A cidade de Manaus (AM) voltou a amanhecer sob fumaça gerada pelas queimadas no estado neste sábado (10). O Sistema Eletrônico de Vigilância Ambiental (Selva), da Universidade do Estado do Amazonas (UEA), registrou qualidade péssima do ar na capital.
Esse é o terceiro dia consecutivo que a capital é encoberta por fumaça.
Nesta sexta (9), a Prefeitura de Manaus suspendeu as atividades escolares e nos órgãos municipais devido à péssima qualidade do ar. Na data, o índice de qualidade do ar foi de 196,4 microgramas por metro cúbico (µg/m³) de material particulado, substância tóxica presente na fumaça.
Neste sábado, por volta das 6h, o índice foi ainda maior, alcançando 209 µg/m³. A qualidade do ar é considerada boa quando atinge até 25 µg/m³.
Nesta tarde, os pontos de monitoramento da capital registram a qualidade do ar entre moderada e ruim. No município de Careiro, na Região Metropolitana, entretanto, o nível ainda é péssimo, com 117,5 µg/m³.
Suspensão de atividades e alerta à população
A Defesa Civil do Amazonas disparou alerta aos celulares orientando a população que use máscara | Foto: Reprodução/Defesa Civil
Universidades também suspenderam as atividades devido à fumaça. A Defesa Civil do Amazonas disparou alerta aos celulares orientando a população a evitar exposição à fumaça e usar máscaras ao sair de casa.
Ainda na sexta-feira, o Ministério do Meio Ambiente e Mudança Climática disse em nota que realiza ações permanentes de prevenção, monitoramento e combate aos incêndios florestais na região, com mobilização de equipes, aeronaves e recursos.
“Desde o início da temporada de incêndios florestais, o Ibama extinguiu 229 incêndios no Amazonas e segue atuando no combate a outros 20 incêndios ativos no estado”, afirmou o ministério.
A pasta acrescentou que disponibilizará mais seis aeronaves, sendo quatro aviões para lançamento de água e dois helicópteros, além de 290 profissionais brigadistas.
Governo proibiu queimadas por 120 dias
Manaus também sofreu com fumaça no mês de setembro. No dia 23, o prefeito Renato Júnior (Avante) cobrou políticas contra queimadas no interior do estado.
“Falta política pública no interior do Amazonas. E agora Manaus está pagando a conta de todo dia amanhecer encoberto de fumaça por falta de política pública nacional, dos outros estados e também do estado do Amazonas”, disse ele em publicação nas redes sociais.
O Governo do Amazonas proibiu por decreto no mês passado o uso do fogo em todo o estado por 120 dias. A medida proíbe o emprego de queimadas em atividades de limpeza, manejo e renovação de áreas.
Também em 23 de setembro, o Centro Integrado Multiagência de Coordenação Operacional Federal (Ciman Federal), coordenado pelo Ibama, recebeu solicitação de apoio do Governo do Amazonas para combate a incêndios florestais, segundo o Ministério do Meio Ambiente e Mudança Climática.
“Em resposta ao pedido, foram acionados combatentes do Projeto de Resposta em Ações Integradas para Atuação em Situações de Desastres (Respad) e uma aeronave do Projeto de Gerenciamento de Aeronaves para Situações de Urgência e Socorro (Pegasus)”, declarou o ministério.
De acordo com o órgão, em 30 de setembro, após as chuvas contribuírem para o controle dos focos de incêndio, o Governo do Amazonas comunicou que não seria mais necessário o apoio do Respad, dispensando a atuação da equipe federal antes do deslocamento a campo.
“O MMA informa ainda que orientou o Governo do Amazonas a solicitar recursos por meio do Sistema Nacional de Proteção e Defesa Civil (SINPDEC) para ampliar sua capacidade de resposta aos incêndios florestais. Contudo, até o momento, o estado não formalizou o pedido”, disse o ministério.
Fumaça oferece riscos à saúde
O risco de inalação de material particulado é maior dependendo do tempo de exposição e da quantidade inalada. Os mais suscetíveis a apresentar reações são crianças e idosos, mas todos podem ter comprometimento pulmonar e respiratório.
As queimadas também geram uma série de poluentes que podem permanecer no ar por semanas, como monóxido de carbono e dióxido de nitrogênio.
Governo amplia estrutura de combate a incêndios
Na última sexta-feira, o Governo do Amazonas afirmou em nota que tem feito reuniões sobre o tema das queimadas para conter os impactos ambientais, proteger a população e intensificar a fiscalização no estado. Segundo o governo, foi ampliado de 11 para 25 em um ano o número de bases permanentes de bombeiros em cidades do interior, e que o efetivo passou de 692 para 1.651.
O governo acrescentou que recebeu a aeronave Thrush S2R-510, capaz de transportar quase 2.000 litros de água, e que possui cinco viaturas Auto Bomba Tanque Florestal (ABTF). (Jorge Cosme/FOLHAPRESS)
O gari Antônio José Júnior de Oliveira conquistou aprovação no exame da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB). A história dele emociona pessoas em Goiás e ganhou repercussão nesta sexta-feira (09/10). Segundo o novo advogado, a mãe Ivani Vavier de Souza inspirou a continuidade dos estudos e a busca por uma vida melhor.
Antônio trabalhou na Companhia de Urbanização de Goiânia (Comurg) por 18 anos. Foram 13 anos na coleta orgânica, três na coleta seletiva e um ano e meio na varrição. Com apoio da companhia, ele conciliou a faculdade de Direito com o trabalho nas ruas.
Ele cursou a graduação com bolsa de estudos no Centro Universo Goiânia. As aulas ocorriam das 8h às 12h; o estágio, à tarde, por três horas em audiências; e o trabalho, das 16h às 22h. Antônio abdicava dos sábados, domingos e feriados para estudar.
O Centro Universo Goiânia informou que Antônio se formou em quatro anos e meio e foi juramentista do curso. Formado em julho, ele abriu o próprio escritório em agosto e atua na área trabalhista.
“O Direito do Trabalho traz justiça e pacifica a sociedade. Meu propósito: servir à sociedade, trazer paz e ajudar as pessoas a resolver seus problemas”, declarou Antônio.
Antônio concilia as atividades como advogado e o trabalho na Comurg. Ele assumiu a função de supervisor de abastecimento de combustível após concurso interno de meritocracia e trabalha no escritório na parte da tarde.
Ukraine has published data on 20 vessels that carry Russian oil and liquefied natural gas or refuel the sanctioned fleet, parts of the logistics network the Kremlin uses to fund its war, Ukraine's Defense Intelligence reports. All 20 are under British or Ukrainian sanctions, and only one faces US restrictions.
Russia’s shadow fleet runs on roughly 500 aging ships of uncertain ownership that dodge sanctions and keep oil money flowing. That seaborne oil trade is worth more than 80 billion euros a year.
The headline vessel is the Russian ship Portovyy, an LNG carrier and floating gas store owned by the sanctioned Gazprom since 2021, according to the agency. On 15 August 2026, it left the Gulf of Finland with Russian LNG for the first time since November 2021, sailing the Northern Sea Route to the Chinese port of Beihai to unload.
Portovyy is now at the Zhoushan Huafeng Shipyard in China, which has been set as the site for its maintenance, intelligence says, an example of the foreign yards Kyiv wants closed to the sanctioned fleet.
Russia buys up gas carriers through shells
Two more gas carriers show how Moscow expanded the fleet in spring 2026 through front companies, intelligence said. The Avacha, once owned by China’s Jovo Energy, was bought by the little-known Tudor Maritime of the Marshall Islands, took the Russian flag in June, and now ships gas from the Arctic LNG 2 project to Beihai.
The Chaivo, formerly owned by Greece’s Maran Gas Maritime, was also bought by Tudor Maritime and moved under the Russian flag in July. Now it carries cargo to Beihai from a floating gas storage facility off Kamchatka, intelligence says.
A call to close the loopholes
Intelligence urged partners to act together: tighten control over sales of commercially owned ships, block servicing of the sanctioned fleet at foreign yards, and cut off the energy revenue that Russia turns into weapons against civilians.
Russia is building ice-class ships at home and, at the same time, widening its shadow fleet through offshore networks. The UK Foreign Office made the same point on 1 October, saying Moscow is assembling a new shadow fleet to keep its gas revenues flowing.
Quando uma pessoa sofre um acidente de carro, o trauma pode ser tão forte que ela desenvolve um transtorno de estresse pós-traumático. Mas, com a ajuda de um psicólogo, ela poderá, algum tempo depois, voltar a circular de carro sem crises de ansiedade.
Devido ao racismo, uma pessoa negra sofre o equivalente psíquico a um acidente de carro toda semana, diz o psicólogo e psicanalista Lucas Veiga, escritor do livro “Clínica do impossível: como pessoas negras podem cuidar da saúde mental em um mundo racista” (Paidós, 2026), uma reedição ampliada de “Clínica do Impossível: Linhas de Fuga e de Cura”, lançado em 2021.
“Como uma pessoa que é vítima de um caso de racismo toda semana se cura do estresse pós-traumático se aquilo que causa o trauma continua se repetindo?”, pergunta Veiga.
As pessoas negras vivenciam microviolências cotidianas, como serem seguidas por seguranças e verem alguém apertar a bolsa junto ao corpo quando passam. Somado a isso, há a injúria racial e ainda as estruturas econômicas, políticas e sociológicas do racismo.
Uma pesquisa do Datafolha de 2024 mostrou que 56% dos brasileiros pretos relatam sofrer discriminação. O índice cai para 17% entre pardos e, no caso de brancos, para 7%.
Racismo e saúde mental
Cuidado com a saúde mental de uma pessoa negra é fundamental para reconhecer o racismo como um problema social | Foto: Reprodução
No livro, Veiga afirma que o cuidado com a saúde mental das pessoas negras passa fundamentalmente por reconhecer o racismo como um problema social que impacta suas subjetividades. Mas explica também que não será possível eliminar o racismo nesta geração para resolver o problema.
O que fazer nesse meio-termo é o que ele chama de “clínica do impossível”.
O primeiro passo seria “tornar-se negro”, uma expressão cunhada pela psiquiatra e psicanalista brasileira Neusa Santos Souza nos anos 1980. Ela descreve esse processo como uma tomada de consciência política, afirmação do próprio corpo e reconstrução da identidade e da autoimagem.
O racismo é movido pelo ódio racial, que é constantemente projetado sobre o corpo negro, explica o psicólogo com base em estudos tanto de Neusa Souza quanto de Frantz Fanon, psiquiatra e filósofo político que escreveu “Pele Negra, Máscaras Brancas” (Ubu).
A violência racial recai sobre a cor da pele e os traços físicos, explica Veiga. Por isso, a pessoa pode concluir que é o próprio corpo que a coloca em risco.
“Nosso corpo é nossa primeira casa. É com esse corpo que a gente vive e exercita a nossa humanidade”, diz o psicólogo. “A pessoa pode, de alguma forma, desenvolver uma relação de negação do próprio corpo. Então, esse ódio que é projetado sobre o corpo negro pode ser introjetado e a pessoa passa a se odiar.”
De forma semelhante ao que ocorre com vítimas de abuso, a pessoa que sofre a violência do racismo pode passar a se sentir culpada pelo ocorrido, em vez de atribuir a culpa ao agressor ou à estrutura racista, explica o psicólogo.
Para interromper esse processo, é preciso tornar-se negro: reconhecer o racismo como problema social, reestruturar a autoimagem e valorizar corpo, pele e ancestralidade.
Psicólogos precisam estudar o racismo
Veiga defende que psicólogos estudem racismo, pois a produção hegemônica da área foi construída por teóricos brancos para subjetividades e sofrimentos da população branca.
A experiência cotidiana do racismo produz impactos específicos na subjetividade negra como baixa autoestima, insegurança, dúvidas sobre as próprias capacidades e desconforto com o próprio corpo.
Na clínica do impossível, os psicólogos podem ajudar as pessoas negras como um “quilombo”, diz Veiga, um território de proteção, fortalecimento e restauração da autoimagem.
A terapia atua para retirar o sentimento de culpa e inferioridade do paciente e devolver à branquitude a responsabilidade pelas violências raciais.
O paciente também trabalha a subjetividade para além da negritude. “É tornar-se negro, que tem a ver com a criação de uma identidade negra fortalecida e um senso de valor, para que eu possa ser eu mesmo.”
Afirmação da vida como caminho de cura
Após tornar-se negro e entender que enfrenta o impossível o fim do racismo , o livro propõe afirmar a vida.
Isso seria fugir da tentativa do racismo de impor uma tristeza compulsória, reivindicando o direito de habitar a cidade, o próprio corpo e os espaços conquistados com altivez e alegria. “A nossa maior vingança ao racismo é viver bem”, diz Veiga.
Para esse processo, uma ajuda é reconhecer um paradoxo de impossíveis, aponta a obra. Se, por um lado, o fim imediato do racismo é impossível, por outro é igualmente impossível que a subjetividade negra seja totalmente capturada ou destruída por ele.
A afirmação da vida se concretiza na capacidade ancestral de criar “rotas de fuga”, reinventar o cotidiano e produzir modos de existência livres e criativos, diz Veiga.
História do avô inspira reflexão sobre a vida
O exemplo máximo disso é apresentado logo no início do livro. O autor conta a história do seu avô, Antônio da Veiga, que tinha um diagnóstico de bipolaridade e alternava entre episódios de depressão profunda e de mania.
Antônio chegou a ser internado em uma clínica psiquiátrica e, após muitas tentativas, conseguiu fugir. Foi quando conheceu a avó do autor e deu início a toda a família.
“Meu avô pôde ter uma vida boa. Ele foi muito amado e respeitado, e a casa dos meus avós tinha muita festa. Ele tinha que lidar com a bipolaridade e com o racismo, mas isso não impediu que ele tivesse uma relação de criação e invenção com a vida, a natureza, as pessoas”, diz Veiga.
Em um dos episódios de mania, seu Antônio trocou o aparelho de som da família por um cavalo que criou no quintal, para alegria dos netos. Segundo Veiga, cuidar do animal e ensinar os netos a andar nele funcionava como uma terapia ocupacional espontânea.
A criação do cavalo, a constituição da família e o cuidado com os netos revelaram-se uma forma de criar rotas de fuga daquilo de que não se pode fugir.
“Aqui condenso o pensamento que venho desenvolvendo sobre a saúde mental de pessoas negras, e é um convite para que você possa criar o próprio cavalo no quintal, construir para si suas rotas de fuga e de cura. Que se abram os caminhos”, escreve o autor nas primeiras páginas. (Geovana Oliveira/FOLHAPRESS)
Um acidente entre um caminhão e quatro carros deixou cinco pessoas mortas e nove feridas na manhã deste sábado na rodovia BR-393, em Barra do Piraí, sul do Rio de Janeiro.
Segundo a PRF (Polícia Rodoviária Federal), a colisão ocorreu por volta das 5h40 na altura do km 252 da rodovia.
Caminhão tombou na pista
O caminhão tombou na pista. A PRF interditou a passagem de veículos.
Segundo o Corpo de Bombeiros, os nove feridos foram encaminhados para hospitais da região.
Causas do acidente serão investigadas
As causas do acidente serão investigadas pela polícia.
Três homens abordaram um turista perto das 15h00 desta quarta-feira, 7 de outubro, na Quinta do Lago, freguesia de Almancil, no concelho de Loulé, tendo após o roubo fugido com um relógio Rolex no valor de 60 mil euros, como é referido na reportagem da TVI.
O roubo ocorreu junto ao Hotel Conrad, perto do Quinta Shopping, quando o homem foi abordado pelos suspeitos, que lhe terão arrancado o relógio do pulso, tendo-lhe provocado escoriações num dos braços, sem necessidade de tratamento hospitalar.
Os três assaltantes, que estariam de cara descoberta para não levantar suspeitas, fugiram, depois, num carro Seat, em direção a Vale do Lobo. Saliente-se que nos últimos meses, houve outras tentativas e roubos de relógios de luxo nesta zona do Algarve, bem como em Vilamoura.
As autoridades suspeitam que o turista pudesse estar a ser vigiado há algum tempo, uma vez que os assaltantes terão atuado de forma rápida e aparentemente direcionada. Não foram utilizadas armas de fogo.
O Parque Ribeirinho Poente de Olhão recebeu, nos dias 3 e 4 de outubro, a 4.ª edição do festival Fértil, que, numa versão ampliada e renovada, reuniu cerca de 7000 pessoas, entre residentes e visitantes de várias idades e proveniências.
Promovido pelo Município de Olhão, em coprodução com a associação Moces, o festival proporcionou dois dias de encontro, convívio e contacto com a natureza, tendo como principais eixos a Sustentabilidade, a Inovação, a Cultura e a Comunidade.
Ao longo do evento, o público teve oportunidade de participar em workshops, palestras e conversas, que abordaram temas relacionados com a sustentabilidade e os desafios ambientais da atualidade. Entre os assuntos explorados estiveram a agricultura sustentável, as agroflorestas, a economia circular, a reutilização de materiais, os plásticos nos oceanos, as plantas e jardins do futuro, a alimentação regenerativa e a educação ambiental.
A programação incluiu ainda diversas áreas de participação e lazer, como Kids, Fleamarket, Foodtrucks e Healing, bem como uma zona de cinema dedicada a causas ambientais. A diversidade de atividades e protagonistas contribuiu para atrair diferentes públicos e criar um ambiente de partilha e de (re)conexão com a natureza.
A arte e a educação ambiental tiveram igualmente um papel de destaque. O festival recebeu o projeto “LIXArte – Transformar lixo em arte”, coordenado pela artista plástica olhanense Joana Rocha, com trabalhos realizados por alunos dos Agrupamentos de Escolas Dr. Alberto Iria, Dr. Francisco Fernandes Lopes e João da Rosa. Estiveram também em exposição trabalhos do artista olhanense Igor Nunes Silva, inspirados nas relações entre criatividade e sustentabilidade.
Outro dos momentos de destaque foi a participação da bióloga Ana Pêgo, responsável pelo projeto Plasticus Maritimus, dedicado à sensibilização para a literacia dos oceanos e para o problema da poluição por plástico. A especialista apresentou uma exposição e uma palestra no festival, depois de ter dinamizado workshops junto de alunos do 1.º ciclo de escolas do concelho.
Nesta edição, o CROA – Centro de Recolha Oficial de Animais do Município, participou pela primeira vez no Fértil, promovendo, no âmbito do Dia Mundial do Animal, ações de informação e sensibilização para a adoção responsável.
O festival contou com o apoio de várias entidades, empresas e parceiros locais, entre os quais Fesnima, CCDR Algarve, Turismo do Algarve e Algarve Evolution, tendo como media partners Antena 1, RUA FM e a rádio Futura. No âmbito dos seus compromissos com a sustentabilidade, as empresas Viveiros Monterosa, Necton, Kodis e Coca-Cola foram sponsors do evento, tendo as duas primeiras entidades, sediadas no concelho, dinamizado inclusivamente palestras, exposições e workshops nos seus espaços de ativação de marca instalados no recinto.
O Fértil voltou a afirmar-se como um espaço de encontro entre cultura, ambiente, conhecimento e comunidade, promovendo a reflexão sobre formas mais sustentáveis de viver e de participar no futuro do território
President Donald Trump announced an agreement with Vladimir Putin on Friday, 9th October, under which Russia will resume substantial diesel exports to American and international markets, despite Washington’s existing sanctions against Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine.
According to Trump’s announcement following the telephone conversation, Russia will immediately release more than 300,000 tonnes of diesel, followed by 500,000 tonnes in November and another million tonnes shortly afterwards. A further three million tonnes could become available once Russian refining capacity permits.
The announcement was accompanied by a temporary authorisation from the US Treasury allowing transactions involving Russian diesel until 7 April 2027. It represents a substantial departure from the administration’s recent sanctions policy, which had sought to restrict Russian energy revenues and strengthen Washington’s negotiating position over Ukraine.
The timing is politically significant. Trump faces congressional midterm elections on 3 November, while diesel prices have become a growing economic concern for American businesses and consumers. The agreement gives the White House an opportunity to present itself as addressing fuel costs, although its practical effect on prices remains uncertain.
Russian diesel cannot resolve the global supply shortage
Trump has linked the proposed Russian deliveries to his administration’s efforts to restore energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz, arguing that the combined measures will produce a rapid reduction in diesel prices.
The disruption of maritime energy supplies following the confrontation with Iran has, however, created a problem considerably larger than the quantities Russia has initially promised.
The first two deliveries amount to approximately 800,000 tonnes. Even including the subsequent million tonnes, the announced volumes are modest relative to global consumption. Their arrival may provide temporary relief in individual markets, but there is little evidence that they could independently reverse the wider shortage.
Russia’s capacity to maintain larger exports is also uncertain.
Ukrainian attacks on Russian refineries have disrupted production and contributed to restrictions on petroleum exports. Moscow has periodically imposed limits to protect domestic supplies, while damaged facilities require repairs before returning to normal operations.
The condition of those refineries is explicitly acknowledged in Trump’s announcement, which makes the proposed additional three million tonnes dependent on their recovery.
This introduces a further contradiction. Washington is seeking Russian diesel at precisely the moment Ukraine is attempting to reduce Moscow’s capacity to refine and export petroleum products.
The economic benefits of the agreement may consequently depend partly on developments in a military campaign that the United States has previously supported through intelligence cooperation with Kyiv.
Zelenskyy rejects sanctions relief without Russian concessions
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded critically to the agreement, describing the relaxation of economic pressure as a concession to Putin that had not been accompanied by any meaningful Russian commitment to de-escalation.
In his response to the American decision, Zelenskyy argued that Moscow would exploit renewed export revenues to prolong its war rather than make concessions towards a settlement.
Ukraine has indicated that it remains prepared to consider reciprocal measures concerning attacks on energy infrastructure. Such arrangements would require Russia to stop striking Ukrainian facilities in exchange for restrictions on Ukrainian operations against Russian energy targets.
No comparable undertaking was announced as part of Friday’s diesel agreement.
This distinction is central to Kyiv’s objections. Sanctions relief has traditionally been regarded as leverage to obtain changes in Russian behaviour. In the present arrangement, Moscow stands to receive additional commercial opportunities without publicly agreeing to alter its military campaign.
Lukoil negotiations raise further questions
The agreement also comes amid separate discussions concerning the international assets of Lukoil, Russia’s second-largest oil producer.
The discussions have reportedly involved figures connected to Trump’s diplomatic efforts, including Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, alongside Russian representatives.
On Friday, another development complicated the proposed transaction when Carlyle withdrew from the competition to acquire Lukoil’s international assets, previously valued at approximately $22 billion.
The negotiations illustrate the extent to which potential commercial cooperation has entered the broader American-Russian relationship.
There is no verified evidence, however, that the diesel agreement was concluded to facilitate a particular acquisition or benefit individuals connected to Trump’s administration. The commercial negotiations and Friday’s sanctions decision remain separate developments unless further evidence establishes a direct connection.
Washington and Europe move in different directions
The American decision creates an additional complication for European sanctions policy.
The contrast with Washington’s diesel authorisation is substantial. While European governments are attempting to restrict Russian petroleum revenues, the United States is providing a temporary legal route for renewed sales.
The development also recalls the difficulties already examined by EU Today in its reporting on sanctions enforcement against Russia’s shadow fleet, where differences in national restrictions and their application have complicated efforts to control petroleum exports.
For Moscow, the significance of Friday’s agreement extends beyond the immediate revenue generated by diesel sales. It establishes that the United States is prepared to relax particular economic restrictions before securing a settlement over Ukraine.
Whether the arrangement ultimately lowers American fuel prices will depend on production, shipping and international market conditions. The diplomatic consequence is already apparent: Russia has obtained an opportunity to restore part of its international energy trade without accepting publicly announced conditions concerning its war against Ukraine.
For Kyiv and European governments, the question is whether this remains a narrowly defined response to an energy shortage or marks the beginning of a broader American policy of separating commercial relations with Moscow from negotiations over Ukraine.
O homem invadiu a escola onde estudam crianças dos 0 aos 5 anos e manteve várias crianças reféns numa sala. As autoridades tentaram negociar, mas acabaram por matar o suspeito.
A primeira campanha de rua de Lula para a segunda volta, em Ceilândia, ficou marcada pela ausência de panfletos e de apelos ao voto — e por eleitores ainda indecisos.
Durante o comício, Lula defendeu algumas das bandeiras da sua campanha, como a redução da jornada de trabalho, com o fim da escala 6x1, atualmente discutida no Senado Federal
Air-raid sirens are quietly stealing the hours Ukraine needs to build its weapons. The alerts ate up 61.8 hours of the standard work schedule in Kyiv between 27 August and 29 September, almost eight working days in a little over a month, yet weapons makers still face unchanged contract deadlines, the Ukrainian Gunmakers Council and the League of Defense Enterprises of Ukraine say.
In September 2026, Economy Minister Oleksandr Kravchenko said that every hour of air-raid alerts costs Ukraine’s economy about $45 million as businesses halt and workers shelter. For arms makers, those lost hours collide with fixed delivery dates and the penalties that follow if they slip.
The council’s figure covers Kyiv alone, and each plant loses more depending on its location, schedule, and processes, the groups said. On top of the siren time comes the wait to shut equipment down safely, move workers to shelter, and restart once the all-clear sounds.
A missed deadline carries a daily fine, and after 30 days, an extra 7 percent penalty. Money meant for components and the next orders goes instead to penalties and court disputes.
A rule that ignores the sirens
The contract date stays fixed unless the customer agrees to move it, the groups said. That leaves producers paying for stoppages they do not control, while the weapons still have to ship.
The Gunmakers Council has drafted changes to Cabinet Resolution No. 1275 to establish a single method for confirming real downtime from alerts and its effect on each contract’s deadline, it said. A customer could check alert times against official data and verify stoppages and restarts against a plant’s own production records, with each request judged on a case-by-case basis.
Waiting on the ministry
The groups say they have repeatedly raised the issue with the Defense Ministry and sent official letters proposing changes, and they are urging the ministry and the Defense Procurement Agency to act without delay.
They want a defined list of supporting documents, a deadline for reviewing requests, and rules for applying the mechanism to contracts that have already been signed. Until a decision comes, enterprises keep losing production time, and the risk of delay grows, the groups say.
Une expulsion empêchée, un immeuble occupé, une assemblée de quartier… En Espagne, la lutte pour le logement excède depuis longtemps la défense des ménages menacés d'expulsion. Elle a formé des militants, inventé des pratiques de solidarité et contribué à transformer la vie politique du pays. Quinze ans après les indignados, les mobilisations actuelles prolongent cette histoire, alors que la crise du logement ébranle de nouveau les équilibres politiques.
L'expulsion de Maricarmen Abascal, 87 ans, le 23 septembre à Madrid, puis sa mort le 7 octobre, ont nourri une mobilisation qui s'étend à plusieurs villes du pays. Lors des manifestations du 3 octobre, organisées dans plus de cinquante villes, les syndicats de locataires appelaient à une grève générale pour le droit au logement et contre le rentismo, le système qui tire des revenus de la détention de biens immobiliers.
Le 11 novembre, une grève générale de vingt-quatre heures aura lieu à l'initiative, notamment, du Sindicato de Inquilinas. Elle bénéficie du soutien conjoint des deux principales centrales ouvrières, l'Union générale des travailleurs (UGT) et les Commissions ouvrières (CCOO), une première depuis quatorze ans. L'appel intervient après le rejet parlementaire de deux décrets sur le logement et la convocation d'élections anticipées pour le 29 novembre.
Si les locataires peuvent tenter de bloquer une expulsion ou négocier avec leur propriétaire, ils disposent de moyens plus limités pour imposer une baisse générale des loyers. En obtenant le ralliement des grandes centrales, leurs organisations cherchent à étendre le conflit aux lieux de travail et à exercer sur les pouvoirs publics et les intérêts immobiliers une pression beaucoup plus forte que celle des mobilisations de quartier. La grève doit ainsi permettre de contester le rentismo à l'échelle où il se perpétue : celle des choix économiques et politiques qui font du logement une source de revenus pour les uns, une dépense toujours plus ruineuse pour les autres.
La « fièvre de la brique » espagnole s'est apaisée. Elle laisse derrière elle des villes fantômes, des forêts de grues immobilisées et des centaines de milliers de chômeurs. Cette enquête dans la communauté autonome de Madrid souligne l'engrenage de l'endettement dans lequel les familles se sont laissé entraîner.
La crise ne se promène pas dans les rues de Madrid, même si l'Espagne est sans doute l'un des pays les plus touchés par la récession de l'économie mondiale. La vie suit son cours. Certes, les travailleurs licenciés ou, plus encore, ceux dont le contrat temporaire n'a pas été renouvelé expriment de temps à autre leur colère. Certes, on se serre un peu la ceinture : « Dans les supermarchés, toutes les ventes ont chuté. Les seules à augmenter sont celles des produits de bas de gamme », soutient l'employé d'un centre commercial. Il y a aussi moins de monde dans les bars à l'heure de l'apéritif, les terrasses paraissent moins bruyantes le soir, et la nuit madrilène est moins bigarrée.
Les annonces « à vendre », plus nombreuses aux balcons des immeubles, témoignent des changements. Et il suffit de jeter un œil sur la vitrine de n'importe quelle agence immobilière pour vérifier l'effondrement des prix. Ainsi à Aluche, une banlieue populaire, un appartement de 65 mètres carrés, situé au troisième étage avec ascenseur, était vendu 240 000 euros en 2006. Trois ans plus tard, des logements de ce type se vendent 160 000 ou 170 000 euros. Les sociétés immobilières ont fermé plus de 40 % de leurs agences depuis 2007. Néanmoins, quand on pousse la porte de l'une d'elles, les visages sont aimables et souriants : les affaires continuent. 86 % des Espagnols sont propriétaires — un modèle pour ceux, tel M. Nicolas Sarkozy, qui veulent encourager l'accès à la propriété en guise de politique du logement (1).
Dans les faits, cet accès ouvre surtout sur… un endettement de longue durée. Entre 2004 et 2007, cinq millions de crédits avec garantie hypothécaire ont été octroyés pour l'achat de logements. Une situation si fréquente que l'expression « avoir une hypothèque » est passée dans le langage courant. Parallèlement ont proliféré les prêts à la consommation — le plus souvent garantis sur le bien immobilier —, les cartes de crédit, les crédits rapides accordés par des sociétés financières — dont les taux d'intérêt atteignent parfois 25 % — tout comme les entreprises privées de rachat de crédits. Au point que certains prêts ne sont plus associés à l'achat d'un bien concret, mais deviennent un produit de consommation à part entière. Il est ainsi habituel de recevoir des publicités ou des appels téléphoniques informant que des sommes de plusieurs milliers d'euros sont « mises à votre disposition » pour être dépensées « comme vous voulez ». Cette prolifération incontrôlée du crédit et de l'endettement pèse fortement sur les ménages. Au dernier trimestre 2008, le rapport entre la dette et les revenus de base disponibles (le ratio d'endettement) atteignait 125 %, contre 88,9 % en France. En 2008, les impayés des crédits hypothécaires se sont accrus de 310 %, et 2,7 millions de personnes ont fini l'année sans pouvoir acquitter leurs dettes. Pour 2009, on prévoit cinq cent mille mises en demeure pour des crédits personnels impayés, ainsi que plus de quatre-vingt-six mille saisies hypothécaires, soit trois fois plus qu'en 2007 (2).
La hausse des prix fut un encouragement psychologique
Comment en est-on arrivé là ? Pour le comprendre, il faut revenir sur le rôle des agences immobilières (3). Après avoir affirmé que c'est le « meilleur moment pour acheter », l'agence offre une « étude financière », gratuite et sans engagement, destinée à évaluer ce que le futur acheteur sera en mesure de payer et le bien auquel il peut prétendre. Elle propose même de démarcher ultérieurement un crédit auprès de la banque. Dans le calcul sont pris en compte le salaire, les revenus non déclarés — ou revenus « B », comme on les appelle par euphémisme —, l'épargne et les garanties familiales. L'agence dévoile également les secrets de l'« évaluation », c'est-à-dire l'estimation du prix du logement réalisée par des entreprises certifiées qui détermineront la valeur du futur prêt. Le montant de l'évaluation, sur lequel l'agence peut influer, sert ensuite de référence à la banque pour accorder le crédit. Ce dernier doit également permettre de couvrir les frais additionnels : impôts, actes notariés et, bien sûr, commissions des intermédiaires (de l'agence en question, de la société financière et de la banque). Le paiement s'échelonne sur trente, trente-cinq ou quarante ans, en prenant soin que les mensualités ne dépassent pas 40 % de vos revenus. On vous laisse toutefois entrevoir la possibilité de les augmenter un peu, surtout si vous gagnez aussi de l'argent « B »…
Lors du boom immobilier, les évaluations gonflées, la prolifération des intermédiaires, les crédits octroyés aux limites des possibilités de paiement étaient des pratiques courantes. Et il n'est guère surprenant que, désormais, nombre de personnes ayant commencé à payer des « hypothèques » se retrouvent dans l'incapacité de les honorer.
Ester et Angel ont décidé d'acheter un logement en 2004 (4). « Je ne me suis même pas posé la question de la location, reconnaît Ester. Je n'y ai pas pensé. » Il est vrai que l'Espagne connaît une pénurie de logements à louer, les autorités ayant toujours encouragé l'accès à la propriété par des dispositions fiscales et des facilités de crédit. Les parents d'Ester, quoique travaillant à Madrid, ont successivement vécu dans les cités-dortoirs du sud de la ville, où le prix de vente des apartements était accessible : Leganés (à 11 kilomètres), Fuenlabrada (à 22 kilomètres), Valdemoro (à 27 kilomètres) et, finalement, Seseña (à 36 kilomètres). Aussi exceptionnel soit-il, ce périple résidentiel rend compte de la manière dont la revalorisation immobilière et la plus-value qu'elle autorise ont permis d'acquérir un meilleur logement — une maison avec jardin, en dernier lieu — mais à condition de s'éloigner toujours plus de la capitale. Dès la fin des années 1980, les prix de l'immobilier ont connu une augmentation régulière. Il n'était même pas nécessaire d'avoir fini de payer son logement pour le vendre, rembourser l'ancienne « hypothèque », financer une partie du nouveau et faire une autre « hypothèque » pour en payer le reste.
Bien qu'Ester et Angel n'aient pas réfléchi à cette valorisation continue au moment de l'achat, la hausse des prix — 18 % en 2004 — fut un encouragement psychologique important. L'idée que « payer un loyer, c'est jeter de l'argent par la fenêtre » relevait pratiquement de l'évidence. « L'idée fixe, c'était d'avoir quelque chose à soi, explique Ester. Mais personne ne s'en rendait compte, tout le monde s'embarquait, tous tes amis achetaient une maison. Je me souviens avoir dit à mon mari : “Soit on s'embarque maintenant [dans l'achat d'un logement], soit on laisse passer, parce que ça va devenir de plus en plus cher.” »
Tous deux travaillent à Madrid, mais ils se décident pour un F4 de 64 mètres carrés que leur montre l'agence à Valdemoro et qui coûte 165 000 euros. Ils demandent un crédit personnel destiné à l'acompte, soit 9 000 euros, qu'ils pensent rembourser rapidement grâce à la différence entre l'évaluation et le prix réel du logement. La signature devant notaire se fait ensuite rapidement, sans accès préalable aux documents, ce qui est pourtant un droit. Plusieurs changements de dernière minute modifient les conditions du prêt, ce dont Ester se souviendra plus tard avec amertume : « Tout était déjà en marche. Mes parents, qui étaient les garants, et les propriétaires de l'appartement étaient là. Ils ne voulaient pas perdre l'appartement ni l'argent de l'acompte. Mais maintenant, il m'arrive de me demander : et si j'avais dit devant tous ces gens si bien fringués — dans le bureau, outre le notaire, étaient présents le directeur et le sous-directeur de la banque, la jeune femme de l'agence et deux représentants de la banque —, si j'avais dit, quitte à ce qu'on me prenne pour une folle : “Ben moi, désolée, je ne signe pas” ? C'est ce que j'aurais dû faire. Mais avec quelle force ou avec quelle clairvoyance aurais-je pu faire une chose pareille ? A ce moment-là, mon idée était de m'acheter un appartement. J'étais complètement aveuglée par le fait qu'il était déjà à nous, qu'il n'y avait plus qu'à signer. En plus, la date limite pour la vente, c'était ce jour-là. »
Ils acceptent ainsi une « hypothèque » de quarante ans, mais en s'engageant auprès d'une banque qu'ils n'avaient pas choisie, avec un intérêt légèrement supérieur à celui précédemment annoncé et pour un montant de 189 000 euros… Ce à quoi s'ajoutent les actes et les taxes, qui représentent généralement 10 % du prix de l'appartement, mais qui, dans le cas d'Ester et Angel, montent à 14,5 %. Plus question de rembourser le crédit de 9 000 euros : l'agence immobilière en a déjà pris 6 000. Ils découvrent que le droit de désistement n'est pas reconnu par la législation espagnole dès lors que les parties sont physiquement présentes lors de la signature du contrat. Comme la plupart des ménages, c'est dans l'opacité la plus totale qu'ils ont signé un contrat financier qui engage une part considérable de leurs revenus pour le restant de leur vie. Mais ils se rassurent en pensant que, en dernier recours, il leur sera toujours possible de revendre leur logement rapidement et de faire des bénéfices…
Comme prévu, Ester et Angel commencent à payer des mensualités de 770 euros, ce qui représente 38 % de leurs revenus. Un an après l'achat, Ester est congédiée de l'entreprise où elle travaillait comme auxiliaire administrative. Elle est alors enceinte et soupçonne que c'est la raison de son renvoi. Mais, en Espagne, le licenciement sans cause avérée n'entraîne pas de grosses difficultés pour les employeurs : il suffit de verser dans les quarante-huit heures l'indemnisation fixée par la loi, correspondant à quarante-cinq jours par année travaillée. A partir de ce moment et jusqu'en 2008, Ester parvient seulement à enchaîner des emplois temporaires, comme presque 30 % des travailleurs espagnols. Ensuite, elle ne retrouve plus de travail.
Aucune loi sur le surendettement des ménages
Durant l'année 2008, le relèvement des taux d'intérêt fait passer la mensualité à… 1 130 euros. A peu près au même moment, Angel est licencié à son tour. Pour la première fois, le couple ne peut payer les traites. Il décide de ne pas faire appel à la famille. « On pensait régulariser le mois suivant et, au pire, on pouvait retirer de l'argent avec la carte de crédit pour le reverser sur le compte. Mais on n'a pas pu payer et ça a fait boule de neige. » Angel retrouve finalement du travail. Le couple entame des négociations pour régler les retards, mais reçoit une mise en demeure menaçant d'une saisie de l'appartement. La solution proposée par la banque ? Contracter un nouveau crédit pour couvrir la dette en instance. Ester et Angel doivent donc ajouter un plan d'épargne aux conditions déjà exigées lors de la signature de l'« hypothèque » (ouverture d'un compte, souscription d'une assurance-vie et d'une assurance-habitation auprès de l'entité) et accepter une augmentation du « différentiel », le pourcentage qu'ajoute la banque au taux d'intérêt de base. L'une des clauses du nouveau contrat stipule un seuil plancher des intérêts de 3,6 %. Nous sommes précisément à la fin de l'année 2008, c'est-à-dire au moment où les taux officiels commencent à passer en dessous de ce seuil…
Scandalisés par ce qu'ils considèrent comme un nouvel abus, Ester et Angel rejettent l'offre et continuent à payer comme ils le peuvent, sans s'être acquittés des retards, en attendant de trouver un moyen pour mettre un terme à la menace d'exécution hypothécaire. En effet, en Espagne, il n'existe aucune loi sur le surendettement des ménages qui permette aux particuliers de faire face à ce type de situation. En dernier recours, les parents d'Ester sont prêts à demander un crédit pour les aider. C'est aussi une manière d'éviter que ne soit saisie la caution qu'ils ont engagée.
Bien que cela lui pèse, Ester considère désormais que « plus tu te comportes comme un pirate, mieux tu réussis dans la vie. Je pars maintenant du principe que tous ceux qui m'entourent vont me tromper ». Cela vaut d'abord pour les banques. Elle calcule ce qu'elle finira par payer : 369 600 euros avec les intérêts, pour un appartement vendu 165 000. « Je souhaitais faire d'autres choses, regrette-t-elle, je voulais étudier, passer mon baccalauréat. Et la réalité, c'est qu'aujourd'hui je me retrouve avec un appartement et rien d'autre. »
A la recherche de petits travaux pour remonter la pente
Les problèmes de Victor, divorcé avec deux enfants, proviennent au moins autant de l'augmentation des taux d'intérêt que des difficultés de son entreprise. Employé dans le service design d'une fabrique de meubles, il touche 1 000 euros mensuels de salaire fixe mais, en période d'activité normale, s'y ajoute une partie « B » de 600 à 800 euros. Il vit et travaille à Fuensalida, une ville de la province de Tolède, à 70 kilomètres de Madrid. Si lui habite à cinq minutes de son travail, nombreux sont les habitants qui travaillent dans la capitale. En 2005, il a acheté un appartement de 115 mètres carrés pour 159 000 euros. Il n'est pas passé par une agence immobilière et a demandé directement un crédit à sa banque. Il a couvert les frais de transaction avec son épargne et a pu obtenir le crédit pour le total de l'« évaluation » grâce à sa mère, qui s'est portée caution. A cette époque, les loyers dans cette zone s'élevaient à 400-500 euros, ce qui équivaut pratiquement au montant de la mensualité qu'on lui propose — 521 euros — pour une « hypothèque » de quarante ans. « Au lieu de payer pour quelque chose qui ne sera pas à toi, raconte-t-il, j'ai préféré m'engager dans l'achat d'un appartement. »
Le taux d'intérêt annuel est de 2,5 % pendant la première année. A partir de l'année suivante, on lui applique le taux d'intérêt variable qui régit le reste de son crédit, soit le taux de base interbancaire européen — l'Euribor, acronyme de European Interbank Offered Rate (5) — plus un « différentiel » de 1,25 %. En 2006, lors de la renégociation annuelle, ses mensualités passent ainsi à 648 euros, puis à 758 euros en 2007 et, finalement, à 830 euros en 2008. Dans la mesure où les intérêts ont un poids plus important au cours des premières années, les augmentations de taux provoquent ces énormes variations. En même temps, la part des revenus « B » de Victor disparaît complètement lorsque son entreprise commence à subir les effets de la crise. C'est donc avec un salaire de 1 000 euros qu'il doit couvrir l'ensemble de ses frais. En mai 2009, il demande un crédit personnel de 12 000 euros pour faire face à plusieurs dépenses, dont la communion de sa fille. « Lorsque j'ai commencé à avoir vraiment des difficultés, je me suis mis à entraîner une équipe de football junior après le travail et, les week-ends, j'essayais de faire des petits travaux, du bricolage, n'importe quoi pour essayer de remonter la pente. J'ai aussi un permis poids lourd pour faire des trajets courts mais, pour l'instant, ça n'a rien donné. Tous les jours, je sors de chez moi à 8 heures du matin et je ne reviens jamais avant 21 heures. Je ne travaille pas moins de soixante ou soixante-cinq heures par semaine, en tirant toujours le diable par la queue pour avoir un peu d'argent et payer. Mais quand je suis débiteur, je retire avec la carte de crédit et je reverse sur le compte. » Jusqu'au mois suivant, où les intérêts s'ajoutent aux mensualités existantes des crédits immobilier et personnel…
Pour la banque, le risque est presque nul
Victor a tenté de modifier les conditions de son « hypothèque ». En vain : les réponses sont toujours négatives car son appartement a perdu de sa valeur. « Et ne songe surtout pas à cesser les paiements ! Ici, ce n'est pas comme aux Etats-Unis, où tu restitues le logement et où la dette est soldée. Ici, la banque te prend le logement et, lorsqu'il est vendu aux enchères, la différence entre la valeur du prêt et celle de la vente, tu continues à la devoir. Ensuite, ils s'en prennent à tes garants et, si ce n'est pas suffisant, à tout ce qu'ils pourront prélever sur ton compte. » De fait, seul le salaire est dans une certaine mesure protégé contre la saisie pour dettes. Comme dans tous les pays de tradition de droit romain, un débiteur répond de sa dette avec tous ses biens présents et futurs, ce à quoi s'ajoutent d'autres types de garanties comme les cautions.
Ainsi, pour la banque, le risque du prêt est pratiquement nul, une fois retirés les coûts des diverses procédures judiciaires éventuellement engagées. Pour couronner le tout, un décret-loi (n° 716/2009), publié le 2 mai 2009, permet à la banque d'exiger des garanties supplémentaires si l'immeuble a perdu plus de 20 % de la valeur de l'estimation initiale. A défaut de lois de surendettement ou d'interventions publiques d'aide aux particuliers, le crédit privé est la seule issue. Et, en dernier recours, interviennent des entreprises de crédit rapide, pratiquant des intérêts que certains n'hésitent pas à considérer comme usuraires.
Aussi longtemps que la banque n'accepte aucun changement, la seule possibilité pour Victor, outre l'aide que peut lui apporter sa famille, est de tenir jusqu'à la prochaine renégociation de l'« hypothèque » et d'espérer que les taux d'intérêt se maintiendront aux niveaux historiquement bas d'aujourd'hui… Sous l'action conjointe de la Banque centrale européenne (BCE), des opérations de sauvetage des banques et des injections de liquidités, l'Euribor s'est en effet fixé à 1,77 % en avril 2009. Compte tenu des hauts montants d'endettement et des effets directs des cycles du marché financier, les ménages espagnols ont développé une grande familiarité avec les taux d'intérêt du marché interbancaire. Au point que Victor voit bien ce que l'on pourrait faire : « Au lieu d'aider les banques, il suffirait qu'on accélère les renégociations des hypothèques aux taux actuels, ou qu'on crée une banque hypothécaire publique, comme il y en avait avant, qui puisse racheter les dettes des gens qui ont des difficultés, et qu'on applique tout de suite les taux actuels. » C'est même l'une des seules perspectives pour beaucoup de propriétaires endettés en Espagne.
Les migrants souffrent plus encore de la situation. Près de cinq cent mille familles migrantes ont des « hypothèques », et les abus qu'elles subissent — notamment des crédits aux taux croissants, des différentiels plus élevés — sont plus graves. Fin 2008, six cent trente-quatre mille huit cents étrangers sur les cinq millions deux cent mille qui résident en Espagne figuraient dans les « registres des mauvais payeurs » (6). Les associations de consommateurs ou de quartier qui assistent les personnes confrontées à des problèmes d'endettement reçoivent majoritairement des migrants. Et pour cause : ils sont plus dépourvus que les autochtones de réseaux de soutien, les taux de chômage sont supérieurs (7) et ils sont soumis à des pratiques de crédits en chaîne qui impliquent plusieurs familles au moment où l'une d'elles cesse le paiement.
« Le profil de sortie de la récession [en Espagne] est plus lent que celui de la moyenne de la zone euro, et cela s'explique par la situation du secteur du logement », déclarait le commissaire européen chargé des affaires économiques et monétaires Joaquín Almunia, prévoyant un « ajustement plus prolongé (8) ». « Ajustement » qui suppose plusieurs milliers d'exécutions hypothécaires, l'absorption par les banques de l'épargne des ménages et un accroissement de la précarité de l'emploi et du travail au noir. Quant aux familles qui ont tenu le coup, elles risquent de voir leur endettement grimper avec un relèvement (prévisible) des taux d'intérêt.
(1) « Mon ambition serait de faire de la France un pays de propriétaires. Un Français sur deux est propriétaire de son logement. 80 % des Espagnols le sont. 76 % des Anglais le sont. Douze millions de familles françaises aimeraient être propriétaires et ne le sont pas. » TF1, 2 mai 2007.
(4) Pour conserver l'anonymat des personnes interrogées, leurs noms ainsi que ceux des villes citées ont été modifiés.
(5) L'Euribor est le taux d'intérêt calculé au jour le jour par la Fédération bancaire de l'Union européenne. Il s'agit d'une moyenne pondérée du taux d'intérêt auquel les soixante-quatre banques européennes les plus importantes sont disposées à prêter de l'argent.
(6) 21 % du volume des dettes impayées est imputé à ce groupe, qui représente seulement 11,3 % de la population.
(7) 28,4 %, contre 15,23 % parmi les autochtones, selon l'enquête sur la population active de l'Institut national de statistique (INE), au premier trimestre 2009.
For a sign of just how extraordinary oil shipping costs have become, consider this: It’s now more expensive to hire a tanker from the US to China than to launch a rocket into space.
This story originally appeared in Panamerican Dispatch on Oct. 08, 2026, and is shared here with permission.
No doubt you’ve seen it yourself, or read about it: Meta, the tech giant behind Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, manipulating engagement on certain accounts or banning pages and posts outright to limit the reach of specific political groups.
Here’s something that happened to me. I recently set up a second Instagram account. I never interacted with, followed or liked any far right content. I only followed progressive accounts: Brasil 247’s page, the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement, Lula and a few others. So what showed up first in my feed? A reel from Lucas Pavanato. Yes, the same far right extremist who won more than 3 million votes for federal deputy on the strength of his viral social media clips. Let’s be honest about how he got those millions of views. It wasn’t charisma, and it certainly wasn’t political substance.
Jeferson Miola, a columnist and political analyst at Brasil 247, shared an account of his own: “Instagram took down the page of SAJU, the legal aid service run by the law school at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul,” he said. “SAJU was founded in 1950, and it provides free legal help to low income people. Instagram removed the page after it posted support for Lula’s reelection. That’s a university institution being shut down for political and ideological reasons. It’s a clear restriction of freedom of expression.”
When media personality Fábio Porchat, who has 7.5 million followers on Instagram alone, posted a video video calling out abuses at senatorial candidate Michelle Bolsonaro’s prosperity gospel church, Lagoinha, Instagram pulled it offline with no explanation. It only went back online after a wave of public pressure.
I could list case after case all day. But one account stood out to me in particular: someone who actually works at Meta Brazil. I’m protecting her identity, as journalism allows, so I’ll call her Lira. Here’s what she told me:
“At Meta, there’s a whole team of human moderators who review content. They decide what gets approved and what gets flagged, whether it’s political violence, sexual content, or anything else that crosses their line. These are people with judgment and critical thinking, making real decisions, even while working within the platform’s guidelines. Right in the middle of Brazil’s election season, a large number of them were laid off and replaced almost immediately by AI systems. That means decisions are now coming from a single automated command, possibly issued from the US, designed to boost certain content while burying the rest.”
It’s no secret that Meta has been cutting jobs worldwide. What’s not public is which jobs these were, what those employees actually did, or why the company chose this specific moment in Brazil’s political calendar to make the switch.
There’s a bigger issue here too. AI doesn’t just follow orders, it scales them, instantly and at massive reach, whether the intent behind them is good or bad. All it takes is one command. Maybe from one billionaire.
Zuckerberg’s Unapologetic Support for Trump
Lira’s story connects a lot of dots. Pavanato showing up in my feed, Porchat’s video disappearing, a university page getting banned: all of it could trace back to a single AI instruction, one that executes instantly with no human review at all.
In 2025, Meta’s CEO doubled down on his alignment with the Trump administration, the same administration that openly admits to meddling in Brazil’s politics. “The government can either be actively against you, adding friction and getting in your way, or it can actively help you break down barriers,” Zuckerberg said. Asked about backing Trump specifically, he called it “the right thing to do.”
This partnership isn’t subtle. The support runs both ways, and there’s a real appetite here to control entire countries, Brazil especially. Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court and federal government still try to regulate social media and hold Big Tech accountable to the Constitution, as we saw recently with Discord. For Meta, getting Flávio Bolsonaro into the presidency would mean restoring the lawless digital free for all his father presided over. That’s not just a preference. It’s a profitable mission for Meta, and one that’s more alive than ever. After all, how do you think those viral, extremist friendly clips that get far right candidates elected actually come about, if not with some help from Big Tech?
Laís Gouveia has been a reporter at Brasil 247 since 2018. Before that, she was educational policy director at the National Student Union (União Nacional dos Estudantes/UNE) and an editor at Portal Vermelho.
This article originally ran at Brasil 247, was translated, with consent, by Panamerican Dispatch, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.
Russia's seaborne exports of refined oil products rose to a three-month high in September, but the growth came from cheaper fuel oil and naphtha as diesel shipments fell to their lowest in more than a decade, Bloomberg reported, citing Vortexa data. Russia kept diesel at home after Ukrainian refinery strikes and paid oil companies to supply its pumps, while high crude prices lifted its crude export earnings.
During the ongoing deep-strike campaign, Ukraine's long-range drones have knocked out more than half of Russia's oil refining capacity, Kyiv says, and Russia's budget oil revenues are falling even as it raises war spending. High global crude prices are softening that blow.
Cheaper fuel out
Total seaborne product exports reached about 1.17 million barrels a day in September. Fuel oil shipments rose 6% to about 613,000 barrels a day, the highest since April. Naphtha, a feedstock for petrochemicals, jumped 35% to 363,000 barrels a day. Exports of refinery feedstocks, including vacuum gasoil, rose to about 32,000 barrels a day, according to Bloomberg.
The trade has moved north. Almost 80% of fuel oil cargoes left from Baltic ports, and naphtha loadings there rose almost 50% as Ukrainian attacks disrupted Black Sea infrastructure. In September, Ukraine reported hitting an oil terminal in Novorossiysk, Russia's main Black Sea oil port—one in a string of attacks on Russia's Black Sea ports and oil sites.
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More than 500 drones by Moscow’s count: Kh-101 fuel plant, second Yandex data center, and a far-north refinery hit
Diesel kept at home
Diesel and gasoil exports fell 28% to 144,000 barrels a day, the lowest monthly volume in Vortexa data going back more than a decade. Russia has restricted diesel exports to protect domestic supply after Ukrainian attacks on its refineries. Drones kept hitting them into October, from a Lukoil refinery in Volgograd to Gazprom's Salavat complex in Bashkortostan.
In September, Russia paid oil companies the biggest subsidy in more than four years to keep road fuel on the domestic market. It also imported about 350,000 tonnes of motor fuel by sea, mostly gasoline from India, Morocco, and Türkiye, Reuters calculations showed. Officials are considering letting some producers resume diesel exports in October to avoid overstocking, according to Interfax.
The diesel squeeze has reached the White House. US President Donald Trump stated on 30 September that diesel was hurt "not by the Middle East, but by what's going on in Russia, because those diesel refineries are being knocked out at a pretty alarming rate."
Crude carries the revenue
Russia's crude exports reached about 3.99 million barrels a day in the week to 27 September, and the estimated value of its seaborne crude shipments neared its highest since the full-scale invasion began, Bloomberg reported. Brent crude traded at about $102.60 a barrel on 9 October, according to Trading Economics data.
Drones struck a plant making fuel components for Russia's Kh-101 cruise missiles and a second Yandex data center overnight on 9 October, Russian officials and monitoring channels reported. The same night, fires were reported at a refinery in Russia's far north and an oil depot near Belgorod. Russia claimed it downed more than 500 drones, and Ukraine has not claimed any of the strikes.
Ukraine has spent months hitting refineries and arms suppliers deep inside Russia. Russia, meanwhile, keeps firing Kh-101 cruise missiles at Ukrainian cities, including the one that killed 22 people in Pryluky on 7 October.
The plant behind the Kh-101's fuel
The Redkino Experimental Plant in Tver Oblast came under attack overnight, Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ reported. It said the plant makes components of Decilin-M, a fuel for Kh-55 and Kh-101 cruise missiles, as well as additives for diesel and aviation kerosene.
Tver Oblast Governor Vitaly Korolev claimed a plant in Redkino caught fire as a drone attack was being repelled. He did not name the plant. No workers were hurt, he said.
The plant also makes ferrocene derivatives, which serve as burn catalysts in solid-fuel rocket motors, Militarnyi reported. The UK sanctioned it in September 2025. Drones attacked it in September 2023 and twice in one night in June 2024, the outlet said.
In February, drones of the Security Service of Ukraine's (SBU) Alpha unit struck the plant, sparking a large fire, SBU sources told Kyiv Post. The Kh-101 is the missile Russia used against Pryluky on 7 October, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said.
Yandex loses a second data center
Part of Yandex's data center in Kaluga was damaged in the drone attack, and several modules were completely knocked out, the company's press service told Interfax, Russian newspaper Kommersant reported. Some Yandex services may run with interruptions, no one was hurt, and the company is still assessing the damage, Yandex said.
Kaluga Oblast Governor Vladislav Shapsha claimed nine people were injured in the overnight attack on the region. A day earlier, a drone attack forced Yandex to fully shut its data center in Sasovo, Ryazan Oblast.
A refinery in the north, a depot near Belgorod
Locals reported an attack on the Ukhta refinery in the Komi Republic, followed by a fire, Exilenova+ said. The Lukoil-owned plant can process about 4.2 million metric tons of oil a year, making gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and vacuum gasoil. The extent of the damage is unclear.
An oil depot north of Belgorod was also burning after the night's attack, the channel posted. Belgorod's regional headquarters claimed two people were killed and four injured, including a child, in the Belgorod district.
A large fire also broke out in Pushkino near Moscow, likely at a truck parking lot, Astra reported. The cause is unknown.
Repeated strikes on Redkino target a specialty fuel that Russia's cruise missiles depend on, while two Yandex data centers hit in two nights bring the war to services ordinary Russians use every day.
O criador de conteúdo político baiano Elias Barbosa rebateu uma crítica feita à Bahia e chamou o bolsonarismo de “câncer do Brasil”. A declaração foi dada em resposta a uma provocação sobre o estado ter elegido um candidato do PT como governador. Em vídeo publicado nas redes sociais, ele retrucou acusando o bolsonarismo de intensificar o discurso de ódio contra minorias e disseminar a discórdia.
O influenciador afirmou que o bolsonarismo profana a religião cristã ao criar uma imagem de mito em torno de Jair Bolsonaro. Segundo ele, o cristão idolatra mais a família Bolsonaro do que a Jesus. Elias Barbosa também criticou a transformação da igreja em palanque político e afirmou que o movimento age contra os pobres e trabalhadores.
O ministro Luiz Fux, do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), determinou nesta quinta-feira (8) que tenha acesso integral aos processos relacionados às investigações que resultaram na ação penal da chamada trama golpista, que levou à condenação do ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro e aliados.
A decisão ocorre durante a análise de uma ação apresentada pelo Progressistas (PP), que questiona a condução das investigações pelo ministro Alexandre de Moraes. A sigla é representada pelo advogado Paulo Cunha Bueno, que também atua na defesa de Bolsonaro, e pede a nulidade de atos e provas produzidos no âmbito das apurações.
Fux determinou que sejam disponibilizados ao seu gabinete os autos relacionados à investigação da tentativa de golpe e de outros procedimentos relatados por Moraes, entre eles os inquéritos das fake news e das chamadas milícias digitais. Segundo o ministro, o acesso direto ao conteúdo integral dos processos é necessário para a análise da ação.
Ação apresentada pelo PP
A ação foi protocolada pelo PP em abril de 2024 e questiona a legalidade de procedimentos adotados por Moraes durante as investigações. Entre os argumentos apresentados está a alegação de que a apuração teria sido conduzida sem os controles previstos para inquéritos e que o ministro não poderia acumular determinadas funções na investigação.
O partido também questiona a competência do STF para conduzir parte dos processos e pede que sejam anulados atos e provas relacionados à Operação Tempus Veritatis, deflagrada pela Polícia Federal durante as investigações sobre a tentativa de golpe.
Fux ainda não decidiu sobre a validade das provas
O acesso aos processos não significa que Fux tenha reconhecido irregularidades ou determinado a anulação da condenação de Bolsonaro.
Neste momento, o ministro reúne os documentos para analisar os argumentos apresentados na ação. Uma eventual decisão sobre a validade dos atos e das provas dependerá da análise do conteúdo dos processos e dos fundamentos apresentados pelas partes.
A movimentação ocorre enquanto pedidos de revisão da condenação de Bolsonaro tramitam no STF. O ministro Kassio Nunes Marques é relator de uma das ações apresentadas pela defesa do ex-presidente.
Decisão ocorre mais de dois anos após pedido
O despacho de Fux foi proferido mais de dois anos depois da apresentação da ação pelo PP. A medida coloca novamente sob análise os procedimentos utilizados na investigação que resultou na denúncia e, posteriormente, na condenação de Bolsonaro e outros envolvidos.
A partir do acesso integral aos autos, Fux deverá avaliar as alegações apresentadas pelo partido antes de tomar uma decisão sobre o pedido.
Brazil’s general election on October 4 delivered a severe warning to the left. Flávio Bolsonaro, the presidential candidate of the Liberal Party (PL), finished ahead of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with approximately 47% against 45%. Neither secured a majority, sending them into a runoff on October 25. More troubling than this narrow presidential gap was the advance of bolsonarismo through Congress. The election has strengthened a political movement whose ambitions extend beyond defeating Lula to reshaping the institutions that obstruct its exercise of power.
The imprisonment (house arrest) and electoral exclusion of Jair Bolsonaro have not dissolved his movement. His son Flávio carries its presidential banner, while other members of the family have won seats in Congress. Michelle Bolsonaro, Jair’s wife, and Carlos Bolsonaro, his son, enter the Senate; Jair Renan, another son, and Renato, Jair’s brother, enter the Chamber of Deputies. Nepobolsonarismo is an appropriate name for this family’s expansion through the state. Yet the family is only the most visible expression of a broader project, rooted in powerful economic interests and a deeply organized reactionary politics.
A presidential contest with continental stakes
Lula remains the principal obstacle to the return of this project to the presidency. His defeat would affect workers and peasants throughout Brazil, but also the possibilities for regional cooperation and an independent Latin American foreign policy. Brazil’s size, industrial capacity, raw minerals (such as critical minerals), agricultural resources, and diplomatic reach give its political direction continental significance. A government that subordinates these assets to Washington’s priorities would weaken the space available to neighboring countries seeking their own paths of development.
The first-round geography demonstrates both Lula’s strength and his difficulties. He retained a commanding position in the Northeast, while Flávio led across the other four regions. São Paulo’s enormous electorate provided a particularly important advantage to the right. These divisions cannot be explained by an opposition between an enlightened population and an ignorant one. They require an examination of the different conditions of work, the organization of political life, and the capacity of competing movements to interpret people’s frustrations.
Lula approaches the runoff with a substantial social record. Unemployment fell to 5.3% in the quarter ending in August, the lowest rate for that period in the statistical series beginning in 2012. Such improvements matter enormously to families for whom a regular wage brings relief from daily uncertainty. But an improved national indicator does not settle the political argument. Employment can coexist with exhausting journeys, expensive housing, inadequate public services, and the insecurity of debt. The distance between statistical improvement and lived experience remains terrain on which the right operates.
Bolsonarismo, or Brazil’s far right of a special type, translates these frustrations into resentment against the left, all public institutions, and vulnerable sections of society. Its promise of order offers an immediate language for fear, while concealing the economic arrangements that produce insecurity. The left cannot answer this merely by advertising government achievements. It must connect those achievements to a credible program for changing everyday life, and explain which interests prevent further advances. A worker struggling with debt needs more than reassurance that the economy is performing well. This has been the problem for Lula, whose program for the future does not seem to promise more than what has been delivered till now.
The senate: a struggle over institutional power
The Senate election is particularly consequential because 54 of its 81 seats were contested. Senators serve eight-year terms, so the results will shape national politics well beyond the next presidential administration. The PL won 19 seats and will hold 28 in the new Senate, making it the largest party. The PT will have nine. The bolsonaristas have therefore established a formidable position, although the PL itself remains short of a majority and must bargain with other parties.
Michelle Bolsonaro and Bia Kicis took both seats in the Federal District, while Carlos Bolsonaro and Carol de Toni won the two seats in Santa Catarina. These victories show the movement’s ability to organize coordinated campaigns and concentrate support behind its candidates. There were important successes for the left: Rui Costa and Jaques Wagner won in Bahia, Humberto Costa retained representation in Pernambuco, and Marília Campos won in Minas Gerais. These results preserve points of resistance within an increasingly hostile chamber. The Senate’s significance extends beyond ordinary legislation. The bolsonaristas have made their confrontation with the Supreme Federal Court a central political objective, including demands to impeach its ministers. Their strengthened representation increases their capacity to pursue that confrontation and to influence the election of the Senate president. Predictions of an automatic majority for impeachment should be treated cautiously: party affiliation, campaign declarations, and votes in a specific proceeding are different things. Nevertheless, the danger of using legislative power to intimidate the judiciary has plainly grown.
This is part of a struggle over the conditions under which the far right can govern. The judicial proceedings against Jair Bolsonaro did not remove the social forces supporting him. Those forces now seek greater leverage over institutions capable of restraining them. For the left, defending democratic space must therefore accompany the struggle to expand social rights. Workers’ organizations cannot afford to lose the freedoms through which they organize, educate, and confront capital.
Federal deputies: the right advances, the left finds openings
All 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies were up for election this year. The PL secured 121, consolidating its position as the largest party in this chamber as well as in the Senate. The federation of the Workers’ Party, Communist Party of Brazil, and Green Party won 88 seats, with the PT itself taking 70. The federation’s growth is significant, but it leaves Lula’s allies far from a majority. Parties of the right hold 303 seats, while the broader parliamentary left holds 124.
The outcome strengthens the far right of a special type within a legislature already dominated by conservative interests. It also weakens some established brokers of parliamentary power, such as the centrão, the collection of parties that trades legislative support for influence over appointments and public resources, although it remains indispensable for majority building. What bargaining will take place within the centrão will now take place alongside a larger and more assertive PL. If Lula wins in the second round, he will confront substantial congressional resistance, but if Flávio wins, the same Congress could facilitate a reactionary program.
Yet the election also brought important representatives of a fighting Left into the Chamber. Jones Manoel, the communist historian elected through PSOL in Pernambuco, received 249,077 votes and finished first in Recife. Elias Jabbour, the communist geographer, was elected for the PCdoB in Rio de Janeiro. Their victories suggest an audience for political education and socialist arguments, even amid the right’s advance. They offer resources for rebuilding confidence among people who have grown impatient with the narrowing ambitions of parliamentary politics. Jones Manoel has already offered to assist Lula’s runoff campaign, including its digital communication, while proposing stronger attention to demands such as free public transport. This is a useful example of political clarity: criticism of the government’s limitations can coexist with active mobilization against the far right of a special type. Such unity does not require workers to abandon their demands. It becomes stronger when those demands supply the campaign’s energy and direction.
The task before October 25
The runoff cannot be won through negotiations among party leaders alone. It requires organized activity in workplaces, neighborhoods, universities, and rural communities, with a program people can recognize in their own lives. Transport, wages, housing, debt, public healthcare, and the time consumed by work must become the substance of a democratic campaign. Defense of sovereignty becomes tangible when it is connected to the ability to use Brazil’s wealth for the needs of its people.
The angry tide has advanced, but it has not carried away the millions who still seek another Brazil. The new communist deputies, the surviving mass organizations (especially the landless workers of the MST), and Lula’s enormous electoral base provide foundations for resistance. The immediate task is to defeat Flávio Bolsonaro. The longer task is to build a popular power strong enough to prevent the oligarchy from deciding, election after election, how little change the majority will be allowed.
Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian and journalist. He is the author of forty books, including Washington Bullets, Red Star Over the Third World, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South, and How the International Monetary Fund Suffocates Africa, written with Grieve Chelwa. He is the executive director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, the chief correspondent for Globetrotter, and the chief editor of LeftWord Books (New Delhi). He also appeared in the films Shadow World (2016) and Two Meetings (2017).
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