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Porto. PSP põe fim a protesto: movimento fala em 37 feridos

15 October 2026 at 07:58
Movimento pela Habitação diz que uma pessoa com deficiência ficou ferida e vários manifestantes foram hospitalizados. Bombeiros confirmam ter assistido vítimas, PSP diz que há um polícia ferido.

© DR

Praça Dom João I, no Porto, estava vazia na manhã desta quinta-feira após intervenção da PSP

Irão prepara-se para guerra total com os EUA

13 October 2026 at 20:05
Irão está a mobilizar sociedade para guerra total contra os EUA e até envia militares aos jardins de infância para contar histórias sobre a guerra. Mas possível ofensiva dos EUA só após intercalares.

© NurPhoto via Getty Images

Leão acelera (de Mercedes) para fazer história na Champions

13 October 2026 at 06:36
Nunca o Sporting venceu em França para a Champions. Os leões vão de Mercedes a casa do Lens sem o ferrari da equipa: Zalazar é baixa por lesão. Ainda, a contestação a nova derrota do Famalicão.

Houthis voltam a atacar Riade e atrasam jogo do Al-Nassr

13 October 2026 at 00:08
Houthis dizem que atacaram aeroporto de Riade, mas autoridades sauditas garantem que míssil basílico foi interceptado. Ataque levou jogo de Al-Nassr na Champions Asiática ser adiado uma hora.

© Getty Images

"Só os ucranianos podem mudar o seu líder", desafia Zelensky

12 October 2026 at 21:47
Zelensky responde a Trump e diz que cabe aos ucranianos mudar o seu líder. Presidente da Ucrânia garante que o país está a cumprir a trégua energética anunciada pelos EUA, ao contrário da Rússia.

© SHAWN THEW/EPA

Menos bots russos? Ucrânia ataca centros da Google russa

12 October 2026 at 19:40
Ucrânia já atacou três centros dados da Yandex, a empresa que serve como a Google russa. Internet sofreu disrupções na Rússia e Zelensky diz que "se respira melhor" nas redes sociais: há menos "bots".

© SOPA Images/LightRocket via Gett

Flávio Bolsonaro exibiu imagem de Trump vestido de santo?

12 October 2026 at 17:55
Num comício, no que seria uma prova da aliança com o trumpismo, Flávio Bolsonaro teria levantado uma imagem de Donald Trump vestido de santo. Fotografia que circula nas redes sociais será verdadeira?

Up to 10 years in prison for criticizing Cuba’s government on social media: How the Castro regime punishes dissent

12 October 2026 at 14:06
Ernesto Ricardo Medina and Kamil Zayas in Havana, October 7.

State Security, Cuba’s feared counterintelligence agency, arrested Ernesto Ricardo Medina in front of his three-year-old daughter. Agents knocked on the house’s front door at 6 a.m. It was Friday, February 6. At that same hour the power went out in Holguín, in the island’s east. Nothing unusual in a city used to blackouts. “Tico, it’s the police,” his wife, Doris Santiesteban, warned him after looking out the window. Medina went downstairs and opened the gate. “It’s only a search order,” he said after the operation’s commander showed him the document.

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Sissy Spacek was more than Carrie: A life of love, loss and acclaim

11 October 2026 at 05:00

© Silver Screen Collection (Getty Images)

Fifty years later, Carrie White is returning to American high schools. Prime Video’s new series revisits the bullied teenager who became one of horror’s defining figures, first in Stephen King’s novel and later in Brian De Palma’s 1976 adaptation. But there is one image that remains impossible to escape: Sissy Spacek, drenched in blood, staring directly into the camera after unleashing her telekinetic powers. For several generations, the role has been synonymous with Spacek. Now, as a new actress takes on Carrie, we look back at what became of the 76-year-old performer who brought to life some of the most memorable characters of 1970s and 1980s cinema.

© Silver Screen Collection (Getty Images)

Spacek was 26 when Brian De Palma cast her as a high school student in 'Carrie.' The film changed her career forever, earned her first Oscar nomination and secured her a place in the cultural imagination that remains remarkably intact 50 years after its release. The actress says that teenagers still approach her today to show off tattoos of the outcast heroine. Incidentally, unlike Carrie, Spacek was her high school’s prom queen.

© Archive Photos (Getty Images)

Born Mary Elizabeth in a small rural town in Texas, Spacek acquired the nickname “Sissy” from her two older brothers, a name by which she would eventually become known around the world. Following the death of one of them, she left home one summer for New York with an actor cousin in an attempt to escape the family tragedy. She abandoned plans to attend college and, under the stage name Rainbo, tried to make it as a folk singer in late-1960s Manhattan. It didn’t work out. Her record label dropped her, and Spacek decided to enroll in acting school instead.

© Michael Ochs Archives (Getty Images)

Terrence Malick’s cult classic 'Badlands' marked Spacek’s first leading role in a feature film and became her breakthrough. She played a teenage girl who runs away with a rebellious young man she has just met, played by Martin Sheen, and becomes a fugitive after her father rejects the relationship. The film won the Golden Shell at the San Sebastián International Film Festival, and Spacek, who had been studying acting for only a matter of months, emerged as an unlikely Hollywood star: an anti-diva whose red hair, freckles, diminutive stature and youthful appearance set her apart from the era’s conventional screen icons.

© Art Zelin (Getty Images)

The film also changed her life in another way: it was on the set that she met the love of her life, production designer Jack Fisk. After first crossing paths in 1972, the two married a couple of years later and have now been together for half a century, making them one of Hollywood’s longest-lasting couples. They have two daughters, Schuyler and Madison, and both remain active in the industry. Fisk's recent production design credits include 'Marty Supreme,' 'The Revenant' and 'Killers of the Flower Moon.'

© Sunset Boulevard (Corbis via Getty Images)

Spacek became one of the defining stars of the New Hollywood era, a movement heavily influenced by the French New Wave and Italian neorealism. Beginning in 1977, the Texas-born actress received five Oscar nominations in less than a decade. Among her most memorable performances from that era are 'Missing,' directed by Costa-Gavras; 'The River,' opposite Mel Gibson; and 'Crimes of the Heart,' alongside Jessica Lange and Diane Keaton.

© Bettmann (Bettmann Archive)

Spacek won her first and only Oscar in 1981 for 'Coal Miner’s Daughter,' the biopic of country singer Loretta Lynn. Lynn had risen from humble beginnings in rural Kentucky, marrying at 13 and becoming a mother of four before the age of 20. In a twist of fate, when Spacek was trying to launch a music career years earlier, a record label turned her down because her voice sounded too much like that of another artist on its roster: Loretta Lynn. That very similarity would later help earn her an Academy Award. Spacek performed all of the songs in the film herself and even received a Grammy nomination for her work.

© Art Zelin (Getty Images)

The greatest tragedy of Spacek’s life came when she was just 17. Her brother Robert, only a few months older than she was, died of leukemia. Spacek was just beginning to work at the time and, despite the devastation, managed to turn that trauma into a source of strength throughout her career.

© TPLP (Getty Images)

Spacek and Fisk married in Santa Monica in a ceremony so private that their dog was their only witness, and so informal that both wore jeans. The actress credits the longevity of their relationship to the constant collaboration between them.

© Bettmann (Bettmann Archive)

At the height of their fame, Spacek and Fisk left Hollywood behind and moved to a farm in rural Virginia, determined to raise their daughters away from red carpets and the glare of the spotlight. There, they raised horses and grew their own vegetables, while Spacek returned to acting only for roles that truly resonated with her. In 2001, she earned a sixth Oscar nomination for her performance in 'In the Bedroom.'

© Kevin Mazur (Kevin Mazur/Getty Images)

Their daughters have followed their parents into the film industry as well. Schuyler Fisk became an actress and, while she never came close to matching her mother’s level of fame, she has enjoyed a steady career in American television and film. Madison, meanwhile, learned the ropes from her father and has worked in the art department on a number of feature films, following in his footsteps as a production designer.

© Ron Galella, Ltd. (Ron Galella Collection via Getty)

One of the best-known stories from 1970s Hollywood is how Spacek landed the role of Carrie. As close friends, George Lucas and Brian De Palma held joint auditions for their next projects, 'Star Wars' and 'Carrie,' respectively. Spacek auditioned for Lucas’s film, while Carrie Fisher also took part in casting sessions connected to the horror movie. In the end, the roles found their way to the actresses who would make them iconic: Fisher as Princess Leia and Spacek as Carrie White.

© John Shearer (WireImage)

Spacek’s performance left such a deep mark on popular culture that screenwriter and producer Mike Flanagan, who is once again adapting 'Carrie' for Prime Video, has said it was the biggest hurdle in casting the role anew. According to Flanagan, most of the 1,400 actresses who auditioned for the series arrived trying to imitate Spacek’s iconic performance. The part ultimately went to Summer H. Howell, whose reinterpretation of Carrie has drawn widespread praise from critics.

© Bettmann (Bettmann Archive)

Although she was never associated with method acting in the way her contemporary Robert De Niro was, Spacek’s approach to her craft also relied on total immersion in her characters. For '’night, Mother,' in which she played a daughter struggling with suicidal thoughts, she would spend weeks inhabiting a deeply depressed emotional state until filming wrapped. It was none other than Jack Lemmon who warned her that if she remained so committed to despair, she might end up being consumed by it herself.

© Lester Cohen (WireImage)

Jennifer Lawrence, Jessica Chastain and Emma Stone — whom Spacek once advised never to hide her freckles on screen again — are among the younger generation of stars who have publicly expressed their admiration for the 76-year-old actress. Stone, who also worked with Spacek on 'The Help,' has reunited with the veteran actress for 'The Catch,' the new film directed by Stone’s husband, Dave McCary.

© Valerie Terranova (WireImage)

At 76, Spacek appears to have settled on a definition of happiness far less ambitious than the one Hollywood usually sells. In a 2022 interview with 'Esquire,' when asked how she managed to remain so upbeat, she said happiness is overrated and that we need to be content and simply be.

© Brownie Harris (Getty Images)

When motherhood came calling, Spacek had little doubt about what should take priority. She even turned down the role that would eventually go to Debra Winger in 'Terms of Endearment' because she did not want to be separated from her daughter Schuyler, who was only a few months old.

‘Choosin’ Texas’: The music phenomenon that has conquered (most of) the world

10 October 2026 at 05:00

The music phenomenon of the moment is called Choosin’ Texas, an apparently innocuous country-pop song performed by Ella Langley, a 27-year-old artist from Alabama. The track, which tells the story of a love triangle in which someone inevitably gets hurt, has spent 24 weeks as the best-selling song in the United States. No song has stayed that long at number one on the Billboard Hot 100, the country’s official chart, which is calculated using a formula that incorporates streaming, download sales, and radio airplay.

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© Taylor Hill (FilmMagic)

Ella Langley at a concert in Nashville, Tennessee, on June 4.

Spain calls snap election as housing protests spread nationwide

5 October 2026 at 08:46

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez delivered an institutional address from La Moncloa, the seat of government in Spain, to announce that a snap general election will be held on November 29.

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Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez at the Moncloa Palace on Monday.

Pensar a prisão para lá da documentação dos horrores

No espaço público e mediático, o tratamento do sistema prisional português tende a ser tratado pelo ângulo dos «abusos» e do que terá corrido mal para se verificarem condições penitenciárias «degradantes» ou até doença e morte. Mas quais as características estruturais que produzem estas condições, e o que dizem elas sobre desigualdades sistémicas que as democracias não resolveram? «As prisões têm olhos e ouvidos, mas não têm vozes» Mumia Abu Jamal, jornalista aprisionado nos Estados (…)

- 2026/10

Donald Trump et Tony Soprano

30 September 2026 at 08:49

Ce serait la fusion du siècle. Paramount rachète Warner. C'est déjà une histoire exemplaire. Le casting : un transhumaniste et son fils, le Tout-Hollywood et des journalistes épouvantés.

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Patryk Hardziej. – « Eyeball » (Globe oculaire), 2020
© Patryk Hardziej

En 1966, Gulf+Western, fabricant de butées à ressort pour portes coulissantes, acquiert le géant du cinéma Paramount. Depuis une trentaine d'années, le mouvement de fusions et d'absorptions est en plein élan à Hollywood. Tous les grands studios « ont fini par se faire manger par des multinationales étrangères au monde de l'art et de la culture », observent les chercheurs Martin Barnier et Laurent Jullier (1). Le capitalisme de prédation poursuit aujourd'hui son avancée, à la faveur de l'essor du streaming et de l'arrivée récente des entreprises de la « tech » dans ce secteur. C'est un enjeu non seulement financier, mais aussi politique et artistique.

Depuis la crise du Covid-19, les plates-formes de vidéo à la demande dominent le marché mondial de la vidéo. Avec plus de 325 millions d'abonnés dans le monde, Netflix mène la danse devant Prime Video (220 millions) et Disney + (130 millions), accompagnés de HBO Max (140 millions) et Paramount + (79 millions). Chacun de ces mastodontes lorgne tout ce qui peut grossir et embellir son catalogue d'exclusivités.

À l'été 2025, Warner Bros. Discovery (WBD), conglomérat en difficulté depuis une série de restructurations malheureuses, annonce vouloir se scinder en deux entreprises indépendantes. La première doit contrôler les studios de production (cinéma et télévision), la plate-forme de streaming Max, rebaptisée HBO Max, ainsi que les parcs à thème. La seconde doit regrouper les réseaux de télévision du groupe, dont les chaînes Cable News Network (CNN) et Discovery, en perte de vitesse. Cette scission suscite immédiatement la convoitise de Paramount Skydance (PSKY) et de Netflix.

Début d'un feuilleton tout en rebondissements, mêlant milliards, pouvoir et coups tordus. Lors du dernier trimestre 2025, Paramount lance trois offres d'achat successives. Pourtant, le 5 décembre, c'est Netflix qui gagne : le groupe annonce le rachat de Warner, pour 83 milliards de dollars — remboursement des 11 milliards de dette de WBD compris. Trois ans plus tôt, Amazon, propriétaire de la plate-forme Prime Video, s'était emparé de la Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) pour dix fois moins.

L'accord ne porte pas sur la totalité du groupe : CNN n'en fait par exemple pas partie. Netflix enrichira d'abord sa plate-forme, et avant tout des films de l'historique studio Warner (Casablanca, Citizen Kane, etc.), mais aussi d'une soixantaine de franchises — produits dérivés compris —, dont Harry Potter, Le Seigneur des anneaux ou encore Batman, sans oublier les grandes séries produites et diffusées par HBO comme Sex and the City, Les Soprano, Six Feet Under, Sur écoute (The Wire) et Game of Thrones. Une concentration majuscule, qui agit comme un séisme sur ce marché des contenus, soulevant l'inquiétude des professionnels de Hollywood. Ils n'ont encore rien vu.

Derrière Paramount se trouve en effet un proche du président américain. Transhumaniste, membre de l'American Legislative Exchange Council — un lobby militant pour le démantèlement du droit du travail, des régulations environnementales, la privatisation de l'éducation et contre les droits des personnes lesbiennes, gays, bisexuelles et trans (LGBT) —, M. Larry Ellison a fondé la société Oracle (bases de données, logiciels d'entreprise, cloud…). Il est l'un des hommes les plus riches du monde, et l'un des principaux mécènes privés de l'armée israélienne. Des milliers d'entreprises à travers le monde — dont la Société nationale des chemins de fer français (SNCF), BNP Paribas ou encore Orange — utilisent les produits d'Oracle. Des États aussi : Oracle fournit les centres de données et les infrastructures de surveillance utilisées par Tel-Aviv.

En janvier 2026, grâce au soutien de M. Trump, Oracle devient l'un des trois principaux actionnaires de la nouvelle filiale américaine de TikTok — après que le président américain avait accusé l'ancienne de favoriser les positions propalestiniennes. L'entreprise de M. Ellison assure notamment la sécurité des données et de l'algorithme du réseau social (2). Et elle vient d'être choisie pour construire des capacités de calcul et des services de cloud au bénéfice d'OpenAI dans le cadre du projet Stargate.

M. Larry Ellison a également un fils qu'il a placé à la tête de la société de production Skydance. À l'été 2024, M. David Ellison annonce le rachat de Paramount Global, qui compte parmi ses filiales Paramount Pictures et la chaîne généraliste la plus regardée aux États-Unis, CBS. M. Trump bloque la transaction, d'un montant de 8 milliards de dollars, pendant un an car il reproche à la chaîne d'avoir diffusé un entretien avec Mme Kamala Harris au cours duquel la candidate démocrate aurait tenu des propos mensongers sur la guerre menée à Gaza par Israël. La Maison Blanche ne donne son feu vert à l'absorption de Paramount par Skydance qu'une fois ce litige réglé. Début juillet 2025, un accord judiciaire met un terme à la procédure : Paramount Skydance, dirigée par M. David Ellison, accepte de verser 16 millions de dollars à M. Trump. Proche de la mouvance MAGA (« Make America Great Again »), le président de la Federal Communications Commission (FCC), instance régulatrice des télécommunications, se réjouit des futurs changements de la ligne éditoriale de CBS (3). Effectivement, changement il y a. Le « Late show », émission-phare de la chaîne, est arrêté : son animateur, Stephen Colbert, avait qualifié le pacte conclu entre Paramount et M. Trump de « bon gros pot-de-vin ». Arrivée à la tête de CBS News, Bari Weiss, journaliste classée très à droite, s'emploie à en faire un nouveau pôle de soutien à l'administration Trump.

C'est dans le même état d'esprit, et avec les mêmes méthodes, que M. David Ellison se rend à Washington trois jours après l'annonce du rachat partiel de Warner par Netflix (4). Il promet de modifier radicalement la ligne de CNN si le pouvoir l'aide à acquérir la totalité de Warner — groupe qui pèse pourtant près de cinq fois la valorisation boursière de l'entreprise qu'il dirige, 69 milliards de dollars contre 14. M. Trump rêve depuis longtemps de faire de CNN un média à sa botte, à la manière de Fox News et, désormais, de CBS. Le 7 décembre 2025, il exprime publiquement des doutes sur le rachat de Warner par Netflix et annonce vouloir « s'impliquer dans la décision ». Aussitôt, Paramount lance une offre publique d'achat (OPA) hostile en proposant directement aux actionnaires de WBD 31 dollars par titre, soit une prime de 147 %.

Le montant de l'offensive s'élève à 111 milliards de dollars et, à la différence de l'accord passé entre Netflix et WBD, porte sur le rachat de l'intégralité du groupe — CNN compris. C'est un tournant historique pour l'industrie des médias. En février, M. Trump exige le licenciement de Mme Susan Rice, membre du conseil d'administration de Netflix. Ancienne conseillère à la sécurité nationale sous la présidence Obama puis directrice du Domestic Policy Council (« conseil de politique intérieure ») de l'administration Biden, Mme Rice venait d'affirmer que les institutions et entreprises américaines complaisantes avec l'administration Trump devraient être poursuivies en justice une fois les démocrates revenus au pouvoir. M. Theodore (« Ted ») Sarandos, codirecteur général de Netflix, fait la sourde oreille. Il est convoqué à la Maison Blanche. Le lendemain, Netflix déclare renoncer à l'achat de Warner. Et empoche une indemnité de rupture de 2,8 milliards de dollars, réglée par M. David Ellison.

Sur un plan purement industriel, l'acquisition de Warner permettrait à M. David Ellison de changer d'échelle en fusionnant HBO Max et Paramount +, la plate-forme de Paramount Skydance, déficitaire. Malgré la promesse des dirigeants de la future entité de maintenir une production de films importante et un temps d'exploitation en salles de quarante-cinq jours (ce qui, en général, est réservé aux blockbusters), il paraît évident que l'exclusivité de ces productions, au même titre que celle des séries, restera un produit d'appel pour les abonnés. Sans parler de la nature des futures productions, dont les choix éditoriaux risquent d'être influencés par l'hostilité antiwoke des républicains. L'inquiétude grandit également parmi les journalistes de CNN, qui craignent une mise au pas. En mars dernier, CNN insinuait que l'administration Trump n'avait pas anticipé les conséquences du conflit avec l'Iran. Aussitôt, le secrétaire à la guerre Peter Hegseth avait sonné la charge : « Il est grand temps que David Ellison prenne les rênes de CNN, et le plus tôt sera le mieux » (13 mars 2026).

La « fusion du siècle », valorisée à 170 milliards de dollars, est une affaire de famille. Une grande famille. Le montage financier est ouvertement élaboré par M. Jared Kushner, gendre et conseiller de M. Trump. Trois fonds souverains des pays du Golfe avec lesquels M. Kushner entretient des liens étroits entrent au capital. M. Larry Ellison fait également partie du tour de table, aux côtés d'une société d'investissement spécialisée dans le sport. L'opération repose sur 40 milliards de dollars de fonds propres, complétés par un emprunt bancaire à hauteur de 54 milliards de dollars. De quoi alourdir considérablement le passif de la nouvelle structure.

Les professionnels de Hollywood qui dénoncent une concentration du secteur appuyée par le pouvoir gardent en mémoire l'acquisition de la 21st Century Fox par Disney en 2019 — qui avait entraîné une production de films réduite de moitié et une vague de licenciements. La contestation prend de l'ampleur, mais il ne faut guère compter sur les régulateurs pour s'opposer à la fusion. En juin, la division antitrust du ministère de la justice américain donne son feu vert à l'opération, estimant qu'elle n'est pas « susceptible de nuire à la concurrence ni aux consommateurs américains » (Le Monde, 13 juin 2026). Elle aurait même pour effet d'« accroître la compétition dans l'ensemble de l'écosystème des médias et du divertissement, avec des bénéfices pour les consommateurs et les travailleurs américains ». Quelques semaines plus tard, la Commission européenne autorise à son tour l'opération, avec des réserves (5). Au Royaume-Uni, l'autorité de la concurrence et des marchés approuve également le rachat, après avoir obtenu des garanties concernant la diversité des services de diffusion audiovisuelle et de vidéo à la demande. De son côté, l'Union internationale des cinémas (UNIC) regrette que des sujets majeurs tels que la diversité des films et la préservation du volume de production aient été peu abordés, et appelle pieusement à la vigilance.

La seule lueur d'espoir des opposants résidait dans l'action intentée devant un tribunal de Californie par douze États et appuyée par le syndicat des scénaristes (Writers Guild of America, WGA). Selon le procureur chargé du dossier, ces États, tous dirigés par les démocrates, luttaient « pour des marchés libres et équitables, pas des marchés truqués ». Un procès pour entorse aux lois sur la concurrence aurait donc dû avoir lieu. Ce ne fut pas le cas. Un accord à l'amiable vient d'être trouvé, le 21 septembre, mais il doit être validé par une juge fédérale de Californie. Selon le procureur, seules des cessions d'actifs permettraient de remédier aux problèmes soulevés par la fusion.

Le processus devait prendre fin en septembre 2026. Au-delà de cette date, Paramount Skydance s'était engagé à verser des pénalités de retard aux actionnaires de Warner à hauteur de 7 millions de dollars… par jour. La menace du procès, prévu en mars 2027, a conduit Paramount à obtenir un report de la clôture de l'opération au 1er juin 2027 au plus tard. Désormais, il lui faut boucler l'opération avant les élections de mi-mandat, qui risquent de modifier le rapport de forces à Washington ; le procès risque de la mettre sérieusement en péril. La série n'est pas finie.

Voir en ligne : /2026/10/PARDO/70068

(1) Martin Barnier et Laurent Jullier, Une brève histoire du cinéma, 1895-2025, Fayard, Paris, 2026.

(2) Lire Benoît Bréville, « Le huitième front d'Israël », Le Monde diplomatique, décembre 2025.

(3) Cf. Alexis Buisson, « Qui est Brendan Carr, le porte-flingue de Trump dans le monde des médias américains ? », Télérama, Paris, 5 octobre 2025.

(4) Natalie Andrews, Joe Flint et Brian Schwartz, « Behind Paramount's relentless campaign to woo Warner Discovery and president Trump », The Wall Street Journal, New York, 8 décembre 2025.

(5) Paramount s'est, de ce fait, engagé à céder sa participation dans United International Pictures, société de distribution de films hors territoire américain, codétenue par Universal.

It still smells of sulphur: 20 years since Chávez’s speech at the UN

23 September 2026 at 00:14

On September 20, 2006, Hugo Chávez stepped up to the granite podium of the United Nations General Assembly. A day earlier, from that exact same spot, the President of the United States, George W. Bush, had spoken. Chávez crossed himself, said that the room still smelled of sulphur, and the hall burst into laughter and applause. It was not the speech Chávez had originally intended to give, but rather the direct result of the deep indignation caused by hearing Bush speak as if he owned the world. The major media of the North latched onto the sulphur phrase and have tried to caricature it. But it is the rest of his intervention that remains fully relevant, 20 years later.

Chávez arrived at the General Assembly with a book in hand, “Hegemony or Survival” by Noam Chomsky. His warning was simple yet devastating: the United States’s pretense of dominating the world put the very survival of the human species at risk. At that time, US troops were occupying Iraq. A few weeks earlier, Israel had bombed Lebanon under Washington’s diplomatic protection. In the capitals of the global north, the “end of history” was still being celebrated, the idea that liberal capitalism was humanity’s definitive horizon. Chávez said that this thesis had been proven false in barely a decade, and that now the future of the world had to be defined.

Twenty years later, plunged into an even greater systemic crisis, we can see that every phrase of Chávez’s speech remains relevant.

From hegemony to hyper-imperialism

In 2006, the United States seemed like an empire at the peak of its power. Today it is an empire in relative decline, and therefore more dangerous. The Tricontinental Institute for Social Research has called this new stage hyper-imperialism: imperialism exercised in an exaggerated and agitated manner by a power that compensates for the loss of its economic hegemony by relying on the two areas where it still dominates, war and the control of information.

An empire’s hegemony is usually lost in three stages: first in production, then in finance, and finally in the military. The United States has already lost productive primacy: China is today the world’s largest economy measured by purchasing power parity. The reign of the dollar is beginning to be questioned, and many countries are opting for transactions in their own currencies. But military supremacy remains intact. The bloc led by Washington groups around 50 countries and concentrates about three-quarters of global military spending. The United States maintains around 900 military bases abroad. More than one in four countries on the planet lives under its sanctions.

An empire that declines economically while retaining its weapons is tempted to resolve its decline by force. The dilemma that Chávez borrowed from Chomsky, hegemony or survival, has become literal. Permanent war and climate catastrophe today threaten the very conditions of life.

The veto and the UN that doesn’t work

The least-cited part of the speech was perhaps the most prophetic. Chávez stated that the United Nations system born after World War II had collapsed. The General Assembly had become a merely deliberative space, without the capacity to change the terrible reality of the world. Back then, Chávez made four concrete proposals:

First, expand the Security Council to include Third World countries as permanent members. Second, create transparent methods for conflict resolution. Third, eliminate the veto, and fourth, strengthen the General Secretariat.

His example was Lebanon: a US veto had allowed the country to be torn apart before the eyes of the world. Unfortunately, over two decades, the UN’s strength to prevent wars and genocides has progressively diminished. That same mechanism criticized by Chávez has allowed a new genocide in Gaza. That inaction of multilateralism permitted the kidnapping of the sitting Venezuelan president. However, the conclusion is not to abandon the UN, but to contest it.

The debate on a “multipolarity” that reproduces rivalry between great powers is insufficient. What the South needs is true multilateralism, defending the United Nations Charter as the common heritage of the world’s peoples. It is the same Charter upon which, in 1955, the ten principles of the Bandung Conference were built.

“We are men and women of the South”

Chávez did not arrive in New York alone. He came from Havana, where more than fifty heads of state had just relaunched the Non-Aligned Movement. “Havana was the capital of the South for a week,” he said. And then he added a phrase that sums up a political identity: “we are men and women of the South.”

The Global South is not a cardinal point. Australia is in the southern hemisphere and belongs to the North; Cuba, Vietnam, or Burkina Faso are in the northern hemisphere and belong to the South. It is a historical category: they are the peoples of former colonies and semi-colonies and socialist projects, whose struggle for sovereignty has not yet concluded. Their weight has changed. By 2007, the economies of the South surpassed those of the North in purchasing power parity, and in recent years they came to represent nearly 60 percent of world product. BRICS and the Belt and Road Initiative have begun to create something that did not exist in Bandung’s time: material conditions for cooperation among the peoples of the South.

But, although there is a new mood in the Global South today, the spirit of Bandung is not yet there. In 1955, the strength of those governments came from organized masses that prevented them from abandoning the liberation program. Chávez’s speech was precisely that: the voice of Latin American twenty-first-century socialism, of peoples pushing their governments. It was, for Latin America, a kind of Bandung from below. Today, that spirit faces an “angry tide” and needs to be rebuilt.

Peoples, not governments

There is a fundamental element in that 2006 speech that we cannot forget. Chávez distinguished between the US government and its people. He said that if one walked through the Bronx or San Francisco, one would find people who want peace. The working class of the North, impoverished and battered by deindustrialization, is not the enemy of the peoples of the South. It is a possible ally. Specially today when it is persecuted by a renewed McCarthyism that sees terrorism in those who raise their voices for social justice.

When Bush accused those who opposed his war of being extremists, Chávez replied that it was not about extremism: the world was awakening and peoples were rising everywhere. Today, aggression takes multiple forms. It takes the face of military actions, lawfare, unilateral coercive measures, or the confiscation of national resources. But its objective remains the same: to discipline anyone attempting a sovereign path.

The future doesn’t just arrive; we must organize it

The speech closed on a note of optimism. Chávez said that there was a dawn on the planet, visible in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Twenty years later, that optimism requires precision. The future is not a date on the calendar, but a rupture that must be built. Hope is not passive expectation, but a practice that requires organization, discipline, and internationalism.

The sulphur that Chávez smelled in 2006 has not dissipated; it has grown denser and spread beyond the diplomatic corridors of New York. That is why that speech does not belong to a record of the past, but to our current agenda. It reminds us that the South has a voice, that the UN can and must be contested, and that the North’s hegemony is not a natural law. What is missing, as in Bandung, is what has always made the difference: the peoples must organize.

Carlos Ron is Co-coordinator of the Nuestra America office of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He was a Venezuelan diplomat and served as Vice Minister for North America (2018-2025).

This article was produced by Globetrotter. 

Neither US intervention nor Communist stagnation: Harvard’s proposed plan for Cuba

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A street in Havana (Cuba), May 21.

Saying that Cuba is in crisis is hardly news. It has been for decades. Nor is it news that Washington’s sanctions have worsened the health of an economy that is now on life support. Both statements are axioms. But talking about Havana is a high-risk sport.

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