Giorgia Meloni’s administration has announced the deployment of 500 military troops to Milan after a weekend of intense protests and riots resulted in broken windows at luxury shops.
But while mainstream coverage has focused on exclusive brands hiding inventory from angry demonstrators, progressive organizations emphasize that the rage witnessed on the streets of several northern Italian cities is a result of the government’s own policies.
“A Louis Vuitton bag can cost €5,600, while the monthly maximum for the wage guarantee fund in 2026 is €1,340,” wrote the grassroots union Unione Sindacale di Base (USB). In a statement on Tuesday, the union cited devastating national statistics, including data showing that over 14% of working-class families live in absolute poverty.
Broken windows can be repaired, USB noted. “Five years of lost wages, an impoverished family, and a denied future cannot be recovered so easily.”
Students oppose austerity at school and beyond
Significant mobilizations preceded the weekend’s protests. On Friday, October 16, roughly 400,000 students flooded the streets for “No Meloni Day”. They criticized the government’s so-called securitization measures which in practice has meant stifling the right to protest, as well as the unabated turn toward war and armament.
Protesters warned that by prioritizing these points over public services and working conditions, Meloni and her ministers knowingly undermine the future of a whole generation.
Echoing developments in France, where teachers’ unions have supported students’ demands over recent weeks of historic struggle for a stronger public education system, educators in Italy began circulating appeals to do the same.
“The established order is the worst of all possible worlds – or comes very close to it – and our schools are a mirror of this: they are falling apart, alienating, militarized,” the appeal reads. “Places where the need to stretch one’s legs is labeled ‘indiscipline,’ and where the ‘foreigner’ is blamed for the decline in knowledge, rather than two decades of underfunding and neglect.”
Real solutions, not repression, needed to address social crisis
Trade unions, teachers, and students all denounced the repression authorities unleashed in response to the protests – both after mobilizations in cities and during school occupations.
“This government – incapable of offering solutions to the social crisis raging across the country – is once again attempting to manage the streets and social discontent solely through the lens of ‘public order,’ while intensifying repression and shrinking the space available for political activity,” emphasized youth organization Cambiare Rotta.
Students opposed the government’s focus on militarization. Source: Cambiare Rotta/Facebook
Teachers specifically called upon others in the system not to endorse crackdowns on students while invoking democratic values. “Democracy today resists in the French and Spanish squares, in the occupied Italian schools, in the resistance to the genocide of the Palestinian people, in the words and deeds of those who oppose the piecemeal world war,” they wrote.
“It is not to be found in threats, in tear gas, in police officers inside schools, or in students maimed by the weapons of our law enforcement. It is not to be found in the unjust rules that too many persist in defending.”
The increased protest activity has given hope that the spark that inspired massive mobilizations throughout 2025 might resurface. It comes less than two weeks before a new general strike – and an international dockworkers’ strike in which Italian port workers are set to play a notable role – on October 30.
The Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, is bitterly complaining that the country cannot intercept Russian ballistic missiles because Kyiv has not been receiving advance launch warnings from its partners for over a week.
On October 19, Zelenskyy wrote on platform X: “Another Russian ballistic missile attack came in several waves overnight, and once again, there was no early warning from our partners.”
Earlier, explaining the criticality of early missile warning, Zelenskyy said on October 13, “A Russian ballistic missile attack on Kyiv. Once again, no early warning from our partners… Our systems detected these missiles only when they were already virtually on approach to Kyiv. … And this is absolutely unjust: when they are destroying our energy infrastructure, and Ukraine is not even receiving early warnings about ballistic missile launches.”
Along with Patriot missile interceptors, Zelenskyy has described ‘missile early warning’ as absolutely vital to intercept Russian ballistic and cruise missiles.
“I spoke with Marco Rubio… First, ballistic missile interceptors, which are needed to protect lives. Second, early warning of Russian ballistic missile attacks, which is vital,” he said on October 20.
Zelenskyy has so far avoided blaming the US for failure to provide advance early warning of missiles; rather, he is blaming Ukrainian “partners” as a whole for this failure.
However, Ukraine’s European partners have absolutely no role in this, as they themselves are entirely dependent on the US for the space-based early missile-warning system.
Along with Starlink and Starshield, a space-based early missile-warning system is another critical area where Europe currently has no comparable system, and if Washington withdraws its support to Kyiv, Europe will be simply incapable of filling the gap.
While Europe has invested in ground-based radars and Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft, long-range radars that can track a missile in its mid- and terminal phases, Europe has no space-based early missile-warning system that can detect a missile launch in its boost phase and provide warnings to ground and airborne radars for tracking and intercepting the missiles.
This is critical for successfully intercepting ballistic and cruise missiles, as it gives ground-based and airborne radars more time to track and intercept them.
Space-Based Missile Early Warning System: How Does It Work?
The US has a series of space-based satellites fitted with sensors that can detect, track, and identify missile launches from anywhere in the world, a Cold-War-era system that has been perfected and upgraded over the decades.
The US currently has six Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman satellites in geostationary orbit (GEO) around Earth to provide 24/7 global strategic missile-warning capability.
Launched between 2011 and 2022, these satellites are known as SBIRS (Space-Based Infrared System). The satellites carry high-power infrared sensors that monitor Earth’s surface nonstop to detect heat signatures from missile launches.
Credit: US Space Force.
SBIRS satellites can scan large swaths of territory to detect missile activity and also focus on areas of interest for smaller-scale activities, including tactical ballistic missile launches.
These sensors are independently tasked, meaning the satellite can scan a wide territory while also focusing on a specific area of concern.
For instance, currently, the US SBIRS satellites would naturally scan Iran and Russia more than any other region.
During the missile’s initial boost phase, its exhaust plume releases intense heat. These intense heat signatures stand out in infrared sensors against the cooler Earth background.
Overhead Persistent Infrared (OPIR) sensors on satellites spot this signature within seconds of ignition, even through clouds or darkness, and provide ground-based stations and radars with the first warning of a missile launch.
These powerful sensors can detect any missile launch within seconds, from small, unsophisticated missiles such as the Iraqi Scuds, which were detected, tracked, and intercepted during the First Gulf War, to Russia’s large intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and everything in between, such as the short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and even cruise and hypersonic missiles.
These sensors can not only detect missile launches, but also identify them. Missile rocket motors produce exhaust gases at different temperatures based on their fuel, chemical composition, and other design features, helping these sensors identify distinct missile signatures.
However, infrared sensors on the six GEO satellites are not the US’s only space-based assets that help it detect missile launches in their boost phases.
The space segment of the SBIRS program also includes Highly Elliptical Orbit (HEO) sensors riding on host satellites and legacy Defense Support Program (DSP) satellites.
HEO sensors improve coverage of high-latitude and polar regions that are harder to monitor effectively from GEO alone.
The DSP program was launched in the 1970s, after the experimental Missile Defense Alarm System (MIDAS) of the 1960s proved the concept of detecting ICBM launches from space.
Under the DSP program, the US launched over 20 satellites with spinning IR sensors into geosynchronous orbit between 1970 and 2007.
DSP provided continuous strategic warning during the Cold War. It was this system that detected Iraqi Scud missiles during the First Gulf War.
The SBIRS program succeeded DSP, with significantly higher sensitivity, dual sensors, multi-spectral capability, better resolution, and improved ground processing.
Together, GEO, HEO, and DSP satellites provide 24/7 monitoring of Earth’s surface and can detect a missile launch from anywhere on Earth.
These satellites downlink data to ground stations (Air Force Space Command in Colorado), which analyze it to characterize the event, launch time and location, missile type, possible trajectory, and likely point of impact, then relay the information to NORAD, US Strategic Command, combatant commands, and missile defense systems.
This early missile warning is crucial to successful missile interception because it gives ground-based and airborne radars more time to track and intercept the missile, and Europe currently lacks a corresponding system.
In this screenshot made on October 12, 2022, French president Emmanuel Macron (R) speaks during an interview by French journalist and TV host Caroline Roux (L) in front of pictures of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Russian President Vladimir Putin as part of a new show entitled “L’événement”, in Saint-Denis, northern Paris, on October 12, 2022. Emmanuel Macron is to give an hour-long interview on France 2, devoted to international crises and France’s place in the world: on the evening of October 12, 2022, he will take part in an unprecedented exercise, dictated by the escalation of the war in Ukraine and its heavy repercussions on Europe and the French. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / various sources / AFP)
Why Europe Is Dependent On The US For Early Missile Warning
SBIRS collects data and processes it at ground stations, then shares it with European allies through NATO’s Shared Early Warning System (SEWS).
This data is complemented by Europe’s ground-based and airborne radars, as well as by the US AN/FPS-132 Upgraded Early Warning Radar at RAF Fylingdales in the UK.
However, Europe has no comparable space-based early missile-warning system. It has some space situational awareness, but nothing equivalent to a persistent space-based infrared constellation for detecting missile launches.
Therefore, not only Ukraine but Europe itself depends on the US for early warning of ballistic or hypersonic missile threats.
Europe therefore cannot fill the gap if Washington decides not to share these missile-launch warnings with Kyiv.
Europe has pursued this capability for years; however, its programs have not progressed beyond the technology-demonstrator stage.
For instance, in 2009, France launched SPIRALE, a spaceborne early warning demonstrator program. It successfully collected infrared data on missile launches; however, the program ended in 2011 and France is yet to launch a full-scale follow-up program.
European countries also launched another technology demonstrator program, TWISTER, in 2019.
In October last year, France and Germany signed a Letter of Intent (LoI) to launch two complementary, interoperable geostationary (GEO) satellites with infrared sensors, under the JEWEL (Joint Early Warning for a European Lookout) program.
However, Europe currently has no sovereign, operational, space-based missile early-warning system.
Europe recognizes its vulnerability and has demonstrated its technological capability, but building a space-based, IR-sensor-equipped satellite constellation that provides nonstop coverage of every part of Earth’s surface would take at least a decade more.
Meanwhile, both Ukraine and Europe remain critically dependent on the US.
Sumit Ahlawat has over a decade of experience in news media. He has worked with Press Trust of India, Times Now, Zee News, Economic Times, and Microsoft News. He holds a Master’s Degree in International Media and Modern History from The University of Sheffield, UK.
He can be reached at ahlawat.sumit85 (at) gmail.com
O Tribunal de Vila Real condenou hoje Humberto Gama, ex-padre de 87 anos, a uma pena única de cinco anos e seis meses de prisão por três crimes, um de burla qualificada, outro de usurpação de funções e outro por violação.
A presidente do coletivo de juízes disse que os factos constantes na acusação foram, na sua maioria, provados e, apesar de a mulher que acusou o ex-sacerdote pelo crime de violação não ter prestado depoimento durante o julgamento, o seu testemunho em primeiro interrogatório judicial foi considerado “credível e coerente”, sublinhando que a ofendida “testemunhou pormenores da violação”, mas, “apesar de não se lembrar de todos os factos”.
Acrescentou ainda que o relatório médico pericial, em que se comprovam lesões sofridas pela ofendida, sendo que as declarações do arguido “não conseguiram contrariar este facto”.
Humberto Gama foi detido a 24 de dezembro de 2021 pela Polícia Judiciária pelo crime de violação de uma mulher, de 47 anos. Ficou em prisão preventiva, mas foi libertado em abril de 2022. O processo chegou a julgamento em maio e foi hoje conhecida a decisão do tribunal.
Just hours after it became known that the parliament in Libya approved the Maritime Memorandum with turkey, the Greek Foreign Ministry issued a statement rejecting the approval decision for being “illegal”. Greece has rejected the Maritime Memorandum right from the beginning in 2019 and had also briefed its EU partners accordingly. Foreign Ministry Statement Greece […]
FIRST ON FOX: Facing limited options, Denver resident Mariah Wakefield was determined to find a school that suited her adoptive daughter Jasiya’s unique gifts.
"Not that the school system was a terrible idea, she just needed a little bit more for her to succeed," Wakefield told Fox News Digital, noting that Jasiya was formerly enrolled in Denver Public Schools.
The bond between Wakefield and Jasiya runs deep. Wakefield became Jasiya’s legal guardian after the girl's mother died in 2013, when Jasiya was just 4 years old.
In the years that followed, Wakefield navigated significant adversity, including household changes and personal instability while grappling with bereavement and incarceration. Throughout the turbulence — and as other children moved in and out of the home — Mariah prioritized Jasiya’s future.
Help arrived at a pivotal moment through ACE Scholarships, a national Scholarship Granting Organization (SGO) that stepped in to help Wakefield enroll Jasiya in a school where she could thrive.
Now, Wakefield wants every parent to know about the organization — especially as ACE launches a nationwide awareness campaign centered around President Donald Trump’s federal school choice initiative.
The program, centered on the Education Freedom Tax Credit (EFTC), allows individual taxpayers to receive up to a $1,700 dollar-for-dollar federal tax credit for cash contributions to qualified nonprofit SGOs ($3,400 for married couples filing jointly). Under the legislation, state governors must formally opt in for local families and educational organizations to participate.
More than half of U.S. states have already signed up to participate. Colorado Gov. Jared Polis was the first Democratic governor to announce his state’s participation, dismissing critics at the time by telling local media he "would be crazy not to" join, noting that the program provides crucial funding for tutoring, after-school programs and summer enrichment. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul has also faced calls from school choice advocates as states navigate enrollment options.
A Department of Education official recently told Fox News Digital that "competitive pressure" will ultimately compel blue states to capture the influx of private donations created by the tax credit incentive.
Trump's landmark school choice program comes as major blue city school districts struggle to retain students since the coronavirus pandemic.
For decades, school choice has been a contentious issue among many Democrats, who contend that choice models draw funding away from public school districts and weaken labor unions. However, the surge in demand for alternative education — including charter schools, private schooling and homeschooling following the COVID-19 pandemic — has pushed several prominent leaders to reevaluate their stance.
Many organizations, such as the ACE Scholarships, advocate allowing parents to send their kids to schools outside their neighborhood or opt out of going to public school in general. Established 26 years ago, ACE Scholarships issue privately raised scholarships for lower-income families. Since its inception, ACE says it has delivered more than 121,000 scholarships worth over $395 million to students in 13 states.
In response, ACE embarked on a multimillion-dollar national campaign called "Make It Possible." The initiative aims to raise public awareness of the EFTC and educate taxpayers on how directed tax credits can expand access to K–12 education.
"While national advertising is designed primarily to inspire and engage Americans, ‘Make It Possible’ is part of a broader, yearlong effort to help taxpayers and families understand the new federal initiative, how it works, and how they can participate," the organization said in a statement. "ACE will also provide educational resources designed to address common questions, clarify misconceptions, and help taxpayers navigate the new opportunity."
ACE seeks to expand support for school choice in Democratic-led states, where teachers unions have frequently opposed policies that direct public funding toward private education.
Denver is among ACE's primary target markets for the ad push, alongside Washington, D.C., New York, Dallas-Fort Worth, Atlanta, Kansas City, Orlando and Philadelphia.
For Wakefield, school choice policies were key to unlocking her daughter's potential.
"So we had this opportunity to go into this, and we just took advantage of it," Wakefield said to Fox News Digital. "I feel that everybody should be notified and have the opportunity to be able to have a different outcome of life for your child."
"Sometimes it's really hard to just get into somewhere just because you don't have enough money, enough funding, enough time, any kind of contributions," she added. "So for them to be able to choose a different place to go to is probably the highlight of being able to expand their child's potential ... and get them to where they should really be."
Today, Jasiya is thriving as a student at Kent Denver School.
"For too many American children, financial circumstances determine which educational opportunities are within reach," said Kristy Badger, chief marketing officer at ACE Scholarships. "Every child has unique talents, interests and learning needs that shape how they thrive. Now, the EFTC will bring together what’s possible for countless students in America."
O Centro de Ciências do Mar (CCMAR), da Universidade do Algarve (UAlg), recebeu o selo europeu “HR Excellence in Research”, atribuído pela Comissão Europeia a organizações de investigação comprometidas com a melhoria das condições de trabalho, o desenvolvimento profissional e as políticas de recursos humanos. A distinção reconhece o trabalho desenvolvido pelo centro para criar um ambiente de investigação mais inclusivo, estruturado e sustentável.
O processo de candidatura teve início em 2024 e envolveu uma análise das práticas existentes, a identificação de áreas a melhorar e a elaboração de um plano de ação com medidas concretas para reforçar as condições de trabalho e as oportunidades de progressão na carreira.
O trabalho contou com a participação de investigadores em diferentes fases da carreira e de profissionais de várias áreas do CCMAR. Os contributos da comunidade foram utilizados para identificar necessidades, estabelecer prioridades e definir as medidas a implementar.
“Este reconhecimento é um marco importante para o CCMAR, mas é sobretudo um compromisso com o futuro”, afirma Adelino Canário, diretor da instituição. Segundo o responsável, a distinção reflete o trabalho desenvolvido com a participação da comunidade e reforça a intenção de continuar a melhorar as condições de trabalho, as oportunidades de desenvolvimento e o ambiente profissional.
O selo “HR Excellence in Research” está associado à implementação da Carta Europeia dos Investigadores, que estabelece princípios destinados a promover carreiras de investigação atrativas e a reforçar a excelência científica e a inovação na Europa.
A Carta é composta por 20 princípios-chave, organizados em quatro pilares: Ética, Integridade, Género e Ciência Aberta; Avaliação, Recrutamento e Progressão dos Investigadores; Condições e Práticas de Trabalho; e Carreiras de Investigação e Desenvolvimento de Talento.
Com esta distinção, o CCMAR passa a integrar um grupo restrito de instituições portuguesas reconhecidas pela Comissão Europeia neste domínio.
A atribuição do selo marca também o início de uma nova fase de implementação e acompanhamento do plano de ação, com monitorização dos resultados e envolvimento contínuo da comunidade na melhoria das políticas de recursos humanos e do ambiente de investigação.
O plano de ação e mais informações sobre a distinção estão disponíveis no site do CCMAR.
Greece plans to close 187 of its 831 military camps as part of an updated force structure for 2026-2035. Defense Minister Nikos Dendias briefed members of the Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs in a closed-door session, stressing savings from consolidating units and camps and the integration of new technologies. The camps to be […]
A nova Loja do Cidadão de Olhão recebeu 7668 pessoas no primeiro mês de funcionamento, após a abertura, a 16 de setembro, no Ria Shopping. O espaço concentra serviços de várias entidades públicas e representou um investimento de 1,9 milhões de euros, financiado pelo Plano de Recuperação e Resiliência (PRR).
Para Ricardo Calé, presidente da Câmara Municipal de Olhão, os números demonstram a importância de aproximar os serviços públicos da população. “Os números não mentem e comprovam a importância de termos estes serviços mais próximos dos olhanenses”, afirma o autarca, acrescentando que, num mês, foi possível dar resposta a milhares de pessoas num único espaço, com melhores condições de atendimento.
“Agora, os olhanenses podem tratar destes assuntos num único espaço com todas as condições”, destaca o autarca.
A nova infraestrutura disponibiliza serviços da Autoridade Tributária e Aduaneira, da Segurança Social, do Instituto dos Registos e do Notariado (IRN) e do Espaço Cidadão do Município de Olhão.
O Balcão Único concentra a generalidade dos serviços relacionados com a cidadania e as valências do Espaço Cidadão. Nesta fase, ficam de fora os serviços de Urbanismo, Espaço Público e Publicidade, cuja tramitação continua a ser assegurada nas instalações do município, por razões de facilidade e agilidade dos procedimentos.
A Loja do Cidadão passou também a assegurar os registos de cidadão europeu, anteriormente realizados noutros locais.
A abertura deste espaço corresponde a uma resposta há muito aguardada pela população e integra a rede nacional de Lojas do Cidadão, sendo a 82.ª a entrar em funcionamento no país.
The highly coveted Michelin Guide stars, shining over Athens and Santorini, have just been announced. Greece now boasts a total of 21 stars across the regions currently covered by the guide. The prestigious Michelin stars for Greece have been announced. Beyond Athens, the famous guide’s inspectors have now also visited Santorini and Thessaloniki. In fact, […]
O Clube de Praticantes Ultimate Portimão sagrou-se bicampeão europeu de ultimate de praia, na divisão mista, ao vencer a competição disputada na Figueira da Foz. A equipa algarvia terminou o torneio sem derrotas e confirmou a conquista do título pelo segundo ano consecutivo, após superar na final os franceses Freezgo, vice-campeões mundiais.
A formação orientada por Pedro Vargas teve de ultrapassar uma meia-final exigente frente aos checos FUJ. Depois de entrar em desvantagem por 5-2, o conjunto de Portimão conseguiu recuperar e dar a volta ao resultado, vencendo por 11-8 e garantindo a presença na final.
No encontro decisivo, perante cerca de mil espectadores, os algarvios defrontaram os franceses Freezgo e impuseram desde cedo uma forte intensidade defensiva, construindo rapidamente uma vantagem de três pontos.
Com um ataque fluido e consistente, o Ultimate Portimão conseguiu controlar o encontro e contrariar a qualidade do jovem conjunto francês. O lance decisivo surgiu num lançamento longo de Inês Bringel, que encontrou Afonso Coelho livre na endzone, selando a vitória e a conquista do segundo título europeu da equipa portimonense.
Libya’s parliament approved a maritime agreement with Turkey and revoked a 2020 boycott decision on Tuesday, two members of parliament told Reuters. The maritime delimitation accord was signed with non-neighboring Libya in 2019, Reuters reported on Tuesday. The Turkey-Libya maritime memorandum has been opposed by Greece and even the EU top diplomat has said that […]
The civil servants’ union federation ADEDY has called a strike on Wednesday, October 21, from 11:00 in the morning until the end of the day’s shift. The strike action applies to all employees, regardless of their employment terms, in public-sector services throughout the country. Supported by pupils and university students, the teachers unions have called […]
Zelenskyy’s urgent discussion with the US Secretary of State suggests that Washington cannot pursue accommodation with Moscow without confronting opposition in Congress, the requirements of American national security and Ukraine’s continuing dependence on US military support.
The telephone conversation between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday, 20 October, has exposed an increasingly uncomfortable contradiction in American policy towards Russia. While President Donald Trump is easing economic pressure on Moscow and attempting to restrain Ukrainian attacks on Russian energy infrastructure, senior members of his administration are having to address the consequences for Ukraine’s defence.
Zelenskyy raised three immediate concerns: the availability of Patriot interceptor missiles, interruptions to American early-warning intelligence concerning Russian ballistic attacks, and restrictions affecting Starlink and Starshield satellite communications. He described the discussion as constructive, expressing appreciation for Rubio’s willingness to help.
The significance lies less in the diplomatic language than in the circumstances surrounding the call. Washington is attempting to obtain concessions from Moscow while several of its own decisions have weakened confidence in the security arrangements on which Kyiv depends. Rubio’s involvement suggests that these difficulties cannot simply be left unresolved while Trump’s envoys pursue another round of negotiations.
The political cost of concessions to Moscow
Trump’s recent decisions concerning Russian energy exports have brought an existing disagreement over Ukraine into American domestic politics.
The administration has facilitated Russian diesel exports and waived new sanctions under the Graham Act, legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia and its principal energy customers. Rubio has said the president will use a 60-day period to assess the economic consequences of implementing the measures.
For Trump, the immediate attraction is apparent. Rising fuel prices have become a political liability ahead of the 3 November congressional midterm elections. Increasing supplies on international markets offers the administration a potential means of relieving pressure on American consumers.
The difficulty is that concessions to Vladimir Putin carry their own electoral consequences. Moscow remains deeply unpopular among substantial sections of the American political establishment, including Republicans who regard support for Ukraine as a matter of American strategic interest.
That opposition is no longer confined to public criticism. Republican senators have joined Democrats in challenging decisions affecting Ukraine’s military capabilities, creating an additional problem for an administration already facing a difficult electoral environment.
Trump can justify Russian energy concessions as an attempt to protect American consumers. Explaining why Ukraine should simultaneously experience interruptions to critical defence systems is considerably more difficult.
Rubio and the machinery of American foreign policy
Rubio’s position within the administration is particularly important. As both Secretary of State and National Security Adviser, he occupies two offices central to the formulation and execution of American foreign policy.
His conversation with Zelenskyy took place during a diplomatic tour of Uzbekistan and India, demonstrating that the deterioration in relations with Kyiv required attention even while the administration was pursuing other international priorities.
It would be premature to interpret Rubio’s intervention as evidence of an independent foreign policy. There is no indication that he is acting against Trump’s instructions. The more plausible interpretation is that the administration recognises a need to contain the consequences of its recent decisions without requiring the president publicly to reverse his position.
The controversy surrounding Starshield is particularly revealing. Reuters reported that instructions to restrict the satellite service used by Ukrainian forces originated inside the White House. The officials cited did not identify who authorised the order, while the administration has denied Trump’s personal involvement.
Separately, Zelenskyy has reported failures to receive advance warnings of Russian ballistic attacks. The cause of those interruptions remains disputed.
These developments have already attracted congressional scrutiny. Republican Senator Thom Tillis and Democratic Senator Jeanne Shaheen led a bipartisan request for an investigation, warning that failures in communications and intelligence-sharing may have endangered American personnel in Ukraine.
Congress cannot directly manage the administration’s foreign policy. Nevertheless, its powers over expenditure, legislation and oversight make sustained opposition politically consequential, particularly when members of the president’s own party are involved.
Ukraine needs military assistance, not diplomatic promises
The immediate requirements in Kyiv are considerably more specific than the objectives being discussed in Washington’s diplomatic negotiations.
Ukraine needs reliable satellite communications, uninterrupted intelligence concerning incoming missiles and sufficient Patriot interceptors to defend its cities and critical infrastructure. Delays in any of these areas have consequences that cannot be addressed through declarations about a future peace settlement.
The shortage of Patriot missiles is particularly serious. Zelenskyy has complained that American authorisation is delaying deliveries under arrangements financed by European governments. Washington’s commitments elsewhere, including the Middle East, add further pressure to American air-defence inventories.
Meanwhile, preparations for new negotiations in Oslo involving American envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner continue. The involvement of European leaders may broaden the diplomatic discussion, but it does not resolve the central obstacle: Putin has offered no convincing indication that he is prepared to end the invasion on terms acceptable to Ukraine.
Proposals concerning Ukrainian elections, NATO membership or alternative negotiating arrangements remain subordinate to that problem. Without a ceasefire that can be enforced, even an agreement on the political framework for peace would leave fundamental questions of security unanswered.
The limits of presidential power
Trump retains substantial authority over American sanctions, military assistance and diplomatic engagement. Yet his ability to offer Moscow meaningful concessions is constrained by several factors beyond his immediate control.
Congress can challenge further attempts to weaken sanctions or restrict assistance. European governments maintain their own sanctions regimes and are not obliged to follow Washington’s approach. Ukraine retains considerable military capacity, including the ability to attack Russian energy facilities that contribute to financing the war.
Nor can the American president compel Putin to accept a settlement. If Russia calculates that continuing military operations offers greater advantages than negotiations, additional concessions from Washington may encourage Moscow to prolong the conflict rather than end it.
Rubio’s conversation with Zelenskyy therefore suggests that the administration is being forced to confront the practical consequences of its policy. An American president may seek improved relations with Moscow, but the institutional interests of the United States do not necessarily change with his personal diplomatic priorities.
For Kyiv, the question is whether those interests will translate into the continued supply of weapons, intelligence and communications support. Russia’s attacks will continue irrespective of the timetable established for American diplomatic initiatives.
Russia’s Tupolev Tu-160M, the world’s largest, heaviest, and fastest strategic bomber, has become even more formidable.
Its manufacturer, United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), says it has modernized roughly 80% of the aircraft’s onboard systems and equipment, keeping the nuclear-capable bomber relevant amid rapidly evolving battlefield demands.
The upgraded onboard systems include modern avionics, navigation technology, weapons-control systems, and a complete renewal of onboard radio-electronic equipment and upgrades to the aircraft-control system.
The company has also changed the strategic bomber’s propulsion system, introducing the new NK-32-02 engines, also described as the NK-32 Series 02.
The upgrades provide Russia with a modernized long-range strike platform, capable of delivering nuclear warheads as well as conventional military missions.
The Tu-160M ‘White Swan’ is also a key part of Russia’s nuclear triad, alongside land-based and submarine-launched missiles.
However, although the company has modernized and upgraded 80% of the onboard systems and equipment, it has not tinkered with the aircraft’s airframe, which remains unchanged. This means that the Tu-160M, known by its NATO reporting name Blackjack, retains the distinctive variable-sweep wings and overall appearance of the original Tu-160.
The Tu-160M’s variable-sweep wings can adjust from about 20° fully forward to 65° fully swept back for high-speed flight.
The upgraded Tu-160M at the Kazan Aviation Plant. Source: TASS/Russian Ministry of Defense
The forward-swept wings maximize lift and wingspan, allowing the massive aircraft to take off with its heavy payload, while the fully swept wings sharply reduce drag, enabling the Tu-160M to reach about Mach 2.05 and making it the fastest operational strategic bomber.
In short, variable-sweep wings let a large strategic bomber combine heavy-lift capability, long endurance, and genuine supersonic performance, a combination fixed-wing designs struggle to match.
More importantly, Russia has rebuilt the engineering and industrial capacity to produce a strategic, nuclear-capable, long-range bomber nearly three decades after Moscow lost this crucial capability.
Tupolev head Yuri Abrosimov discussed the Tu-160M’s modernization efforts in an article published by the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), which includes Tupolev.
Highlighting the Tu-160’s unique characteristics, Abrosimov said, “The Tu-160 strategic missile carrier is still the best supersonic aircraft in the world, surpassing in its characteristics a similar aircraft complex available in the United States.”
“46 official world records have been set on the Tu-160, including the record for flight duration and range. The resumption of mass production of the legendary ‘White Swan’ is the development of unique competencies and industrial and technological sovereignty of our country,” he added.
Abrosimov underlined that, in addition to modernizing 80% of the onboard systems, including a new powerplant, the company has refurbished several assembly lines from scratch using modern technologies.
The company has also upgraded workshop equipment and its flight-test facilities, and introduced electron-beam welding and vacuum annealing systems for titanium assemblies.
Tupolev has also rebuilt supply lines for producing the upgraded Tu-160M bombers.
“One of the main difficulties we are facing is the restoration of production cooperation, starting with suppliers of materials and semi-finished products. We have actually rebuilt the technological chains for a number of units, taking into account the use of modern technologies,” Abrosimov said.
He also highlighted the difficulties Russia faced in restarting Tu-160M production, and the use of modern digital technologies in the process.
“The implementation of the Tu-160 reproduction program required the creation of a fundamentally new unified digital environment for working on the project. The design bureaus of Sukhoi, Mikoyan, and Ilyushin participated in the preparation of digital documentation.”
He further said that the upgradation of onboard systems was done in a way that newer systems can be integrated without requiring modernization of the entire complex.
“When upgrading on-board systems, modern approaches have been applied, which make it possible, if necessary, to further increase the functionality of the systems and the aircraft as a whole, as an aviation complex, without significant improvements.”
“The approaches used in building the architecture of the avionics complex will allow installing new systems to replace those that become obsolete over time, without modernizing the entire complex. This makes it possible to constantly provide a response to the emerging demands of time,” he said.
Notably, Russia has localized the upgrade of the Tu-160M bomber and refurbished its assembly units while under crippling Western sanctions that specifically target the Russian military-industrial and aerospace complex, including the UAC, Rostec, Tupolev, and the Kazan manufacturing plant that produces the Tu-160.
Earlier, the UAC disclosed that it digitized the complete design documentation for the Tu-160M and modernized over 40% of equipment at the Kazan Aviation Plant to restart bomber production.
In the 1980s, during the Soviet era, the Kazan Aircraft Production Plant produced the Tu-160.
Production continued until 1992, when Russian President Boris Yeltsin ordered an end to serial production after the Soviet Union dissolved in December 1991.
During this time, the Kazan plant built nearly 35 Tu-160M bombers.
Notably, when the Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991, 19 of the nearly 35 Tu-160M bombers were in Ukraine, which announced their integration into the Ukrainian Air Force.
However, in the following years, Ukraine transferred eight Tu-160 bombers to Russia under a debt-relief program and dismantled the remaining bombers under a Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program with the US.
Russia decided to restart Tu-160M production in 2016 and again chose the same plant, the Kazan Aviation Plant (KAZ), for the job.
File Image: TU-160M
The facility required substantial modernization, including new equipment, rebuilding workshops, and restoring titanium-welding capability.
However, sanctions slowed the program. The first round of sanctions was imposed on Russia in 2014, following the occupation of Crimea.
Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, much stronger sanctions were imposed on Russia, especially on its military-industrial complex.
In June 2024, UAC announced it had completed modernization at three workshops for producing new Tu-160 bombers. Overall, from 2016 to 2024, Russia modernized about 10 production facilities for the strategic bomber.
Despite crippling sanctions, Russia restarted production of the Tu-160M bomber and even achieved 80% modernization of its onboard systems, no small feat.
However, the 80% figure comes from internal company claims and has not been independently verified.
Russia has signed a contract to produce 10 Tu-160M bombers.
The first newly built Tu-160M2 made its maiden flight in Kazan on January 12, 2022, becoming the first new Tu-160 built since 1992.
However, the program has missed repeated deadlines.
Russia was supposed to receive four Tu-160M bombers by 2023: two newly built Tu-160M2 and two upgraded Tu-160Ms.
The deadline was then extended first to 2024, and then to 2025.
By the end of 2025, Russia had received only two Tu-160M strategic bombers. It remains unclear whether the two are new or upgraded.
Still, restarting Tu-160 production, digitizing its engineering design documentation, and upgrading 80% of its onboard systems, including a new engine, despite crippling Western sanctions, remain major achievements for Russian military aviation.
The Tu-160M is not only a nuclear delivery platform but also a strategic conventional military platform, and it has been used in both the Syrian War and the Ukraine War.
It remains the largest combat aircraft in the world; it could carry 45,000 kg of ordnance across its two internal bays, or up to twelve nuclear-armed cruise missiles, and fly 14,000 km without refueling. Its supersonic speed of 2,300 km/h and variable-sweep wings made it a standout in aviation history.
Russia is slowly restarting production and upgrading its Tu-160M bomber, while the US and China are already working on next-generation strategic bombers, the B-21 Raider and H-20.
The Northrop Grumman B-21 stealth bomber remains on track to enter operational service in 2027, and China’s Xi’an H-20 is also in production, though its current status is unknown.
While the Tu-160 is unmatched in payload capacity and can exceed Mach 2, it isn’t stealthy, unlike the B-2 Spirit or the under-development B-21 Raider, which can penetrate contested airspace.
Sumit Ahlawat has over a decade of experience in news media. He has worked with Press Trust of India, Times Now, Zee News, Economic Times, and Microsoft News. He holds a Master’s Degree in International Media and Modern History from The University of Sheffield, UK.
He can be reached at ahlawat.sumit85 (at) gmail.com
A politóloga Aida dos Santos, nascida em Faro no ano 1992, foi distinguida com o Prémio Nacional de Ensaio de Espanha de 2026, no valor de 30 mil euros, com a obra “Hijas del hormigón: historias de clasismo, sexismo y violencia en las periferias españolas”.
O júri do prémio destacou “a abordagem original, corajosa e enriquecedora da obra, que dá visibilidade às experiências das mulheres que vivem e trabalham nas periferias espanholas e que asseguram o funcionamento de setores essenciais da sociedade e da economia”, segundo um comunicado do Ministério espanhol da Cultura do dia 6 de outubro, reproduzido na segunda-feira pela Direção-Geral do Livro, dos Arquivos e das Bibliotecas.
Através de testemunhos individuais, “contextualizados numa trajetória histórica documentada de forma rigorosa”, Aida dos Santos analisa as condições de “precariedade e desigualdade” que marcam a vida destas mulheres.
A obra, editada pela espanhola Debate, “propõe uma reflexão sobre a intersecção entre o racismo, o classismo, a violência e o sexismo nos mecanismos contemporâneos de exclusão social”.
“O júri salientou ainda a forma como o ensaio contraria as representações redutoras da pobreza e a visão tradicionalmente masculina da classe trabalhadora, transformando experiências individuais numa reflexão coletiva sobre questões sociais frequentemente ignoradas”, realçou a nota.
Segundo a biografia disponibilizada pela organização do prémio, Aida dos Santos é licenciada em Ciência Política pela Universidade Complutense de Madrid, técnica de investigação social aplicada e analista de dados.
O ciclista português Miguel Salgueiro conquistou a medalha de bronze na corrida por pontos dos Campeonatos do Mundo de pista, em Xangai, na China, garantindo a segunda medalha de Portugal na competição.
O atleta do Clube de Ciclismo de Tavira terminou a prova, disputada na sexta-feira, com 27 pontos, a oito do britânico Mark Stewart, que se sagrou campeão mundial, e a apenas um do francês Benjamin Thomas, medalha de prata.
A conquista de Miguel Salgueiro, de 27 anos, surgiu dois dias depois de Maria Martins ter alcançado também o terceiro lugar, na prova de scratch, assegurando a primeira medalha portuguesa nestes Mundiais.
Ao longo da corrida por pontos, o ciclista português pontuou em sete dos 16 sprints, alcançando a pontuação máxima em quatro deles. O desempenho permitiu-lhe manter-se na luta pelas medalhas até ao final, terminando a competição a um ponto de Benjamin Thomas, campeão olímpico de omnium em Paris 2024.
The European Union has signed a comprehensive association agreement with Andorra and San Marino, establishing a framework that will allow the two small European states to participate more fully in the EU single market while remaining outside the bloc.
The agreement was signed in Brussels on Monday, 19 October, by representatives of the European Commission and the two governments, marking the conclusion of negotiations that began more than a decade ago.
The arrangement covers trade, investment and regulatory cooperation, alongside provisions concerning financial services, education, environmental protection, consumer rights and other areas normally governed by EU legislation.
However, the agreement has not yet entered into force. It requires further approval procedures, including consent from the European Parliament and ratification by the participating countries. Andorra intends to submit the agreement to a binding national referendum.
Access to the European single market
According to the European Commission’s announcement, the agreement will provide Andorra and San Marino with access to the single market under shared regulatory requirements and conditions intended to ensure fair competition.
The principal objective is to remove barriers that continue to restrict economic activity between the two countries and the EU’s 27 member states.
For businesses, the arrangements should provide greater predictability concerning the rules governing cross-border trade, investment and commercial operations.
Participation will nevertheless require both countries to implement relevant EU legislation and maintain systems capable of enforcing the applicable standards.
In practice, access to the European market will carry obligations comparable to those imposed on companies established inside the Union, particularly concerning product standards, competition, environmental rules and consumer protection.
The agreement also establishes institutional arrangements for managing cooperation and dealing with future regulatory developments.
For two countries whose economies are closely connected to neighbouring EU members, greater regulatory consistency could reduce administrative barriers and facilitate commercial expansion.
Financial services to be integrated gradually
Financial services represent one of the more sensitive elements of the agreement.
Andorra has a banking and financial sector with substantial links to Spain and France, while San Marino’s economy is closely integrated with Italy.
Both countries already use the euro under separate monetary arrangements with the European Union, although neither is a member of the eurozone or the EU.
The new association framework would provide a route towards broader participation in the EU financial services market, but integration will be gradual and subject to specific conditions.
The Commission has made clear that the process will involve assessments of the regulatory and supervisory arrangements operating in both countries.
This means the signature does not provide their financial institutions with immediate, unrestricted access to all services available within the EU.
Brussels has also signed updated monetary agreements designed to remove overlapping requirements between existing arrangements and the new association framework.
Financial supervision, the prevention of money laundering and compliance with European regulatory standards will be central to the implementation process.
Integration without EU membership
The agreement illustrates how the Union can extend significant elements of its economic framework to neighbouring countries without admitting them as members.
Andorra and San Marino will not acquire voting rights in EU institutions or the political representation enjoyed by member states.
Their participation will instead depend on accepting relevant common rules and complying with the institutional provisions established under the association agreement.
The EU already operates differentiated arrangements with several non-member European countries, including Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein through the European Economic Area.
Earlier European Council conclusions on relations with non-EU Western European countries identified Andorra and San Marino among the states with which Brussels sought closer economic and institutional cooperation.
The newly signed agreement does not replicate every aspect of existing arrangements, but it follows the broader principle that access to the single market can be negotiated separately from EU membership.
That principle is also relevant to discussions about how candidate countries might receive selected economic benefits before completing the full accession process.
Brussels has been considering wider market participation for countries such as Ukraine and Moldova ahead of possible membership.
Referendum and ratification ahead
The immediate political challenge now moves from negotiation to approval.
Following the signature, the Council will seek the European Parliament’s consent before the agreement can be formally concluded. Its application will also depend on the completion of the necessary national procedures.
In Andorra, Prime Minister Xavier Espot’s government has committed to a binding referendum, although no voting date has yet been fixed.
The referendum will determine whether Andorran voters accept the economic opportunities and regulatory commitments established by the agreement.
San Marino must also complete the procedures required under its constitutional system.
Until those requirements have been satisfied, the agreement remains a signed framework rather than an operational extension of the EU single market.
For both countries, the eventual implementation will determine how far their economies can integrate with the Union while retaining their existing status as independent non-member states.
US envoy Steve Witkoff is joining negotiations in Norway before an expected visit to Moscow, but American pressure on Ukraine, uncertainty over military assistance and renewed economic dealings with Russia raise questions about Washington’s approach to ending the war.
The latest American diplomatic initiative on Ukraine comes at a particularly difficult moment in relations between Washington and Kyiv. President Donald Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff, is taking part in talks in Oslo on Tuesday, 20 October, with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders, before an anticipated visit to Moscow for discussions with Vladimir Putin.
The Norwegian government has confirmed that the meetings will include Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre and Finnish President Alexander Stubb. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, will participate remotely. The meeting was requested by Zelenskyy, with Norway and Finland providing the diplomatic setting.
Yet the significance of the Oslo discussions lies less in the gathering itself than in the political circumstances surrounding it. Washington is seeking an agreement with Moscow while simultaneously becoming more confrontational towards Kyiv. Recent American decisions affecting military assistance, intelligence cooperation and Russian energy exports have introduced serious doubts about how the administration intends to use its considerable negotiating leverage.
Washington’s pressure on Kyiv
The immediate difficulty concerns the growing discrepancy between American diplomatic assurances and the practical conditions under which Ukraine is expected to negotiate.
Among the disputed deliveries are Patriot air-defence interceptors purchased by European NATO members through the Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List programme. Zelenskyy has indicated that shipments remain subject to authorisation by US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth.
These are operational matters with immediate consequences. Ukraine relies on American intelligence, communications infrastructure and air-defence equipment to counter Russian missile attacks. Any interruption affects Kyiv’s military calculations, irrespective of whether Washington formally acknowledges a change in policy.
The political message is equally consequential. Trump has publicly questioned Zelenskyy’s willingness to negotiate and suggested that Ukraine might need somebody else to conduct talks with Russia. Such remarks place additional pressure on the Ukrainian leadership while leaving Moscow’s territorial demands largely untouched.
Russia’s incentives remain unchanged
The central weakness in the American diplomatic approach is the assumption that renewed engagement with Putin will necessarily produce meaningful Russian concessions.
Moscow has repeatedly treated negotiations as an opportunity to pursue political objectives that its armed forces have not achieved on the battlefield. Russian demands concerning Ukrainian territory and restrictions on Kyiv’s future security arrangements remain incompatible with Ukraine’s sovereignty.
An agreement reached under these conditions could suspend hostilities without resolving the underlying conflict. Russia would retain the capacity to rebuild its forces, while Ukraine could find its military options constrained by commitments made in exchange for an uncertain ceasefire.
The Trump administration’s recent economic dealings with Moscow further complicate the negotiations. Washington’s arrangements concerning Russian diesel have attracted criticism from Kyiv and European governments, particularly because Russian energy revenues remain an important source of financing for the war.
Trump has also pressed Ukraine to curtail attacks on Russian oil infrastructure, reflecting American concerns about fuel prices. For Moscow, relief from attacks on refineries would preserve economically important facilities that Ukraine has demonstrated an increasing ability to reach.
Any arrangement limiting such operations without corresponding Russian concessions would alter the military and economic balance in Moscow’s favour.
The broader American proposals reportedly include possible post-war economic cooperation with Russia. Their implications extend beyond Ukraine: commercial normalisation could offer the Kremlin substantial benefits before the conditions for a stable European security settlement have been established.
Europe’s influence depends on its willingness to use it
European participation in the Oslo process is therefore more substantial than a question of diplomatic representation.
Britain, France, Germany and Poland, alongside the European Union and NATO, are expected to be involved in the wider discussions. European governments would almost certainly bear much of the financial and military responsibility for implementing any settlement, including Ukraine’s reconstruction and long-term security.
They also possess considerable economic leverage through sanctions, financial restrictions and decisions concerning frozen Russian assets. Those instruments would form part of any serious negotiation over Moscow’s future relations with Europe.
However, European influence remains constrained by continuing dependence on American military technology and equipment. The controversy surrounding Patriot deliveries illustrates the problem: European governments can finance weapons for Ukraine without necessarily controlling when those weapons are released.
As EU Today previously examined, Washington’s negotiations with Moscow have consequences for European security that cannot be separated from the future of Ukraine.
European governments consequently face a difficult calculation. They wish to preserve American involvement, but excessive accommodation of Washington’s demands could leave them financing security arrangements over which they exercise limited control.
Norway and Finland have helped bring the Ukrainian and American delegations together at a moment when their relationship is deteriorating. Whether that produces progress will depend partly on Moscow’s response, but also on whether Washington is prepared to maintain the military and economic pressure necessary to make Russian concessions possible.
Witkoff’s anticipated journey from Oslo to Moscow will offer an early indication of the administration’s priorities. Putin will be assessing the terms Washington is prepared to offer, while Kyiv remains concerned about restrictions affecting equipment it needs to defend its cities.
For the Ukrainian leadership, the danger is that negotiations intended to end Russia’s invasion could become a process in which the country resisting that invasion is asked to make the most immediate concessions.
As EurAsian Times recently reported, France hinted it would prefer more F4 Rafale fighter jets rather than waiting for the new, advanced F5 variant.
The Chief of Staff of the French Air and Space Force, General Jérôme Bellanger, told senators that the military needs more Rafales well before the fighter’s next standard, the F5, becomes available.
Bellanger’s comments made sense as the Rafale F5 variant is far from ready and even faced a setback when the UAE pulled out of the co-development of the “Super Rafale.”
After the Emirati setback, France has decided to go solo with F5 development.
As per reports in the French newspaper La Tribune, the UAE was set to contribute up to €3.5 billion ($3.9 billion) toward the remaining development cost of the Rafale F5, estimated at around €5 billion ($5.6 billion).
However, negotiations between Paris and Abu Dhabi collapsed in December 2025 during President Emmanuel Macron’s visit to the UAE, where he met President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed.
The Emiratis were reportedly unhappy with the limited technology transfer France offered. They wanted a bigger role in the program and gain access to key technologies, including advanced optronics, which France refused to share, the reports said.
According to French La Tribune: “After several months of deadlock in 2025 regarding the financing of the Rafale F5 fighter jet, Emmanuel Macron’s visit to Abu Dhabi was intended to clarify the two countries’ expectations for the development of this cutting-edge technology-enhanced program. This was a point of great interest to the Emiratis, who are avid adopters of new technologies.”
According to reports, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed was “furious” about the French proposals and the meeting “went very badly.”
Abu Dhabi wanted to be “as closely involved as possible” in the development in return for its financing, but France was not prepared to share the program’s secrets, “notably in the optronics.”
Macron was reportedly irritated by the outcome and directed his frustration at the Direction Générale de l’Armement (DGA) and the French Chief of Staff.
A source from EDGE Group told EurAsian Times on the condition of anonymity: “EDGE Group, which is owned directly by the Government of Abu Dhabi, is emerging as a highly ambitious, American-style corporate firm. Unlike many other UAE state-owned companies, EDGE operates under tremendous pressure and aggressive targets. The UAE hoped for technology transfer that would give EDGE a genuine edge in the defense sector. But I think they probably demanded more than what they could chew”.
UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al-Nahyan (R) receives France’s President Emmanuel Macron (L): (Photo by Benoit Tessier / POOL / AFP)
Advanced Optronics
Advanced optronics systems have become important on modern fighter jets. They help pilots find, track, and attack targets without depending only on radar. Unlike radar, which sends out signals that can be detected, optronics systems are mostly passive.
They detect heat and light from aircraft engines, the airframe, missiles, or targets on the ground. Because they don’t emit signals, they are useful when a jet needs to stay quiet or when facing stealthy aircraft that are hard to see on radar but still give off heat.
France’s Rafale fighter uses the Thales Front Sector Optronics (FSO) system. It combines a long-range infrared sensor, a high-resolution camera, and a laser rangefinder. The jet can also carry the TALIOS targeting pod, which is being upgraded with artificial intelligence to help automatically detect and identify targets and reduce the pilot’s workload.
Jet makers and pilots focus on combining different sensors. Optronics systems combine heat and light data with radar, electronic warfare sensors, and information from other sources. This gives the pilot one clear, combined picture of what’s happening. Artificial intelligence increasingly spots targets automatically, decides which ones matter most, and keeps tracking them.
This helps pilots handle a lot of information at once in dangerous situations. Steady camera mounts, better heat-detecting materials, and faster computers also help. They let the systems see farther and produce clearer images, even while the jet is turning and moving hard.
Denied access, the UAE pulled out, and France had to absorb the full cost through its updated military programming law.
Dassault Aviation Chairman and CEO Eric Trappier later confirmed the approach, stating in August that “there is no co-development with foreign countries today” on the F5 and that the aircraft would be offered for export from 2035.
Meanwhile, Armed Forces Minister Catherine Vautrin described the UAE as a “major customer” of the future F5 standard, hinting that although the UAE is not a development partner, the country could acquire the much more advanced Rafale F5 jets.
In 2021, the UAE ordered 80 Rafale F4 jets and 12 military helicopters in a deal worth nearly $19 billion ($21 billion), making it the largest-ever export order for Dassault Rafale jets. The deliveries are slated to begin at the end of 2026.
France’s defense procurement agency, the Direction Générale de l’Armement (DGA), notified MBDA on June 2, 2026, of a framework agreement to implement and develop the ASN4G (Air-Sol Nucléaire de 4ème Génération), the country’s nuclear-armed hypersonic cruise missile.
The DGA has set a 2035 deadline for the missile’s induction, and it will arm both Air Force and Naval (Rafale-M) jets.
Standard M88 engines power the current Rafale jets. The Rafale F5 is expected to carry the Safran-developed M88 T-REX, an advanced, higher-thrust military turbofan engine that was unveiled at the Paris Air Show in June 2025.
In early 2019, the French Ministry of Defense announced it had signed the development contract for the new Rafale F4 standard. According to Dassault Aviation, it is part of an ongoing process to enhance the aircraft to meet operational requirements continuously, and engineers are now working on the F5 variant, which will further boost Rafale’s operational capabilities.
Over the next decade, powerful artificial intelligence algorithms will further help Rafale pilots control the collaborative combat sphere on increasingly complex missions, amid ever more elusive threats. As a result, Dassault says the future Rafale F5 will have robust offensive and defensive capabilities beyond 2060.
The Rafale F5 will also be optimized to work with the UCAS that Dassault Aviation is developing. This UCAS will complement the Rafale and be suited to collaborative combat. It will incorporate stealth technologies, autonomous control, internal payload capacity, and more. It will be highly versatile and designed to evolve in line with future threats.
The UCAS is meant to act as an extension of the Rafale—a remote sensor and effector that can fly ahead of the crewed fighter.
Typical missions include reconnaissance and forward sensing, contributing to a shared targeting picture, electronic warfare, strike, and suppression/destruction of enemy air defenses (SEAD/DEAD).
By absorbing higher risk in contested airspace, it lets the Rafale stay back and focus on command and control. French officials have described it as a “cornerstone” for dealing with advanced air-defense networks.
The new loyal wingman will likely build on the nEUROn program, which demonstrated Europe’s first stealth UCAV, but Trappier said it will likely be more than twice as large.
“We will go to more than double that to carry weapons and get a certain range. It’s going to be a big one,” Trappier had said last year.
Earlier, the French Ministry of Armed Forces said that the combat drone “will allow it to act with discretion as an extension of the Rafale F5 to produce decisive network effects” and that “with these characteristics,” this device “should be a cornerstone of processing modern medium and long-range anti-aircraft systems.”
Mail EurAsian Times at: editor (at) eurasiantimes.com
As someone who in the period 2004 – 2016 was intimately involved in engaging politically at both State and Federal level against many of the changes to the law relating to many of the issues raised by Trueman, I found The Desecration of Man a coherent, credible, well-argued case for identifying the moral disaster modern... Continue Reading
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