Scienza, spazio e geopolitica trovano una sintesi nell’Artico e l’Italia si approccia, come meglio non poteva fare, all’international artic year 2032. Lo spunto viene dalla Conferenza Nazionale Polare ideata e coordinata dal Cnr in collaborazione con Enea, Ingv e Ogs, con il patrocinio dei mnisteri della Difesa e dell’Università e della Ricerca. Per la prima volta la comunità scientifica italiana impegnata nelle regioni polari si è incontrata per confrontarsi sugli ultimi dati e avanzamenti della ricerca e per definire priorità e prospettive.

Una tre giorni con più di 200 partecipanti per dare fiato a proposte e priorità che confluiranno in un White Paper. Il documento costituirà uno strumento strategico per orientare le future politiche italiane dedicate all’Artico, all’Antartide e al Terzo Polo (Himalaya, Karakorum e Altopiano del Tibet), territori sempre più cruciali per comprendere le dinamiche del clima globale. Punto di partenza la consapevolezza che il tema polare è non solo strategico, ma parte integrante della visione politica di ogni paese, Italia compresa. Numerosi i progetti a cui l’Italia prende parte con successo, come Boomerang, Apegaia, Epica, Stazione Concordia assieme alla Francia, o Ice Memory che conserva carote di ghiaccio di tutto il mondo e ha il sigillo Unesco che le attribuisce il respiro internazionale.

In questo senso trova applicazione il Piano nazionale Artico del Governo che, come più volte osservato dal presidente del consiglio Giorgia Meloni, intende occuparsi a fondo di questa area del mondo. Non a caso il ministero degli Esteri ha presentato da tempo la strategia italiana sull’Artico, con l’obiettivo di preservare l’area artica come zona di pace e cooperazione, contribuire alla sicurezza della regione, sostenere le imprese che volessero investire lì e favorire la ricerca.

Un passaggio ribadito dall’ambasciatore Agostino Pinna, Inviato Speciale del ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale per l’Artico, secondo cui la tradizione scientifica italiana è un elemento che consente all’Italia di essere soggetto autorevole e credibile. A breve verrà diffusa anche la strategia Ue sull’Artico, connessa alla questione securitaria legata alle minacce ibride. Molte cose che accadono in Artico infatti hanno poi riflesso in Ue, come le materie prime, lo spazio, le rotte, l’energia. Ma anche la pace, visto che lì operano assieme Russia e Usa, nonostante i venti di guerra in Ucraina e Iran. “Il lavoro di questi tre giorni segna un passo importante verso una visione condivisa della ricerca pubblica italiana nelle regioni polari”, ha dichiarato il Presidente del Cnr, Andrea Lenzi. “L’impegno del Cnr nelle scienze polari affonda le proprie radici in decenni di ricerca, dati e conoscenze, sviluppati nell’ambito dei Programmi per l’Artico e per l’Antartide sostenuti dal ministero dell’Università e della Ricerca. Un patrimonio costruito sulla collaborazione, sul dialogo con le comunità indigene e sulla responsabilità di offrire risposte solide alle sfide ambientali e climatiche del presente e del futuro”.

“I profondi cambiamenti che stanno interessando l’Artico, l’Antartide e il cosiddetto Terzo Polo himalayano – la più vasta riserva di ghiaccio del pianeta al di fuori delle regioni polari – hanno ripercussioni sempre più rilevanti sugli equilibri climatici, sugli ecosistemi e sulla società a livello globale”, ha commentato la Presidente Enea, Francesca Mariotti. “In questo scenario, la ricerca svolta dall’Italia e dall’Enea negli ambienti più estremi della Terra assume un ruolo cruciale. Un’attività di questo tipo richiede competenze scientifiche, come quelle che mettiamo in campo in Artico, ma nulla sarebbe possibile senza le infrastrutture e il supporto logistico che Enea garantisce, con un’efficiente macchina organizzativa, da oltre 40 anni in Antartide”.

A Bruxelles stanno prendendo in considerazione una proposta che potrebbe aumentare i fastidi di Washington. Sul tavolo della Commissione europea c’è infatti la possibilità di modificare il contributo forfettario sulle grandi imprese, già inserito all’interno del bilancio comunitario per il settennato 2029-2034. L’idea è di alzare la soglia di accesso e aumentare il peso a carico delle aziende. Tra queste, ovviamente, anche quelle digitali. In questo modo, scrive il Financial Times, le Big Tech verrebbero tassate senza aggiungere una nuova imposta sui servizi digitali. Un sotterfugi per evitare che l’amministrazione di Donald Trump batta di nuovo i pugni sul tavolo. A giugno la Casa Bianca aveva minacciato di introdurre dazi al 100% per quei Paesi che introducevano una tassa sui servizi digitali – con un esplicito riferimento all’Europa. Difficilmente però il presidente statunitense non si accorgerà del trucco.

Il contributo, pensato a luglio scorso, prevede di tassare le aziende con un fatturato superiore ai 100 milioni di euro che operano sul territorio comunitario. La modifica si concentrerà sull’allargamento delle società da includere, ritoccando quindi i requisiti necessari per rientrare nella tassazione, e allo stesso tempo sull’importo che dovrebbero versare. Al momento, il sistema imporrebbe il pagamento di 100mila euro per le aziende – tutte, non solo quelle tecnologiche – con un fatturato netto compreso tra i 100 e i 250 milioni, fino a un massimo di 750mila euro per quelle che hanno ricavi minimi di 750 milioni. Il totale della cifra che finirà nelle tasche dell’Ue è pari a 6,8 miliardi di euro.

Passare dalla teoria alla pratica non sarà semplice. La discussione è accesa, proprio perché potrebbe potenzialmente comportare conseguenze non del tutto positive. C’è chi non è propenso a introdurre una tassa digitale per non inimicarsi gli americani, sostiene una fonte riservata al Ft. E c’è chi è contrario al versamento di una somma forfettaria, come previsto dal Corporate Resource for Europe (Core) per le società che offrono servizi digitali che hanno una filiale sul territorio comunitario. Da qui l’idea di estendere una tassa già esistenti a tutte le aziende, senza discriminazioni settoriali. In questo modo il risultato sarebbe duplice: verrebbe garantito un gettito in entrata superiore, senza scontentare nessuno. Almeno sulla carta.

Da quando Trump ha messo di nuovo piede alla Casa Bianca, gli europei fanno gli equilibristi per provare a tenere insieme l’interesse comunitario con un’alleanza storica. Trump e la sua amministrazione sono stati però piuttosto chiari: nessuna azienda americana deve essere trattata peggio delle altre. Il tycoon non fa sconti a nessuno. Austria, Francia, Italia e Spagna sono state già oggetto di indagine da parte di Washington a causa della loro imposta sui servizi digitali. Leggere che l’Ue ha trovato un modo per aggirare i suoi paletti non gli farà di certo piacere.

On October 5, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan activated the Makkah Pact, taking their new alliance to war for the first time, and potentially revealing the future of American power in the Middle East: Washington provides the security umbrella while regional partners increasingly do the fighting. From treaty to military alliance Only two months after […]

On October 31, 1926, Toronto lawyer and millionaire Charles Vance Millar died suddenly of a heart attack. He left behind no wife, no children, and no close heirs. What he did leave behind was one of the strangest wills ever written. Within a decade, Millar's final wishes would trigger lawsuits, newspaper frenzies, moral outrage, and a bizarre competition among Toronto mothers that became known around the country as the Great Stork Derby.

Members of the Timleck family, one of four winners of the Great Stork Derby. Credit: Toronto Star Archives

The post Trump Blames Iran for Flydubai Incident, Israel Gears Up for Another War appeared first on South Front.

This is the newest update of the ‘U.S. Carrier Strike Groups Locations Map’ exclusive series showing the approximate locations of U.S. Carrier Strike Groups. SouthFront: Analysis & Intelligence tracks locations of U.S. aircraft carriers using the available open-source information. No classified information was used in production of the map.

Carrier strike group (CSG) is an operational formation of the United States Navy. It is centered on an aircraft carrier and a carrier air wing of 65 to 70 aircrafts. It’s composed of roughly 7,500 personnel, an aircraft carrier, at least one cruiser, a destroyer squadron of at least two destroyers and/or frigates. A carrier strike group also, on occasion, includes submarines, attached logistics ships and a supply ship. Carrier strike groups comprise a principal element of U.S. power projection over the world’s oceans

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The post Locations Of US Carrier Strike Groups – October 6, 2026 appeared first on South Front.

The recently concluded trilateral “Orient Shield” exercises in Japan became the first three-way maneuvers involving Washington, Tokyo, and Canberra in which the “Typhon” medium-range missile system was employed. How are the United States and its allies pushing the world toward the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD)? The Land of the Rising WMD Proliferation […]

Cheap drones, heavy bombs, disrupted shipping, and vulnerable supply routes are challenging the idea that technological superiority guarantees military success. The emerging contest is not simply over who builds the smartest weapon. It is over who can adapt, produce, and keep fighting after the enemy learns how to break it. Washington’s Project Meridian offers one answer. Recent battlefields suggest a much harder test.

The Battlefield Rewrites the Blueprint

The war in Ukraine shows that military innovation does not always mean more sophisticated weapons. Sometimes it means finding a simple way around an enemy’s defenses. Russian forces did that with drones guided through fiber-optic cables instead of radio signals, allowing them to operate despite radio jamming.

During the fighting to push Ukrainian troops out of Russia’s Kursk region, fiber-optic drones threatened the roads supplying Ukrainian positions. Sustained attacks on transport made those positions harder to supply, reinforce, and evacuate. Ground that remained defensible against a direct assault became increasingly difficult to hold as supply routes came under pressure.

Drones did not replace infantry or artillery. Their value came from linking reconnaissance and strikes to a broader effort to disrupt Ukrainian logistics. A relatively small change in drone guidance helped Russian forces put pressure on the supply lines sustaining the defense, rather than just individual vehicles or positions.

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A separate example from eastern Ukraine shows how drone attacks can also threaten robotic supply vehicles

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Nor did the advantage remain exclusive. Ukrainian units expanded their own fiber-optic capabilities, turning a Russian breakthrough into another round of adaptation. Cable guidance removes the vulnerable radio-control link, but introduces weight, handling, and physical constraints. It does not make the aircraft invisible or indestructible. A solution to one problem creates a different set of tradeoffs.

Russia’s glide bombs demonstrate another route to military innovation. Instead of replacing existing weapons entirely, guidance and wing kits give older bombs greater reach and precision. Their heavy payloads perform tasks that small drones cannot. Their use against Ukrainian positions illustrates why the future battlefield will contain both cheap electronics and large quantities of conventional explosives.

The broader lesson is uncomfortable for anyone selling a universal replacement for the old military. New systems do not arrive on an empty battlefield. They must work with existing aircraft, artillery, engineers, supply units, and command structures. Their value depends on how those parts fit together.

That also limits what strike videos can prove. A successful attack demonstrates an outcome, not the average success rate, the number of failed missions, or the effort required to repeat it. The decisive question is whether an army can turn occasional success into a dependable military capability.

The Cost of Keeping Routes Open

The Red Sea offers a different warning. An attacker does not necessarily have to defeat a navy to impose strategic costs.

Houthi attacks pushed shipping companies toward longer routes around Africa. By late summer 2026, traffic through the Suez Canal was recovering but remained well below pre-crisis levels. Houthi attacks had pushed shipping companies onto longer, more expensive routes, showing how a regional armed group could disrupt global trade without defeating a major navy.

An interception can therefore be a tactical success without restoring normal commercial activity. The defender must protect ships and sustain confidence over time. The attacker may only need to keep the risk credible. Counting destroyed drones does not answer whether the shipping route is functioning.

The familiar comparison between a cheap drone and an expensive interceptor captures only part of this problem. Saving a merchant ship or warship can justify an expensive defensive shot. The deeper question is whether sufficient interceptors, maintenance capacity, crews, and replacement stocks remain available throughout a prolonged campaign.

Ukraine presents a related problem on land. Russian glide bombs combine substantial destructive power with relatively inexpensive conversion kits. Defending against every incoming weapon with a costly missile is not necessarily sustainable. But abandoning high-end air defenses would leave other threats unanswered.

The likely response is a layered force rather than a single miracle weapon. Different threats demand different combinations of detection, electronic warfare, physical protection, and interception. An army also needs to keep operating when some threats get through.

Kursk and the Red Sea are not interchangeable battlefields. One concerns a contested land campaign, the other pressure on maritime commerce. What connects them is the importance of maintaining a function under repeated attack. Delivering supplies and keeping shipping moving matter more than producing an impressive interception tally.

Washington Looks Upward

Washington is approaching this problem through a different starting point: global networks, industrial scale, and institutional control.

On September 30, Pete Hegseth announced Project Meridian alongside a proposed Autonomous Warfare Command and the Fortress America initiative. Meridian would examine future military capabilities, while the new command would organize the expansion of autonomous and robotic systems. Fortress America would address the resilience of bases and supply chains. These are related initiatives, not a single approved war plan.

Meridian’s advisers include Elon Musk, Palmer Luckey, and Newt Gingrich, under Pentagon technology chief Emil Michael. The study has 120 days to report. Its significance is not that three men can invent the next war. It is that major technology suppliers are being invited to help define the military capabilities Washington should pursue.

Some of the supporting infrastructure already has funding. On May 26, Space Systems Command awarded SpaceX a $2.29 billion agreement for the Space Data Network Backbone. A fully operational prototype is due by the end of 2027. The intended function is to connect military sensors and weapons through a high-capacity orbital communications network.

That addresses a real military requirement. Information has limited value if it cannot reach the people or systems that need it. But a larger network does not automatically become a more dependable one. The test is whether useful connections survive disruption, and whether units can continue operating when they do not.

Heavy-lift rockets could support the deployment of larger satellite constellations, although these programs do not yet amount to a single publicly defined architecture. Starship Flight 14 reached orbit on September 28 and deployed 26 Starlink V3 satellites. That demonstrated payload delivery, not every capability promised for the rocket. Reaching orbit once and providing dependable, economical military infrastructure are different milestones.

Starship’s final descent, landing burn, and splashdown during Flight 14, September 28, 2026

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Golden Dome extends the ambition to missile defense. In May, the Congressional Budget Office estimated that a notional system consistent with the administration’s stated objectives could cost about $1.2 trillion over 20 years. Crucially, this was not a price tag for the Pentagon’s approved design. The final architecture had not been publicly disclosed.

The policy risk is not simply excessive ambition. It is defining military problems in ways that favor the products already offered by influential suppliers. That deserves scrutiny without assuming that commercial involvement makes every proposal useless. A contract is evidence of spending. It is not evidence of battlefield superiority.

Machines Still Need Factories

The American approach emphasizes integrating ambitious systems through large institutions. The battlefield experience points toward an equally important requirement: changing ordinary systems quickly.

These approaches are not mutually exclusive. Satellites and inexpensive drones can support the same force. The tension lies in their development cycles. A major space program cannot be redesigned every few weeks. A frontline drone or its communications equipment may lose effectiveness if updates take years.

The industrial base must therefore support both continuity and rapid revision. Ukraine’s drone sector demonstrates the importance of close feedback between operators and developers, but also the vulnerability of assembly dependent on imported components. A domestically assembled aircraft is not necessarily an independently sustainable capability.

Russian developers are also discussing the problem in terms broader than individual weapons. In September, the Ushkuynik center presented a drone assembly line housed in a modified shipping container. The proposal illustrates an effort to distribute production rather than concentrate it in a single factory.

These are developer proposals, not independently demonstrated solutions at national scale. Nevertheless, they identify two important problems: distributing production and closing gaps between separate defensive systems.

A workshop, a repair team, and a reliable component supplier may therefore matter as much as another model advertised as revolutionary. Military adaptation requires people who can identify a failure, explain it to engineers, approve a modification, and return workable equipment to service.

Autonomy does not remove these obligations. The meaningful question is which task a machine can perform reliably without continuous human input, under what conditions, and with what consequences when it fails. “Autonomous” should describe a tested function, not serve as a substitute for explaining one.

Fortress America recognizes another dependency. Hegseth’s stated aim is for military installations eventually to operate under their own power, alongside stronger protection and domestic supply chains. Yet independence from the civilian grid would not by itself eliminate the need for fuel, spare parts, communications, or skilled maintenance. Resilience must extend beyond the perimeter fence.

The same principle applies at the front. Engineering and logistics deserve attention alongside strike footage. They show how forces sustain movement and support combat units, rather than merely how they destroy a target.

From Remote Control to Robotic Forces

The next stage of warfare is unlikely to resemble an army of humanoid machines replacing soldiers. A more plausible future is a force in which people fight alongside growing numbers of specialized robots, from reconnaissance aircraft to ground vehicles carrying ammunition, evacuating casualties, and supporting assaults.

That transition is already underway. Both Russian and Ukrainian forces are using ground robots for logistics, evacuation, and other battlefield tasks. In September, Ukraine’s Defense Ministry reported that its ground systems had completed more than 25,000 supply and evacuation missions in August alone. The figure is an official claim, not an independently audited total, but it illustrates how far the ambition extends beyond occasional demonstrations.

Over the next five years, the important change may be the organization of these machines into working formations. Aerial drones could scout ahead while ground robots move supplies and support troops. Humans would still set objectives and handle situations the machines cannot reliably interpret. The advantage would come from coordinating those different roles, not simply putting more unmanned vehicles on the battlefield.

Remote control, however, is not autonomy. A vehicle that needs continuous steering from an operator remains dependent on communications and human attention. Greater autonomy could allow machines to navigate, avoid obstacles, or complete limited tasks when a connection fails. None of those functions automatically makes a robot capable of independently identifying legitimate targets or deciding when to fire.

The likely result is a race between robotic capability and countermeasures. More machines may reduce the number of soldiers exposed on supply routes, but those machines will themselves become targets. Communications, batteries, maintenance, and replacement parts will remain constraints. Robotization moves some risks away from people; it does not abolish the costs of war.

Nor will inexpensive robots make heavy weapons obsolete. Small drones, armored vehicles, artillery, and aircraft perform different jobs. The stronger force will be the one that combines them effectively and changes that combination faster than its opponent.

Meridian should be judged against this prospect, not the grandeur of its language. Can Washington build systems that cooperate, survive disruption, and remain affordable enough to replace? Can its procurement machinery adapt as quickly as the battlefield demands?

The next war will not be won by whoever unveils the most impressive robot. It may favor the side that can lose machines without losing momentum, preserve human judgment without slowing every decision, and turn battlefield lessons into production before the enemy does. The real revolution is not a machine that looks like a soldier. It is an army that learns to fight differently because machines are now part of its ranks.

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MORE ON THE TOPIC:

• Democracy’s Emergency Exit: Germany Revisits An AfD Ban
• Sirens Over The Autobahn: Germany Rehearses For The Next War?
• The Spokeswoman Who Remembers Too Much: Zelensky’s Bunker Blowback

The post The Future of War: What the Battlefield Teaches and the Pentagon Wants to Buy appeared first on South Front.

The US shift from Artificial Intelligence to Super Intelligence signals a transformation in technological and strategic power: from Project Stargate to space weapons, SI could reshape warfare, and its ability to process vast information becomes both an advantage and a threat. On September 29, 2026, President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 14434, “Inaugurating the Era […]

Um , perdeu a vida na manhã desta segunda-feira, 5 de outubro, durante um exercício de formação nas instalações dos Bombeiros de Baltar, no concelho de Paredes.

Segundo a Lusa, as circunstâncias exatas do acidente estão ainda a ser apuradas pela Liga dos Bombeiros Portugueses. De acordo com informação avançada pelo Jornal de Notícias, o operático terá ficado atrás de uma viatura que, ao iniciar a marcha, o atropelou.

O jovem bombeiro entrou em paragem cardiorrespiratória e, apesar das manobras de reanimação realizadas pelas equipas de socorro e pela Viatura Médica de Emergência e Reanimação (VMER) do Vale do Sousa, o óbito acabou por ser declarado no local.

Por: Dino Frazão
05/10/2026
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O conteúdo ÚLTIMA HORA | Bombeiro de 25 anos morre durante formação em Baltar, Paredes aparece primeiro em OS MONHACAS.

Donald Trump tried to use America’s economic weight to force China to bend, only to discover that Beijing has built an economic weapon of its own that Washington cannot tackle. China Finds America’s Chokepoint For years, the central assumption underlying Washington’s economic confrontation with Beijing was that interdependence gave the United States more leverage than […]

Die Ukraine bekommt immer mehr Probleme, weshalb Kanzler Merz mal wieder nach Kiew gefahren ist, um über eine Milliarde Euro deutscher Steuergelder zu verschenken. Deutschland bekommt auch immer mehr Probleme, aber für die Deutschen hat Merz kein Geld, denn sonst reicht es nicht für Kiew. Aber was sind die Gründe für die aktuellen Probleme der […]

Uma mulher de 28 anos perdeu a vida e quatro pessoas ficaram gravemente feridas na sequência de um despiste de um automóvel na autoestrada A1, na zona de Condeixa-a-Nova, segundo a agência Lusa.

De acordo com a mesma fonte do Comando Sub-regional da Região de Coimbra da Proteção Civil, o acidente causou a morte da jovem mulher e ferimentos graves no seu marido e em três menores.

O acidente ocorreu no sentido sul-norte, ao quilómetro 180,4 da A1, no troço compreendido entre os nós de Soure e Condeixa-a-Nova, no distrito de Coimbra, segundo a agência Lusa.

O alerta foi dado às 14:35, hora em que a circulação na A1 ficou totalmente cortada. A partir das 17:00, a via da esquerda foi reaberta, mantendo-se no entanto o trânsito condicionado, segundo a agência Lusa.

Nas operações de socorro estiveram envolvidos 32 operacionais, apoiados por 14 veículos da Proteção Civil, incluindo os Bombeiros, a Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) e o Instituto Nacional de Emergência Médica (INEM), segundo a agência Lusa.

Data: 04 de outubro de 2026
Por: Dino Frazão

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O conteúdo Um morto e quatro feridos graves em despiste na A1 em Condeixa-a-Nova aparece primeiro em OS MONHACAS.

Der Staatsbesuch von Xi Jingping in den USA war, von einem gewissen medialen Spott über Trumps auffällige Unterwürfigkeit gegenüber dem Gast aus China abgesehen, sehr unspektakulär, obwohl Trump und Xi eine lange Liste wichtiger Themen zu besprechen hatten. Da wären die Wirtschaftsbeziehungen und der Handelskrieg zwischen den Ländern, die Frage der sinkenden Anteile von US-Staatspapieren […]

Uma violenta colisão entre dois veículos ligeiros causou, na madrugada deste domingo, dia 4 de outubro, quatro feridos graves em Ponte do Rol, no concelho de Torres Vedras, distrito de Lisboa.

Segundo o Comando Sub-Regional de Emergência e Proteção Civil do Oeste, o alerta para o acidente foi dado pelas 02:05, tendo a colisão ocorrido na Estrada Nacional 9 (EN9), junto à localidade de Ponte do Rol.

Os quatro feridos graves, todos ocupantes das viaturas envolvidas, foram assistidos no local e posteriormente transportados para unidades hospitalares. Segundo a Lusa, um dos feridos deu entrada no Hospital das Caldas da Rainha, enquanto os outros três foram encaminhados para o Hospital de Santa Maria, em Lisboa.

A circulação rodoviária na EN9 chegou a estar completamente interrompida para permitir o socorro às vítimas e a limpeza da via. De acordo com o portal da Autoridade Nacional de Emergência e Proteção Civil, pelas 05:20 ainda se mantinham no local 14 operacionais, apoiados por sete veículos de emergência.

Por: Dino Frazão
Data: 4 de outubro de 2026
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O conteúdo Colisão entre dois ligeiros em Ponte do Rol provoca quatro feridos graves aparece primeiro em OS MONHACAS.

In den USA wird über einen Exportstopp für Diesel in die EU nachgedacht und gleichzeitig erklärt Präsident Trump, die Dieselpreise wären wegen der ukrainischen Angriffe auf russische Raffinerien so explodiert. Wenn die US-Regierung nun vor den anstehenden Wahlen ein Exportverbot für Diesel verhängt, wäre das de facto die Bestrafung der EU für den von ihr […]

Auch am letzten Donnerstag haben Robert Stein und ich wieder eine aktuelle Folge von Tacheles aufgenommen, die seit Freitagabend online ist. Sollte YouTube die Sendung löschen, finden Sie sie auch hier bei NuoViso.

Der Valdai-Klub ist der wichtigste russische Thinktank zur Geopolitik und inzwischen international als eines der wichtigsten Expertentreffen zu dem Thema anerkannt. Zum Erfolg des Valdai-Klubs und seiner hochrangigen Besetzung hat sicherlich beigetragen, dass der russische Präsident Putin jedes Jahr daran teilnimmt. Dabei hält er eine etwa einstündige Grundsatzrede über die russische Sicht auf die aktuelle […]

Washington’s invitation to President Putin to the Miami G20 offers Russia an opportunity to pursue direct diplomacy with Washington over the Ukraine conflict while reaffirming its role in the emerging global economic order despite continued Western efforts to isolate Moscow. An Invitation with Strategic Meaning The upcoming G20 summit is scheduled for December 14-15, 2026, […]

With Democrats leading competitive races and poised to reclaim the House, the American political map is shifting under Trump’s weakening hold, the impending exits of McConnell and Pelosi, and a familiar warning: never count out the party’s talent for snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. Good riddance to both. The major tectonic plates of […]