We are fortunate to live at an incredible moment in history. As more and more AI applications have become available, people have turned to them to seek advice, build businesses, express ideas, learn, and improve their health and quality of life. Nowhere is this more clear than in Asia. AI is already turbocharging small businesses […]
O ciclo de Cinema para Famílias está de regresso ao Auditório Carlos do Carmo, em Lagoa, no dia 11 de outubro, pelas 16h00, com a exibição do filme de animação Toy Story 5. Os bilhetes já se encontram à venda.
Os brinquedos estão de volta em Toy Story 5, agora num encontro entre brinquedos e tecnologia. O trabalho de Buzz, Woody, Jessie e o resto do grupo torna-se exponencialmente mais difícil quando medem forças com uma nova forma de brincadeira. Produzido pela Pixar Animation Studios para a Walt Disney Pictures, este novo episódio tem realização e argumento de Andrew Stanton – o realizador de “À Procura de Nemo” ou de “WALL·E” (2008), ambos vencedores do Óscar na categoria de melhor animação, e um dos responsáveis pela escrita do argumento de todos os filmes da saga “Toy Story” – em colaboração com McKenna Harris.
Os bilhetes para esta sessão de cinema custam 4€ (desconto disponível para portadores do Passaporte Cultural, disponível nas bilheteiras do Município de Lagoa) e vão estar à venda, brevemente, na Bilheteira Online, nas bilheteiras dos CTT, da Fnac, Worten, Auditório Carlos do Carmo, Centro Cultural Convento de S. José e Balcão Único da Câmara Municipal de Lagoa.
Latvian Prime Minister Andris Kulbergs has been given the political mandate to begin forming the country’s next government after his United List alliance secured 41 of the 100 seats in the Saeima. President Edgars Rinkēvičs backed Kulbergs to lead coalition negotiations on Tuesday following consultations with all six political forces elected to parliament.
Kulbergs will now negotiate the composition of the coalition, the division of ministerial responsibilities and the programme of the next government. The formal constitutional nomination cannot take place until the newly elected Saeima convenes on 3 November and the present government relinquishes its mandate.
Announcing the decision on 6 October, Rinkēvičs said consultations with the incoming parliamentary parties had shown broad support for United List and Kulbergs taking the initiative. The President described the party’s 41-seat showing as an unusually strong mandate and said he expected substantial progress in coalition negotiations before the beginning of November. The President’s full statement following the consultations.
Rinkēvičs said he would like to see a new Cabinet formed by Latvia’s national day on 18 November, although he stressed that there was no formal deadline. The government will also need to begin work rapidly on the 2027 budget.
Latvia First finished second with 13.08 per cent and 17 seats, while Sovereign Power/Alliance of Young Latvians took 11.71 per cent and 15 seats. The National Alliance won 10 seats with 8.90 per cent, the Progressives also secured 10 with 7.88 per cent, and New Unity took seven seats on 6.36 per cent.
The result represents a substantial change from the 2022 parliamentary election, when United List won 11.14 per cent and 15 seats. New Unity was then the largest party with 26 seats; it has now fallen to seven. The Union of Greens and Farmers, which won 16 seats in 2022 and joined Kulbergs’s government earlier this year, received just 4.40 per cent this time and failed to cross the five per cent threshold.
United List has indicated that its first choice is to negotiate with the National Alliance and New Unity. Together, the three parties would command 58 seats, providing Kulbergs with a clear parliamentary majority. A narrower United List–National Alliance coalition would have 51 seats.
The choice of prospective partners points towards continuity rather than a major change in Latvia’s foreign or security policy. United List, the National Alliance and New Unity have all backed continued support for Ukraine, membership of NATO and higher defence expenditure.
Kulbergs became prime minister only in May following the collapse of Evika Siliņa’s government during a political crisis over Latvia’s response to repeated drone incursions. The government he subsequently formed brought together United List, New Unity, the National Alliance and the Union of Greens and Farmers.
Latvia’s position on NATO’s north-eastern flank has given defence policy an unusually prominent place in domestic politics. The country borders both Russia and Belarus and has faced a series of drone incidents, border pressure and Russian information operations.
Defence spending is therefore unlikely to be substantially altered by the coalition negotiations. Latvia’s 2026 defence budget stands at €2.16 billion, currently calculated at 4.73 per cent of projected GDP, with the government moving towards expenditure equivalent to five per cent. Rinkēvičs said after Tuesday’s consultations that he had heard a clear commitment among the parliamentary parties to maintaining the country’s security, defence and foreign-policy course.
Turnout reaches record low
The size of United List’s parliamentary victory contrasts with a marked decline in electoral participation. The Central Election Commission recorded 806,641 voters from an electorate of 1.56 million, producing turnout of 51.79 per cent. Detailed election figures show that 793,846 valid ballots were ultimately counted.
Turnout in the 2022 parliamentary election was 59.41 per cent, meaning participation fell by more than seven percentage points.
The immediate question in Riga is therefore no longer who will lead the government-building process, but what form Kulbergs’s second administration will take. With 41 seats of his own and potential partners able to provide a comfortable majority, the election winner enters the negotiations from a considerably stronger position than any Latvian prime minister in recent years.
O Comando Distrital da Polícia de Segurança Pública (PSP) de Faro informa que, através da sua Esquadra de Faro, deteve, ao início da noite do dia 3 de outubro, um homem de 31 anos, suspeito de ameaçar funcionários de um restaurante com uma arma branca e que resistiu violentamente à intervenção policial.
A PSP foi alertada para a presença de um homem munido de uma arma branca que ameaçava pessoas junto ao estabelecimento comercial. À chegada dos polícias, o suspeito encontrava-se à entrada do restaurante, empunhando a arma, tentando forçar a entrada e dirigindo ameaças às pessoas que se encontravam no seu interior.
De acordo com os elementos recolhidos, momentos antes, o suspeito terá abordado um funcionário, exigindo comida e ameaçando-o, tendo depois tentado atingi-lo com a arma branca, sem lhe provocar ferimentos. Perante este comportamento, os funcionários refugiaram-se no interior do restaurante, enquanto várias pessoas que se encontravam no exterior abandonaram as imediações para se protegerem.
Durante a intervenção, o suspeito opôs uma forte resistência à atuação dos polícias, que não obstante procederam à sua imobilização e detenção imediata.
Este suspeito já havia sido detido 10 dias antes, nesta mesma cidade, na sequência de ameaças a transeuntes com uma garrafa e também de resistência violenta à intervenção policial. Nessa ocasião, ficou sujeito à medida de coação de apresentações duas vezes por semana na Esquadra de Faro.
Na sequência desta nova detenção, foi ontem novamente presente a tribunal, tendo-lhe sido aplicada a medida de coação de prisão preventiva.
A PSP continuará a desenvolver a sua ação de prevenção e investigação de crimes violentos, intervindo e fazendo cessar rapidamente comportamentos que coloquem em risco a segurança das pessoas na via pública.
Hace unos veintidós siglos, el sitio donde hoy se excava en el Valle de los Templos era el lugar donde los ciudadanos libres de Akragas, el nombre griego de Agrigento, se reunían para decidir los asuntos de su ciudad. Ese edificio, un graderío semicircular que los arqueólogos llaman ekklesiasterion (de ekklesía, «asamblea» en griego), es […]
Il decreto sulla soglia di studenti stranieri per classe identifica situazioni eccezionali in poche zone con recenti e massicci flussi di ingresso. Parte da un’analisi sbagliata e non permette di affrontare il problema serio della segregazione scolastica.
Un buey, un carnero y un cerdo, rodeados de guirnaldas, festones y cráneos de buey esculpidos, comparten una misma piedra que acabó sirviendo de pavimento en uno de los cruces principales de la antigua Aquinum. Es una de las dos piezas que los arqueólogos de la Universidad del Salento han sacado a la luz en […]
The GSMA lined up the board which will guide the organisation through key decisions around 6G, satellite connectivity and spectrum, with six new companies represented and fresh faces at some existing members.
Its overall board remains at 26 members, though the company representation is shifted with Axiata Group; Millicom; NTT Docomo; Ooredoo Group; stc; and Telstra joining the ranks.
By contrast, Ethio Telecom; KDDI; KT; Telenor; TIM; and Veon are not among the names of the next board.
Companies remaining on board but with different representatives comprise AT&T; China Telecom; China Unicom; China Mobile; Deutsche Telekom; e&; Globe Telecom; and Telefonica.
America Movil; Bharti Airtel; BT Group, Liberty Global; MTN Group; Orange; Reliance Jio; Personal (previously Telecom Argentina); Turkcell; Verizon; and Vodafone Group continue with the same representatives.
GSMA director general Vivek Badrinath rounds the board out.
The technical developments scheduled for the next board’s tenure include setting initial 6G standards, establishing regulatory frameworks for satellite and NTN communications, and spectrum allocations. The ITU’s WRC-27 is scheduled to take place in October and November 2027.
A key focus for the GSMA’s next board is the impact of AI on the mobile sector. Current chair Gopal Vittal said the technology and “open digital platforms” are opportunities to “create significant economic and societal value”, which the organisation would work to unlock.
Vittal is keen to see a continued focus on “digital safety and trust”, along with tackling connectivity and usage gaps.
Five months ago, four excited girls walked into a maximum-security area with their mother wearing the same black T-shirt printed with a photo of their father. Minutes later, he emerged from a building guarded by the military, amid camera flashes and television cameras, and looked at them with moist eyes from the other side of the fence. He could not approach or touch them. He had to respect quarantine, because in a few hours he would board the most powerful crewed rocket in history and head to the Moon. Without speaking, they said everything to each other, and the rest of the world understood them.
A few years ago, Sebastian Barry—whose collected literary works, drawn from family history and lore, offer “a loser’s history of 20th-century Ireland”—announced that the final novel in his series would tackle the relationship between his parents. “The declaration seemed to set the table for a feast of disclosure,” writes Giles Harvey, who spoke with Barry for more than a year as the novel took shape. But the feast never arrived. The “career-spanning profile” Harvey once suggested to Barry becomes a study of abuse, memory, and revelation—one Barry’s forte, and now, perhaps, his greatest struggle.
Barry and I corresponded for the next year and a half, during which the novel appeared to be on course. Then, in July of last year, he sent me a surprising email. Something had happened in the time since his father died, Barry explained. “Where there was once a great need to proclaim aloud,” he wrote — neglecting to specify just what it was he’d felt the need to proclaim — Barry now found himself in a different state of mind. “A matter I thought so urgent and in need of saying” had come to seem better served by a “strange new beneficent silence.”
Ghana has rejected a proposed health compact with the United States that would have provided an estimated $109 million in US health funding over five years, with President John Dramani Mahama saying the agreement raised serious concerns over health data, financing obligations, and Ghana’s regulatory authority.
The decision places Ghana among a few African countries that have pushed back against new US health agreements introduced as Washington restructures its foreign assistance following the dismantling of USAID. Zimbabwe has also rejected a similar agreement, while Zambia has raised concerns over provisions in its negotiations with the United States.
Ghana raises concerns over health data
Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York on September 25, Mahama said the proposed compact was presented to Ghana as a replacement for health funding previously provided through USAID.
He said Ghana’s Ministry of Health reviewed the document before preparing a Cabinet Information Paper.
“Ghana is a sovereign nation, and we have our own processes. We are a democratic country,” Mahama said.
According to the President, the Cabinet identified several provisions that raised concerns, particularly those relating to Ghana’s health information.
“One, it says that we shall give the United States our pathogen profile,” he said, adding that the agreement also required Ghana to provide medical records.
“It also says we should give our medical records. I mean, who takes another country’s medical records? And so that was strange.”
Concerns over health-data sharing have been central to resistance to the new US health agreements in several African countries.
No FDA inspection
Mahama also raised concerns about the treatment of medicines and other medical products supplied under the proposed arrangement.
He said Ghana would have been required to contribute funding to the program while, according to his account of the compact, the country’s Food and Drugs Authority would not have been able to inspect medicines or other medical products entering Ghana under the program.
“And then it also says that any medications or any medical products that shall be brought into our country, our Food and Drugs Administration has absolutely no right to inspect,” Mahama said.
“I mean, it was humiliating.”
Ghanaian officials had previously cited concerns about the proposed handling of sensitive health information as a reason for rejecting the agreement. Reporting on the negotiations also indicated that the proposed arrangement would have required additional investment from Ghana alongside the US contribution.
Cabinet rejected the agreement
Mahama said the proposal was rejected after the Health Ministry presented its assessment to the Cabinet.
He described the decision as unusually swift.
“It was the compact that was thrown out in record time in our Cabinet. I’ve never seen anything thrown out as fast as that.”
He said the government subsequently instructed the Health Minister to communicate Ghana’s position to the US ambassador.
“And so, of course, we rejected it. And we asked the health minister to inform the US ambassador that we didn’t need it. We’ll manage ourselves.”
The proposed agreement would have provided Ghana with about $109 million in US health assistance over five years. The negotiations had begun in late 2025.
A wider concern over health sovereignty
Ghana’s decision comes as the United States seeks to shift its approach to global health cooperation. The new US strategy places greater emphasis on recipient countries taking responsibility for financing and delivering health programs, while Washington reduces its traditional aid commitments.
Kenya became the first African country to sign the agreement which was challenged in court, followed by similar arrangements with Rwanda, Liberia, Uganda, Lesotho and Eswatini, among other countries. Ravi Ram from the People’s Health Movement (PHM) East and South Africa, told BreakThrough News in December 2025, that “Bilateral agreements between the US and Kenya and other African countries are meant to limit the ability of any one ‘partner’ country to challenge the terms of implementing the agreement, due to the unequal power relations.”
The concerns among health activists and concerned Africans is the ability of African states to determine their own health priorities, regulate medicines, control sensitive health information, and collectively negotiate the terms of international health cooperation.
Na sequência de um acidente de viação envolvendo um veículo de transporte público de passageiros, a Unidade Nacional de Trânsito da GNR procedeu à fiscalização do respetivo condutor, segundo a GNR.
No decorrer das diligências, foi verificado que o condutor não se encontrava habilitado com a Carta de Qualificação de Motorista (CQM), exigida para o exercício da condução profissional de determinadas categorias de veículos.
A qualificação e habilitação dos profissionais que asseguram o transporte de passageiros são fundamentais para a segurança de todos os utentes da estrada.
CAM (Certificado de Aptidão para Motorista) é o comprovativo emitido pela entidade formadora após concluir o curso com aproveitamento. O CQM é o título oficial averbado na carta de condução (o registo do “Código 95”) que atesta essa qualificação para o trabalho.
É exigido por lei para motoristas profissionais de pesados na União Europeia, juntamente com a carta de condução adequada.
Se gostou do que leu e ainda não é seguidor, siga a nossa página para ver mais conteúdos!
Faced with a fiscally incontinent state drowning in DEI and incapable of controlling its borders, it's easy for the Right to feel like its losing, says Dr Hugh Willbourn. But weirdly, so does the Left.
When Donald Trump and Xi Jinping met in Washington last week, artificial intelligence was among the issues dividing their countries. Days earlier, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the two sides had agreed to establish a formal AI dialogue, including an incident line, though its protocols had yet to be worked out. The summit produced no […]
Entre 2015 et 2023, le passage du Darién séparant la Colombie et le Panamá s'est converti en principale route migratoire de la région vers les États-Unis ; comment les deux États ont-ils affronté cette situation ? (Vol. 1, n° 1, juin, semestriel, gratuit en ligne. — Lima, Pérou.)
Ce serait la fusion du siècle. Paramount rachète Warner. C'est déjà une histoire exemplaire. Le casting : un transhumaniste et son fils, le Tout-Hollywood et des journalistes épouvantés.
En 1966, Gulf+Western, fabricant de butées à ressort pour portes coulissantes, acquiert le géant du cinéma Paramount. Depuis une trentaine d'années, le mouvement de fusions et d'absorptions est en plein élan à Hollywood. Tous les grands studios « ont fini par se faire manger par des multinationales étrangères au monde de l'art et de la culture », observent les chercheurs Martin Barnier et Laurent Jullier (1). Le capitalisme de prédation poursuit aujourd'hui son avancée, à la faveur de l'essor du streaming et de l'arrivée récente des entreprises de la « tech » dans ce secteur. C'est un enjeu non seulement financier, mais aussi politique et artistique.
Depuis la crise du Covid-19, les plates-formes de vidéo à la demande dominent le marché mondial de la vidéo. Avec plus de 325 millions d'abonnés dans le monde, Netflix mène la danse devant Prime Video (220 millions) et Disney + (130 millions), accompagnés de HBO Max (140 millions) et Paramount + (79 millions). Chacun de ces mastodontes lorgne tout ce qui peut grossir et embellir son catalogue d'exclusivités.
À l'été 2025, Warner Bros. Discovery (WBD), conglomérat en difficulté depuis une série de restructurations malheureuses, annonce vouloir se scinder en deux entreprises indépendantes. La première doit contrôler les studios de production (cinéma et télévision), la plate-forme de streaming Max, rebaptisée HBO Max, ainsi que les parcs à thème. La seconde doit regrouper les réseaux de télévision du groupe, dont les chaînes Cable News Network (CNN) et Discovery, en perte de vitesse. Cette scission suscite immédiatement la convoitise de Paramount Skydance (PSKY) et de Netflix.
Début d'un feuilleton tout en rebondissements, mêlant milliards, pouvoir et coups tordus. Lors du dernier trimestre 2025, Paramount lance trois offres d'achat successives. Pourtant, le 5 décembre, c'est Netflix qui gagne : le groupe annonce le rachat de Warner, pour 83 milliards de dollars — remboursement des 11 milliards de dette de WBD compris. Trois ans plus tôt, Amazon, propriétaire de la plate-forme Prime Video, s'était emparé de la Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) pour dix fois moins.
L'accord ne porte pas sur la totalité du groupe : CNN n'en fait par exemple pas partie. Netflix enrichira d'abord sa plate-forme, et avant tout des films de l'historique studio Warner (Casablanca, Citizen Kane, etc.), mais aussi d'une soixantaine de franchises — produits dérivés compris —, dont Harry Potter, Le Seigneur des anneaux ou encore Batman, sans oublier les grandes séries produites et diffusées par HBO comme Sex and the City, Les Soprano, Six Feet Under, Sur écoute (The Wire) et Game of Thrones. Une concentration majuscule, qui agit comme un séisme sur ce marché des contenus, soulevant l'inquiétude des professionnels de Hollywood. Ils n'ont encore rien vu.
Derrière Paramount se trouve en effet un proche du président américain. Transhumaniste, membre de l'American Legislative Exchange Council — un lobby militant pour le démantèlement du droit du travail, des régulations environnementales, la privatisation de l'éducation et contre les droits des personnes lesbiennes, gays, bisexuelles et trans (LGBT) —, M. Larry Ellison a fondé la société Oracle (bases de données, logiciels d'entreprise, cloud…). Il est l'un des hommes les plus riches du monde, et l'un des principaux mécènes privés de l'armée israélienne. Des milliers d'entreprises à travers le monde — dont la Société nationale des chemins de fer français (SNCF), BNP Paribas ou encore Orange — utilisent les produits d'Oracle. Des États aussi : Oracle fournit les centres de données et les infrastructures de surveillance utilisées par Tel-Aviv.
En janvier 2026, grâce au soutien de M. Trump, Oracle devient l'un des trois principaux actionnaires de la nouvelle filiale américaine de TikTok — après que le président américain avait accusé l'ancienne de favoriser les positions propalestiniennes. L'entreprise de M. Ellison assure notamment la sécurité des données et de l'algorithme du réseau social (2). Et elle vient d'être choisie pour construire des capacités de calcul et des services de cloud au bénéfice d'OpenAI dans le cadre du projet Stargate.
M. Larry Ellison a également un fils qu'il a placé à la tête de la société de production Skydance. À l'été 2024, M. David Ellison annonce le rachat de Paramount Global, qui compte parmi ses filiales Paramount Pictures et la chaîne généraliste la plus regardée aux États-Unis, CBS. M. Trump bloque la transaction, d'un montant de 8 milliards de dollars, pendant un an car il reproche à la chaîne d'avoir diffusé un entretien avec Mme Kamala Harris au cours duquel la candidate démocrate aurait tenu des propos mensongers sur la guerre menée à Gaza par Israël. La Maison Blanche ne donne son feu vert à l'absorption de Paramount par Skydance qu'une fois ce litige réglé. Début juillet 2025, un accord judiciaire met un terme à la procédure : Paramount Skydance, dirigée par M. David Ellison, accepte de verser 16 millions de dollars à M. Trump. Proche de la mouvance MAGA (« Make America Great Again »), le président de la Federal Communications Commission (FCC), instance régulatrice des télécommunications, se réjouit des futurs changements de la ligne éditoriale de CBS (3). Effectivement, changement il y a. Le « Late show », émission-phare de la chaîne, est arrêté : son animateur, Stephen Colbert, avait qualifié le pacte conclu entre Paramount et M. Trump de « bon gros pot-de-vin ». Arrivée à la tête de CBS News, Bari Weiss, journaliste classée très à droite, s'emploie à en faire un nouveau pôle de soutien à l'administration Trump.
C'est dans le même état d'esprit, et avec les mêmes méthodes, que M. David Ellison se rend à Washington trois jours après l'annonce du rachat partiel de Warner par Netflix (4). Il promet de modifier radicalement la ligne de CNN si le pouvoir l'aide à acquérir la totalité de Warner — groupe qui pèse pourtant près de cinq fois la valorisation boursière de l'entreprise qu'il dirige, 69 milliards de dollars contre 14. M. Trump rêve depuis longtemps de faire de CNN un média à sa botte, à la manière de Fox News et, désormais, de CBS. Le 7 décembre 2025, il exprime publiquement des doutes sur le rachat de Warner par Netflix et annonce vouloir « s'impliquer dans la décision ». Aussitôt, Paramount lance une offre publique d'achat (OPA) hostile en proposant directement aux actionnaires de WBD 31 dollars par titre, soit une prime de 147 %.
Le montant de l'offensive s'élève à 111 milliards de dollars et, à la différence de l'accord passé entre Netflix et WBD, porte sur le rachat de l'intégralité du groupe — CNN compris. C'est un tournant historique pour l'industrie des médias. En février, M. Trump exige le licenciement de Mme Susan Rice, membre du conseil d'administration de Netflix. Ancienne conseillère à la sécurité nationale sous la présidence Obama puis directrice du Domestic Policy Council (« conseil de politique intérieure ») de l'administration Biden, Mme Rice venait d'affirmer que les institutions et entreprises américaines complaisantes avec l'administration Trump devraient être poursuivies en justice une fois les démocrates revenus au pouvoir. M. Theodore (« Ted ») Sarandos, codirecteur général de Netflix, fait la sourde oreille. Il est convoqué à la Maison Blanche. Le lendemain, Netflix déclare renoncer à l'achat de Warner. Et empoche une indemnité de rupture de 2,8 milliards de dollars, réglée par M. David Ellison.
Sur un plan purement industriel, l'acquisition de Warner permettrait à M. David Ellison de changer d'échelle en fusionnant HBO Max et Paramount +, la plate-forme de Paramount Skydance, déficitaire. Malgré la promesse des dirigeants de la future entité de maintenir une production de films importante et un temps d'exploitation en salles de quarante-cinq jours (ce qui, en général, est réservé aux blockbusters), il paraît évident que l'exclusivité de ces productions, au même titre que celle des séries, restera un produit d'appel pour les abonnés. Sans parler de la nature des futures productions, dont les choix éditoriaux risquent d'être influencés par l'hostilité antiwoke des républicains. L'inquiétude grandit également parmi les journalistes de CNN, qui craignent une mise au pas. En mars dernier, CNN insinuait que l'administration Trump n'avait pas anticipé les conséquences du conflit avec l'Iran. Aussitôt, le secrétaire à la guerre Peter Hegseth avait sonné la charge : « Il est grand temps que David Ellison prenne les rênes de CNN, et le plus tôt sera le mieux » (13 mars 2026).
La « fusion du siècle », valorisée à 170 milliards de dollars, est une affaire de famille. Une grande famille. Le montage financier est ouvertement élaboré par M. Jared Kushner, gendre et conseiller de M. Trump. Trois fonds souverains des pays du Golfe avec lesquels M. Kushner entretient des liens étroits entrent au capital. M. Larry Ellison fait également partie du tour de table, aux côtés d'une société d'investissement spécialisée dans le sport. L'opération repose sur 40 milliards de dollars de fonds propres, complétés par un emprunt bancaire à hauteur de 54 milliards de dollars. De quoi alourdir considérablement le passif de la nouvelle structure.
Les professionnels de Hollywood qui dénoncent une concentration du secteur appuyée par le pouvoir gardent en mémoire l'acquisition de la 21st Century Fox par Disney en 2019 — qui avait entraîné une production de films réduite de moitié et une vague de licenciements. La contestation prend de l'ampleur, mais il ne faut guère compter sur les régulateurs pour s'opposer à la fusion. En juin, la division antitrust du ministère de la justice américain donne son feu vert à l'opération, estimant qu'elle n'est pas « susceptible de nuire à la concurrence ni aux consommateurs américains » (Le Monde, 13 juin 2026). Elle aurait même pour effet d'« accroître la compétition dans l'ensemble de l'écosystème des médias et du divertissement, avec des bénéfices pour les consommateurs et les travailleurs américains ». Quelques semaines plus tard, la Commission européenne autorise à son tour l'opération, avec des réserves (5). Au Royaume-Uni, l'autorité de la concurrence et des marchés approuve également le rachat, après avoir obtenu des garanties concernant la diversité des services de diffusion audiovisuelle et de vidéo à la demande. De son côté, l'Union internationale des cinémas (UNIC) regrette que des sujets majeurs tels que la diversité des films et la préservation du volume de production aient été peu abordés, et appelle pieusement à la vigilance.
La seule lueur d'espoir des opposants résidait dans l'action intentée devant un tribunal de Californie par douze États et appuyée par le syndicat des scénaristes (Writers Guild of America, WGA). Selon le procureur chargé du dossier, ces États, tous dirigés par les démocrates, luttaient « pour des marchés libres et équitables, pas des marchés truqués ». Un procès pour entorse aux lois sur la concurrence aurait donc dû avoir lieu. Ce ne fut pas le cas. Un accord à l'amiable vient d'être trouvé, le 21 septembre, mais il doit être validé par une juge fédérale de Californie. Selon le procureur, seules des cessions d'actifs permettraient de remédier aux problèmes soulevés par la fusion.
Le processus devait prendre fin en septembre 2026. Au-delà de cette date, Paramount Skydance s'était engagé à verser des pénalités de retard aux actionnaires de Warner à hauteur de 7 millions de dollars… par jour. La menace du procès, prévu en mars 2027, a conduit Paramount à obtenir un report de la clôture de l'opération au 1er juin 2027 au plus tard. Désormais, il lui faut boucler l'opération avant les élections de mi-mandat, qui risquent de modifier le rapport de forces à Washington ; le procès risque de la mettre sérieusement en péril. La série n'est pas finie.
(5) Paramount s'est, de ce fait, engagé à céder sa participation dans United International Pictures, société de distribution de films hors territoire américain, codétenue par Universal.
Not long after the death of his father, Derek Askey, a new father himself, is selected as an alternate juror for a murder trial. The experience upends the typical vulnerability and openness of his life: Askey, under court order, cannot speak with his wife about the random violence heaped upon him, yet nevertheless worries about what his infant son “received from me” during his wordless days in the courtroom. He must withstand the gruesome details of the criminal trial, yet will not be allowed to participate in the jury’s deliberations. His personal essay is a challenging exploration of enforced silence, and the ways in which we seek to unburden ourselves through voice.
Before the trial, the other would-be jurors and I were asked our names, our occupations, whether we had spouses or children, and whether we could be impartial regarding the case, in which a man was being accused of murdering his girlfriend. At first I was curious to hear other people’s answers—Oh, wow, that guy fixes airplanes?—but curiosity quickly gave way to numb shock at how many people’s lives had been touched by domestic violence or murder. Or both. People you see every day. People who fix airplanes. One man said that, when he was little, his dad had beaten his mother; if he was being honest, he didn’t think he could be unbiased. The man was dismissed, and a woman was called up from the uncomfortable wooden pews to face the same interrogation. She had been attacked herself, she said. Some women had sisters, sisters-in-law, or best friends who’d been hit by a spouse or boyfriend.
The controversial filmmaker on Deshlai, his new film about a Bangladeshi TikToker; the Bengali cult of the dada; returning to Kolkata after a decade in Goa; and many mentionables and unmentionables.
The gangster franchise gives women agency and moral complexity, yet still views them through male power and voyeurism. They can survive and manipulate a man’s world but not rule it; their sexuality and suffering become entertainment.
Login
Henrique Santos 
