voted for Obama over Hillary Clinton in the 2008 primary because he opposed the Iraq War. People voted for Trump because he claimed he wouldn’t launch any new wars. It’s quite obvious that Kamala Harris’s connection to Israel’s genocide hurt her at the polls.

Whether or not this typically translates into policy shifts is a separate debate.

Obama’s election effectively killed the domestic antiwar movement, and he launched the largest assassination campaign in world history. Trump’s rhetoric predictably turned out to be nonsense. The Democratic Party’s establishment certainly didn’t rethink its Israel policy as a result of the Harris loss.

This is all to say that the war in Iran, which the administration now says might last through 2029, could help propel the Democrats back into power during the midterms, but will that actually result in a foreign policy reset?

In recent weeks, Democratic leaders and presidential hopefuls have directed their anger toward Twitch streamer Hasan Piker, hoping to quash the party’s left flank before the 2028 nomination process. For them, it’s an existential battle that transcends the question of which party may or may not control Congress at any given time and there’s no broader discussion about reversing our current course beyond removing Trump from office.

Michigan’s Democratic Senate nominee, Abdul El-Sayed, was recently attacked for an old 9/11 tweet in which he expressed sympathy for those who died on that day and those who were killed in the wars after.

“Today, I mourn the 3K lives, 6K injuries, & infrastructural devastation in NYC, perpetrated ignorantly in the name of my faith,” it read. “Tomorrow, I’ll mourn ~1M lives, millions of injuries, & infrastructural devastation in 3 countries, perpetrated ignorantly in the name of my country.”

According to Brown University’s Costs of War project, an additional 3.6-3.8 million people have died indirectly in post-9/11 war zones, which brings the overall death toll to at least 4.5-4.7 million and counting.

25 years after 9/11, the American Empire is undoubtedly in decline, but its demise seemingly remains far off, and we’ve yet to collectively reckon with its ongoing crimes.

A Câmara Municipal de Loulé, através da Revista Al-’Ulyà do Arquivo Municipal de Loulé, está a promover a 4ª edição do Prémio de Investigação Joaquim Romero Magalhães.

O prémio bienal visa galardoar estudos de investigação sobre o património histórico e cultural do concelho de Loulé nas suas diferentes abordagens, tais como na Histórica, Arqueológica e Etnográfica.

Os candidatos deverão enviar um exemplar da obra candidata para pserra@cm-loule.pt, até 15 de maio de 2027, ano a que respeita o concurso, de acordo com o regulamento disponível em www.cm-loule.pt

O trabalho vencedor terá um prémio pecuniário de 4000 euros, para além de ter a sua primeira edição publicada pela revista Al-’Ulyà. A cerimónia de entrega do galardão acontece no dia 21 de novembro de 2027, data comemorativa do lançamento desta revista. 

O Prémio foi criado para homenagear o ilustre Professor e Historiador, autor de uma obra histórica notável, promotor e divulgador da documentação histórica do Arquivo Municipal de Loulé, que desde 2021 passou a ter o seu nome.

Joaquim Romero Magalhães nasceu em Loulé, 18 de abril de 1942, e faleceu em Coimbra, 24 de dezembro de 2018. 

Licenciou-se em História na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, em 1967. Obteve o grau de Doutor, em 1984, na Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra, e integrou o corpo docente dessa Faculdade. Foi nomeado, em 1994, Professor Catedrático daquela Universidade. Foi Presidente do Teatro dos Estudantes da Universidade de Coimbra (1963), Presidente da Associação Académica de Coimbra (1964) e Presidente do Conselho Diretivo da Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra (1985-1989 e 1991-1993).

Foi Professor convidado da École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, de Paris (1989 e 1999), da Universidade de São Paulo (1991 e 1997) e da Yale University (2003).

Desempenhou as funções de Comissário-Geral da Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses (1999-2002), e dirigiu a revista Oceanos (1999-2001).

Foi membro da Comissão Consultiva das Comemorações do Centenário da República (2009-2011).

Dirigiu a revista “Anais do Município de Faro”, de 2012 a 2018.

A 12 dezembro de 2018 recebeu o título de Doutor Honoris Causa da Universidade do Algarve.