Introduction by Fabio Giuseppe Carlo Carisio

VERSIONE IN ITALIANO

Originally published on October, 6, 2025 – updated with VIDEO on August, 24, 2026

VIDEO – Two MASSIVE COVID shot studies on 8 MILLION people confirm that can trigger Turbo-Cancer in Vaccinated

Excerpt from American Thinker interview to American Epidemiologist Nicolas Hulscher

Korean Medical Doctors: “1-Year Cancer Risk Associated with COVID-19 Vaccination”

«The oncogenic potential of SARS-CoV-2 has been hypothetically proposed, but real-world data on COVID-19 infection and vaccination are insufficient. Therefore, this large-scale population-based retrospective study in Seoul, South Korea, aimed to estimate the cumulative incidences and subsequent risks of overall cancers 1 year after COVID-19 vaccination. Data from 8,407,849 individuals between 2021 and 2023 were obtained from the Korean National Health Insurance database».

We can read in the Abstract of the Korean study Kim et al. titled “1-year risks of cancers associated with COVID-19 vaccination: a large population-based cohort study in South Korea” which was conducted by Hong Jin Kim (Department of Orthopedic Surgery, Kyung-in Regional Military Manpower Administration, Suwon) Min-Ho Kim (Informatization Department, Ewha Womans University Seoul Hospital, Seoul), Myeong Geun Choi and Eun Mi Chun (both in Division of Pulmonary and Critical Care Medicine, Department of Internal Medicine, Ewha Womans University Mokdong Hospital, 1071, Anyangcheon-ro, Yangcheon-gu, Seoul).

Oxford Academic: Fatal TURBO-CANCERS Even inside HEART after COVID VACCINES! New Chilling European Study on Malignant Pericardial Effusions linked to Fast Metastases

The research was published on September, 26, 2025 by BMC Biomarker Research 13 (part of Springer Nature).

«The participants were categorized into two groups based on their COVID-19 vaccination status. The risks for overall cancer were assessed using multivariable Cox proportional hazards models, and data were expressed as hazard ratios (HRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs). The HRs of thyroid (HR, 1.351; 95% CI, 1.206–1.514), gastric (HR, 1.335; 95% CI, 1.130–1.576), colorectal (HR, 1.283; 95% CI, 1.122–1.468), lung (HR, 1.533; 95% CI, 1.254–1.874), breast (HR, 1.197; 95% CI, 1.069–1.340), and prostate (HR, 1.687; 95% CI, 1.348–2.111) cancers significantly increased at 1 year post-vaccination» adds the Abstract.

«In terms of vaccine type, cDNA vaccines were associated with the increased risks of thyroid, gastric, colorectal, lung, and prostate cancers; mRNA vaccines were linked to the increased risks of thyroid, colorectal, lung, and breast cancers; and heterologous vaccination was related to the increased risks of thyroid and breast cancers. Given the observed associations between COVID-19 vaccination and cancer incidence by age, sex, and vaccine type, further research is needed to determine whether specific vaccination strategies may be optimal for populations in need of COVID-19 vaccination».

Update – EVEN THE POPE KILLED BY COVID VACCINES. Pulmonary Pathology and Fatal Stroke after mRNA Genetic Serums Predicted by Chinese Universities in 2020

The Korean study indirectly confirms the warning raised by two Chinese universities in October 2020, even before the Covid-19 vaccines were released, regarding the very serious risks of lung disease that both mRNA and mDNA gene sera could cause.

Furthermore, the study found that booster doses were associated with significantly higher risks of gastric and pancreatic cancer. For pancreatic cancer, the risk more than doubled in booster recipients.

Diabolical Molecule inside mRNA Vaccines generates Harmful Proteins as Killer Prions, “Brain-Eating Amoeba”. Explosive Study by prof. Perez (Montagnier Foundation)

These statistics confirmed the validity of the warning raised by the late virologist Luc Montagnier and British oncologist Angus Dalgleish.

More details below inside the analysis of American epidemiologist Nicolas Hulscher.

Fabio Giuseppe Carlo Carisio – Gospa News director

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BREAKING: Second Massive Population Study Finds COVID-19 “Vaccines” Increase Risk of 6 Major Cancers

Originally published by Nicolas Hulscher, MPH on Substack Focal Points – Courageous Discourse by McCullough Foundation

About a month ago, the first-ever population cohort study reported increased cancer risks following COVID-19 vaccination. In Italy, nearly 300,000 residents were tracked for 30 months, showing that mRNA shots significantly increased the risk of overall cancer, breast cancer, bladder cancer, and colorectal cancer

BOMBSHELL! INCREASING RISK of MULTIPLE CANCERS from COVID Vaccines unveiled by First Population-Wide Study on 245,000 Vaccinated

Now, a second—and far larger—population-based cohort study by Kim et al from South Korea has corroborated and expanded upon those findings. Drawing on a massive sample of more than 8.4 million people, this is one of the most powerful cancer-safety datasets ever analyzed.

The results are striking. After accounting for age, sex, comorbidities, income level, and prior COVID-19 infection, COVID-19 vaccination was linked to significant increases in multiple major cancers, with the signal consistent across all vaccine platforms, both sexes, and age groups:

Study Design at a Glance

• Design & data: Population-based retrospective cohort using the Korean National Health Insurance database (2021–2023).
• Population: 8,407,849 adults.
• Exposure: COVID-19 vaccination (analyzed overall and by platform: mRNA, cDNA, and heterologous schedules).
• Matching: Large-scale propensity score matching (1:4 vaccinated:unvaccinated for the main analysis; 1:2 within vaccinated for booster vs non-booster).
• Modeling: Multivariable Cox proportional hazards models (adjusted for age, sex, comorbidity index, income level, and prior COVID-19 infection), estimating hazard ratios (HRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs); analyses stratified by sex and age.
• Outcome window: 1-year incidence of overall and site-specific cancers post-vaccination.

“COVID-19 mRNA-Induced TURBO CANCERS”. Extremely Serious Oncological Disease enters Medical Literature after Peer-Reviewed US Study

Key Results — Cancers with Significant Increases (1-year follow-up)

• Overall cancer: HR 1.27 (95% CI, 1.21–1.33) → 27% higher risk of all cancers combined in vaccinated vs. unvaccinated at 1 year.
• Lung cancer: HR 1.53 (95% CI, 1.25–1.87) → 53% higher risk
• Prostate cancer: HR 1.69 (1.35–2.11) → 69% higher risk
• Thyroid cancer: HR 1.35 (1.21–1.51) → 35% higher risk
• Gastric (stomach) cancer: HR 1.34 (1.13–1.58) → 34% higher risk
• Colorectal cancer: HR 1.28 (1.12–1.47) → 28% higher risk
• Breast cancer: HR 1.20 (1.07–1.34) → 20% higher risk

Interpretation: An HR of 1.53 for lung cancer means that vaccinated individuals developed lung cancer at a rate 53% higher than matched unvaccinated peers, over the same one-year follow-up period. Similar interpretations apply to each cancer type.

By Vaccine Platform

• cDNA vaccines (AstraZeneca type): linked to higher risks of thyroid, gastric, colorectal, lung, and prostate cancers.
• Overall cancer HR 1.47 (95% CI 1.39–1.56) → 47% higher risk

AstraZeneca Taken to British Court for as many as 80 Damages Claims on “Defective” Covid Jab

• mRNA vaccines (Pfizer/Moderna): linked to higher risks of thyroid, colorectal, lung, and breast cancers
• Overall cancer HR 1.20 (95% CI 1.14–1.26) → 20% higher risk

TURBO-CANCER, HEARTBREAK & TOXIC SPIKE. Lethal Risks from Covid mRNA Vaccines: Exclusive Interviews with 3 World-Famous Italian MD

• Heterologous (mixed schedules): linked to higher risks of thyroid and breast cancers.
• Overall cancer HR 1.34 (95% CI 1.21–1.48) → 34% higher risk

Interpretation: The elevated cancer risks were not confined to one vaccine platform. Whether adenoviral-vector (cDNA), mRNA, or mixed schedules, each vaccine type was associated with a measurable increase in overall cancer — and each had specific cancer sites driving the signal. In other words, no vaccine technology was free of cancer risk in this dataset.

Booster-Dose Analysis

• Gastric cancer: HR 1.23 (p = 0.041) → 23% higher risk with boosters
• Pancreatic cancer: HR 2.25 (p < 0.001) → 125% higher risk with boosters

Interpretation: Booster doses were associated with notably higher risks of gastric and pancreatic cancers. For pancreatic cancer, the risk more than doubled in boosted individuals.

COVID Boosters Trigger Metastasis. UK Oncologist and US Medical Doctor confirmed the Montagnier’s Warning

Overall Cancer Trends/Sex & Age Stratification

Overall cancer: Incidence was higher in the vaccinated across every demographic group.

• Women showed the highest relative burden, with 48.4 per 10,000 vaccinated vs. 38.2 per 10,000 unvaccinated at one year.
• Elderly adults (≥75 years) carried the greatest absolute burden, at 119.9 per 10,000 vaccinated vs. 91.7 per 10,000 unvaccinated.
• Younger adults (<65 years) also experienced a clear overall increase, despite lower baseline rates

New Study Finds Covid-Vaccinated Kids Face ELEVATED CANCER RISK, Immune System Damage

Site-specific patterns:

• Men: elevated risks for gastric and lung cancers
• Women: elevated risks for thyroid and colorectal cancers
• Under 65 years: stronger signals for thyroid and breast cancers
• ≥75 years: markedly higher risk of prostate cancer

 

Interpretation: Both the overall and site-specific results show a consistent pattern — every demographic group experienced elevated cancer risks, though the type and absolute burden varied. Women and the elderly were hit hardest, but no population segment was spared.

Conclusions: Major Increases in Cancer Risk from Chortes Studies in Italy and South Korea. 

Taken together, the evidence is now impossible to ignore. The only two population-level cohort studies ever conducted on COVID-19 vaccination and cancer — one in Italy and one in South Korea — have both found major increases in cancer risk.

The Italian study (≈300,000 people, 30-month follow-up) identified significant elevations in overall cancer, breast, bladder, and colorectal cancers. The South Korean study (8.4 million people, 1-year follow-up) confirmed and expanded these findings, documenting increased risks of overall cancer plus six site-specific cancers (lung, prostate, thyroid, gastric, colorectal, and breast).

BOMBSHELL! INCREASING RISK of MULTIPLE CANCERS from COVID Vaccines unveiled by First Population-Wide Study on 245,000 Vaccinated

Critically, the signal was observed across all vaccine types — both mRNA and viral-vector (cDNA) shots — and in every demographic group analyzed. In plain terms: both major COVID-19 vaccine platforms appear to be carcinogenic

With two independent national datasets converging on the same conclusion, governments, regulators, clinicians, and researchers must confront a sobering reality: nearly 70% of the global population has been injected with a carcinogenic product. The evidence demands immediate market withdrawal of these products.

17 Ways mRNA Shots May CAUSE CANCER, According to Over 100 STUDIES

At the McCullough Foundation, we are deeply investigating both the molecular mechanisms and the population-level data linking COVID-19 vaccination to cancer. We are currently preparing several new studies to expand this critical line of evidence.

This work requires substantial time, expertise, and resources, and we ask for your support in funding this urgent research: mcculloughfnd.org/products/donate-1

Oririnally published by Nicolas Hulscher, MPH on Substack Focal Points – Courageous Discourse by McCullough Foundation

Nicolas Hulscher, MPH – Epidemiologist and Foundation Administrator, McCullough Foundation

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MAIN SOURCES

FOCAL POINTS – COURAGEOUS DISCOURSE

Study by Kim et al. 1-year risks of cancers associated with COVID-19 vaccination: a large population-based cohort study in South Korea

GOSPA NEWS – TURBO-CANCER AND VACCINES DOSSIER

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O ano letivo de 2024 seguia seu curso normal quando Jadir Anchieta, professor de História, começou a ouvir comentários de estudantes que diziam ter saudades de Jair Bolsonaro. Era uma aula sobre o período entreguerras, ministrada a uma turma do 9º ano do Ensino Fundamental na Escola Estadual São Tarcísio, no município catarinense de São Bonifácio. O professor havia acabado de entrar na sala quando um grupo de alunos passou a fazer provocações sobre temas políticos. Foram poucos minutos, mas, para Jadir, a cena durou uma eternidade. A dinâmica parecia ensaiada. Cerca de quatro alunos o bombardearam com perguntas e cobraram um posicionamento sobre o tema. Ele sabia que aquele comportamento fugia ao perfil da turma e a direção da escola precisou mediar o conflito. O que o professor de História não sabia, contudo, era que a cena havia sido gravada pelos estudantes.

Em diferentes regiões do Brasil, o roteiro percorrido por Jadir Anchieta tem se repetido. Há um padrão em curso, segundo Rodrigo Timm, advogado do Observatório Nacional da Violência Contra Educadores (Onve). Primeiro, estabelece-se um clima de desconfiança em torno do ambiente escolar e de seus profissionais. Em seguida, os alunos são incentivados, muitas vezes pelos próprios pais, a gravar os professores em vídeo ou em áudio. Essas gravações são, então, retiradas de seu contexto original e repassadas a parlamentares da extrema direita. O material ganha espaço nas redes e se transforma em um ativo político. 

Um levantamento da Agência Pública identificou, desde as últimas eleições gerais, em 2022, até 2025, ao menos 18 parlamentares, a maioria do Partido Liberal (PL), que fizeram ataques a professores. Entre eles estão nomes como Júlia Zanatta (PL-SC), Jessé Lopes (PL-SC), Alex Brasil (PL-SC), Ana Campagnolo (PL-SC), Alan Lopes (PL-RJ) e Fernando Cordeiro (PL-SC), todos em busca de uma vaga nas eleições de outubro. A estratégia de atacar professores é, ainda, uma maneira de ascender politicamente: é o caso do vereador Fernando Cordeiro (PL) de Chapecó, no oeste catarinense, que quase triplicou a votação no município após liderar ataques contra uma docente e agora se prepara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal por Santa Catarina. Cordeiro recebe apoio da deputada estadual Ana Campagnolo (PL-SC), que, em seu mandato, ficou conhecida por denunciar “professores doutrinadores”, ganhando projeção política após processar sua orientadora de mestrado.

A gravação da aula de Jadir, por exemplo, foi parar nos perfis da deputada federal Júlia Zanatta, do PL de Santa Catarina. O professor e a direção da escola foram surpreendidos pela exposição nas redes sociais. Dias depois, em uma nova publicação, Zanatta comemorou as providências imediatas tomadas pelo governador de Santa Catarina, Jorginho Mello, também do PL. Tratava-se da abertura de um Processo Administrativo Disciplinar (PAD), instaurado para apurar a conduta de Jadir por agir “de forma inadequada no exercício de suas funções”. A postagem que expôs o professor de História alcançou mais de 30 mil curtidas e foi compartilhada por outros nomes da extrema direita, como o vereador Fernando Cordeiro, do PL de Chapecó.

A repercussão do caso escalou até a Câmara dos Deputados, em Brasília. O deputado federal Gustavo Gayer, do PL de Goiás, apresentou uma moção de repúdio contra Jadir na Comissão de Educação, então presidida por Nikolas Ferreira, do PL de Minas Gerais, mas a proposta foi rejeitada por 20 votos a 13. Durante a sessão, outros parlamentares denunciaram a instrumentalização do episódio. O deputado Tarcísio Motta, (PSOL-RJ), afirmou que o caso era mais uma manifestação de uma parcela da extrema direita, em busca de ganhos eleitorais por meio da perseguição a profissionais da educação.

Apesar da moção de repúdio ter sido barrada no Congresso Nacional, as consequências estaduais seguiram seu curso. Em decorrência do PAD aberto pela Secretaria de Educação de Santa Catarina, Jadir foi afastado de suas funções em março de 2024. O afastamento foi prorrogado duas vezes até que, em agosto do mesmo ano, ele foi demitido. O Tribunal de Justiça de Santa Catarina (TJSC) anulou o PAD apenas em maio de 2025 e determinou a readmissão do professor. Na decisão, o desembargador responsável argumentou que a “sala de aula não é um campo de polícia ideológica” e que o docente não pode estar “submetido a censores discentes, tampouco à disposição de visões idiossincráticas de bedéis mascarados como pais”.

Processos contra educadores aumentam nas eleições

No levantamento da Pública, também foram analisadas as características de 596 PADs abertos pela Secretaria de Educação de Santa Catarina e publicados no Diário Oficial entre janeiro de 2021 e 31 de dezembro de 2024. Os dados mostram que, em ambos os anos eleitorais, a abertura de processos contra educadores como Jadir foi maior. Fernando Penna, coordenador do Onve, observa que, em períodos de disputas políticas, o número de processos contra educadores aumenta, o que evidencia que as escolas se consolidaram como espaços de embate ideológico.

A análise dos PADs também identificou indícios de punições desproporcionais, espetacularização dos casos e prolongamento indevido dos trâmites. Cerca de um terço dos processos analisados pela reportagem no período foi arquivado, seja pela inocência do servidor, seja pela inexistência do fato. Para Penna, o índice revela que muitos PADs são abertos sem materialidade, desprovidos de testemunhos efetivos ou de evidências de infração. São instaurados de forma vazia, com o propósito de intimidar.

Para Jadir, o arquivamento do processo não apaga os impactos da exposição. O professor conta que ficou profundamente abalado pela violência sofrida. Precisou deixar São Bonifácio, foi alvo de ameaças e viu milhares de pessoas o xingarem na internet. Eram desconhecidos, e ele não sabia se representavam um perigo real. Quase dois anos após a abertura do PAD, Jadir avalia que a ação orquestrada serviu para “faturar cliques e votos”.

A situação de Jadir, contudo, não se encerrou com a decisão judicial. Em julho de 2025, mesmo sob a vigência da Lei Federal nº 15.100/2025, que proíbe o uso de celulares em sala de aula, o professor teve, mais uma vez, a aula gravada por alunos. O áudio foi, novamente, divulgado nas redes sociais. Entre os comentários, o deputado estadual Sargento Lima, do PL, que já havia discursado contra “professores doutrinadores” na Assembleia Legislativa de Santa Catarina, afirmou que o episódio provava a importância da instalação de câmeras nas salas de aula. 

Lima já havia se envolvido em outro episódio, em fevereiro de 2023, relacionado à orientadora educacional Juliana Andozio, que foi vítima de uma sindicância acusatória, suspensa e afastada, após permitir que uma aluna trans usasse o banheiro feminino da escola. De acordo com a educadora, seis famílias queriam saber “qual banheiro a aluna trans usava” e “queriam proibir as discussões sobre gênero, orientação sexual, diversidade, questões da mulher, da democracia e do grêmio estudantil na escola”.

Juliana sofreu ataques após as “denúncias” feitas pelo vereador Bericó (PL) nas redes sociais. Seu carro foi alvo de ovos, pedras e limões. “Jogavam coisas na escola, jogaram fogos de artifício em mim, jogaram lixo na minha casa. Eu tive que ir morar três meses na casa da minha mãe porque passavam motoqueiros na frente da minha casa me xingando de coisas horrorosas”, desabafa.

O caso chegou à tribuna da Alesc quando o deputado Sargento Lima (PL) ameaçou a educadora. “Fosse minha neta, uma das minhas enteadas, meu filho, uma dessa, um suplente estaria assumindo a minha vaga aqui porque eu estaria na cadeia. Simplesmente isso”, disse o parlamentar na sessão de 15 de março de 2023. O processo que acusava Juliana de “doutrinação político/partidária” foi anulado em janeiro de 2024.

O relatório “Um estudo quantitativo da perseguição a educadoras/es no Brasil”, publicado em 2025 pelo Onve, aponta que a violência contra professores começou a se intensificar a partir de 2010. Os picos ocorreram em 2016, 2018 e 2022, anos marcados pelo impeachment de Dilma Rousseff e por duas eleições presidenciais. A pesquisa, que ouviu mais de três mil educadores nas cinco regiões do país, indica que o Sul concentra o maior número de casos, seguido pelo Sudeste. Fernando Penna observa que o dado não surpreende, uma vez que Santa Catarina, estado com maior presença de políticos de extrema direita, foi um dos que registraram o maior número de respondentes.

O coordenador do Onve projeta que, em 2026, a direita mobilizará todas as estratégias políticas que já deram retorno eleitoral para voltar ao poder. A perseguição a educadores e a incitação do pânico moral em torno da ideologia de gênero devem estar no centro dessa mobilização. A hipótese de Penna é que 2026 será um ano particularmente difícil para os profissionais da educação.

Todos os parlamentares citados foram procurados pela reportagem, mas não houve retorno até a publicação. Já a Secretaria de Educação de Santa Catarina afirmou “seu compromisso com a legalidade, a transparência e a proteção da comunidade escolar”. 

Quando a perseguição é transformada em voto

A partir de uma denúncia feita pelo vereador Fernando Cordeiro, de Chapecó, a professora de Língua Portuguesa Ibriela Sevilla foi alvo de um PAD por trabalhar, em sala de aula, o livro Não Alimente a Escritora, da autora catarinense Telma Scherer. A atividade ocorreu em uma turma do primeiro ano do Ensino Médio da Escola Estadual Professora Angela Lourdes Lago. Pais de alunos acionaram a direção da escola e pediram a demissão da professora, alegando que o livro continha linguagem inapropriada. A obra, que consiste em um poema de 94 páginas, já havia sido utilizada por Ibriela em 2023, na mesma escola, sem suscitar qualquer problema.

O PAD aberto contra Ibriela em 2024 foi arquivado quase um ano depois, quando a comissão responsável concluiu pela inocência da docente. Durante o trâmite do processo, a professora foi exposta nas redes sociais e nas câmaras legislativas municipais e estaduais. Desde o episódio, Ibriela tem acompanhamento psicológico e psiquiátrico.

O vereador Fernando Cordeiro, então em pré-campanha para a reeleição, publicou, em março de 2024, uma crítica à conduta da professora em suas redes sociais. Três dias depois, o caso chegou à deputada estadual Ana Campagnolo, do PL, que repercutiu o assunto na tribuna da Assembleia Legislativa.

Para Fernando Penna, a dinâmica indica uma atuação em rede entre os parlamentares. “Quando um vereador faz a denúncia e uma deputada estadual a divulga, há uma articulação clara. A deputada serve como plataforma, enviando a mensagem de que outros vereadores que fizerem o mesmo também ganharão projeção. Um parlamentar reforça o outro, construindo, assim, um empreendimento político”, diz.

Em 2020, Fernando Cordeiro foi eleito com 1.422 votos, a 14ª maior votação em Chapecó. Em 2024, ele quase triplicou seu eleitorado e tornou-se o vereador mais votado do município. Para o coordenador do Onve, o crescimento expressivo da votação após a perseguição a uma professora exemplifica como esse tipo de violência tem sido convertido em capital político.

A própria deputada Ana Campagnolo, que auxiliou Cordeiro na exposição do caso, ganhou projeção política após um conflito com sua orientadora de mestrado, a historiadora Marlene de Fáveri, da Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina. O episódio foi exposto publicamente durante a campanha eleitoral de 2018, quando Campagnolo foi eleita deputada estadual com mais de 34 mil votos. Até então, ela nunca havia concorrido a cargos políticos e atuava como professora de História em escolas de Chapecó. Após denunciar “professores doutrinadores” em seu primeiro mandato, Campagnolo reelegeu-se em 2022 como a deputada mais votada da história do parlamento catarinense, com 196.571 votos.

Procurado, Fernando Cordeiro alegou que “o objetivo foi representar os pais e alunos que me procuraram solicitando ajuda, representando-os nas instâncias legais e competentes, relatando material apresentado pela referida professora”.

Um padrão repetido pelo Brasil

Os casos de Jadir, Ibriela e Marlene não são exceção. O roteiro de perseguição e violência se repete esporadicamente em outras regiões do país. Em Magé, no Rio de Janeiro, a professora de Artes Daniela Abreu enfrentou uma situação semelhante. Ela trabalhava há 17 anos no Colégio Estadual Professor Alfredo Balthazar da Silveira e nunca tinha registrado problemas com os alunos. A escola sempre foi reconhecida por sua atuação combativa, com grande adesão do corpo docente ao sindicato. Em contrapartida, grupos locais pressionavam pela militarização da instituição.

Nesse contexto de tensão, em 2022, Daniela passou a ter conflitos com estudantes que faziam declarações racistas em sala de aula. No início do ano, um aluno a agrediu verbalmente e a ameaçou fisicamente. O estopim da violência, no entanto, ocorreu em setembro daquele ano, quando um casal de alunos abordou a professora na sala dos docentes e pediu materiais da campanha do então candidato Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Daniela recusou o pedido, mas, diante da insistência dos estudantes, cedeu um adesivo e pediu que o aluno o guardasse. Ela não sabia que a interação estava sendo filmada.

Quinze minutos depois, policiais militares e fiscais do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral (TRE) entraram na escola. Segundo relatos de funcionários, a abordagem ocorreu sem mandado. Vídeos da entrada dos policiais e da entrega do adesivo eleitoral circularam nas redes sociais. Daniela foi acusada de ser doutrinadora, e as imagens simulavam uma prisão que, de fato, nunca ocorreu.

A professora relata que passou por instantes de terror e se sentiu minúscula em meio à barbárie. Ao longo de 2022, ela havia sido gravada em outras aulas sem o seu conhecimento. Mais tarde, compreendeu a intencionalidade daquelas filmagens, que foram utilizadas na sindicância instaurada contra ela.

A perseguição ganhou contornos institucionais em 2023, quando o deputado estadual Alan Lopes, do PL, passou a atacar publicamente a professora. Eleito presidente da Comissão de Educação da Assembleia Legislativa do Rio de Janeiro em abril de 2023, o parlamentar foi ao colégio de Daniela para gravar um vídeo no qual afirma ter “desmascarado a maior doutrinadora ideológica do Estado”. Lopes reuniu filmagens clandestinas feitas nas aulas de Daniela e declarou que o período de denúncias engavetadas por doutrinação em sala de aula havia acabado no Rio.

Um levantamento publicado pelo Onve em 2024 revela que, em quatro anos, a Secretaria Estadual de Educação do Rio de Janeiro abriu 1.320 sindicâncias contra professores. O número representa a média de uma sindicância por dia entre 2020 e 2024. O estudo aponta que agentes públicos têm manipulado o instrumento da sindicância para criminalizar, isolar e silenciar educadores. O pico de aberturas de sindicâncias ocorreu em 2022, ano eleitoral, com quase 500 procedimentos instaurados.

Após a publicação do vídeo pelo deputado Alan Lopes, Daniela foi alvo de uma sindicância e, quatro meses depois, de um PAD. Ela foi acusada de realizar campanha eleitoral na escola, fazer apologia às drogas e enaltecer a vereadora Marielle Franco, assassinada. Segundo o processo, a professora teria descumprido os deveres previstos no Estatuto dos Funcionários Públicos e os preceitos éticos do Código de Ética Profissional do Servidor.

Nesse período, Daniela ficou extremamente fragilizada. Ela conta que grupos organizavam reuniões e a chamavam de “Marielle de Magé”, não como um elogio, mas como um alvo. Diziam que não precisavam mais matá-la, pois já haviam conseguido quebrá-la por dentro.

Em setembro de 2025, o PAD foi arquivado. Assim como no caso de Jadir Anchieta, o arquivamento não apagou as violências sofridas. Daniela foi alvo de ameaças e precisou deixar a cidade para evitar uma tragédia. Desenvolveu crises de ansiedade, falta de ar e depressão. Pensou em abandonar a sala de aula e teve medo de morrer. Foi, segundo ela, o momento mais difícil de sua vida.

Os resultados dessa violência

Quase dois anos após a gravação que resultou na abertura de seu Processo Administrativo Disciplinar, Jadir Anchieta continua a ministrar aulas de História. Diante de novas turmas, ele continua abordando temas como o nazifascismo, as crises democráticas e os conflitos políticos do século 20. A diferença, agora, é que a sensação de estar sendo gravado nunca o abandona. Hoje, ele pensa duas ou três vezes antes de falar, o que torna a rotina exaustiva.

Para os pesquisadores do Onve, o método de alguns políticos da extrema direita produz um efeito que vai além dos episódios individuais: cria um ambiente de insegurança e medo, levando os educadores à autocensura. 

Em um contexto de polarização política e com a aproximação de novas eleições, especialistas alertam que o uso de estratégias de perseguição contra educadores tende a se intensificar. As explicações sobre crises democráticas, questões de gênero ou temáticas religiosas continuam no quadro negro. Mas agora, entre os cadernos e os livros, paira sempre a possibilidade de um celular gravando em silêncio.

Un equipo de investigadores franceses y turcos ha publicado un exhaustivo análisis de doce puntas de flecha de obsidiana con incisiones intencionales halladas en el yacimiento neolítico de Tepecik-Çiftlik, en la región de Capadocia (Turquía). Estos objetos, que datan de entre el 7100 y el 6100 a.C., representan un fenómeno arqueológico excepcional: son extremadamente raros […]

A senior political figure has questioned whether the continued detention of the Mayor of Albania’s capital city is “strictly necessary”.

Erion Veliaj (pictured) has remained nominally in office as mayor of Tirana despite being held in what is known as pre-trial detention (PTD) since February 2025.

He is accused of corruption and money laundering but strongly denies any wrong doing.

The latest in a protracted series of court cases takes place on 15 September when his case will be considered by Albania’s Supreme Court.

This comes after the country’s Constitutional Court recently called for a review as required by Albania's constitution.

The hearing has assumed particular importance as it is a review of both his pretrial detention and its proportionality.

The mayor’s local lawyer Plarent Ndreca said that following the Constitutional Court's judgment "the legal basis for maintaining Mr Veliaj in detention has fundamentally changed.”

In an exclusive interview with this website,  a senior figure with the European Democratic Party, a pan-European political party, said the case “raises serious questions of necessity and proportionality.”

Sandro Gozi, the party’s Secretary-General and also a senior French MEP with Renew Europe, a mainstream group in the European Parliament, questioned if his continued detention may be “excessive.”

This website asked Gozi what specific concerns he had about the case.

He said: “Let me be very clear: fighting corruption is essential, particularly in a country seeking EU membership, and asking for respect for the rule of law can never mean asking for impunity.

“Serious allegations must be investigated and prosecuted independently, whoever is involved. But the rule of law also means proportionality, due process and the presumption of innocence.”

He pointed out that Veliaj has been in pre-trial detention since February 2025, adding, “and after such a long period it is legitimate to ask whether continued detention remains strictly necessary or whether alternative measures could be used.”

Some have argued the case “shines a light” on current flaws in the judiciary and rule of law in Albania.

On this,Gozi, secretary general since 2021, said , “One case cannot define an entire judicial system, and Albania has made important progress in fighting corruption.”

He added, “However, there is a broader issue that deserves attention: Council of Europe SPACE data show that 58% of Albania's prison population was being held without a final sentence, the highest proportion in Europe, compared with a European average of 29%.

“The same analysis notes that very high levels of pre-trial detention can be associated with slow proceedings or an excessive reliance on detention as a precautionary measure.”

The MEP said: “These are concerns Albania should address as part of its European path.”

Albania is a leading front runner to join the EU, possibly as soon as 2030, and has been widely lauded by the 27-strong bloc and others, including MEPs, for closing most of the negotiating chapters required for EU membership although some caution that ongoing issues with its judiciary may slow progress towards accession.

Gozi, a member of Mouvement Democrate in France, said: “I strongly support Albania's European perspective, but accession must remain merit-based.

“No judicial system is perfect, including those of existing member states, but respect for the rule of law, judicial independence and fundamental rights must be firmly guaranteed before accession,” added the Euro deputy, who chairs the Delegation to the EU-UK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly.

Asked about the use of PTD in the case of the mayor, not least as an elected official, and also the time taken for his case to come to trial,he said, “Eighteen months of pre-trial detention is an extremely long period and raises serious questions of necessity and proportionality.

“This concern remains entirely unchanged regardless of Mr Veliaj’s political position.”

The MEP, who is from Italy and was former Undersecretary of State for European Affairs in the Matteo Renzi and Paolo Gentiloni governments, declined to be drawn the length of time the case was taking to come to court, saying: “I will not speculate on allegations concerning an independent court.”

The European Democratic Party also recently posted a statement on the case which pointed out the mayor had been as been in PTD since 10 February 2025 —  a year and a half.

The statement adds that formal charges were notified only in July 2025, after 163 days in detention and that, recently, Albania’s Constitutional Court overturned a Supreme Court decision and ordered a new review of his detention “questioning its proportionality in light of his mandate as Tirana’s democratically elected mayor”.

It goes on: “We join those calling on the Albanian authorities to uphold the rule of law, the presumption of innocence and the principle of proportionality. This case comes against a deeply concerning backdrop for Albanian democracy.

“We will keep the spotlight on it, because Albania deserves a European future — one that is fully democratic, transparent and firmly committed to fighting corruption, while guaranteeing that justice is always exercised with fairness, independence and respect for fundamental rights.”

European Democratic Party members include Renew Europe MEPs and, in 2025, RE “strongly condemned” what it called the “politically motivated” arrest on corruption charges against another elected official: Varna Mayor Blagomir Kotsev.

Speaking earlier this year, RE Lithuanian MEP Petras Auštrevičius, the European Parliament's rapporteur on enlargement, highly praised Albania's reform effort but said that concerns regarding pre-trial detention practices in Albania "demonstrate precisely why judicial reforms must deliver real results.”

Ben Brandon, of Mishcon de Reya LLP, is one of Veliaj's international counsel based in London. He is just returned from Tirana where he was able to visit the mayor in prison for the first time since the official's arrest.

Speaking to this site,  Brandon said: "We have long argued that Erion Veliaj's pre-trial detention is unnecessary and disproportionate. Until the Constitutional Court examined his case, no court in Albania properly considered the relevance of his status and responsibilities as the democratically elected Mayor of Albania's capital city, or the available alternatives to detention. The Supreme Court has been directed to re-examine the proportionality of his continued detention by the Constitutional Court on 15 September.

“We hope that the Supreme Court will follow the clear reasoning of the superior court, correct the obvious errors that have been made in Mayor Veliaj's case over the past 18 months, and release him immediately."

Currently, there are local media reports that a separate investigation has now been opened against the Mayor, focused on expenses, though this has not been confirmed.

With the clock ticking on Albania seeking to close its last remaining EU negotiating chapters, some argue it is not a coincidence there has been a perceived crackdown in the justice sphere, with a spate of cases brought against high profile public figures and elected officials, including Veliaj.

Veliaj’s case is not the only one to have captured the Albanian media’s attention in recent times, with a former environment minister among those charged with corruption.

However, for Veliaj the most immediate concern is his detention at a centre close to the Albanian coast.

His local lawyer points out it is not the first time concern has been raised about the use of pre-trial detention in Albania with most recent data showing that  about 58 per cent of its prison population, approximately, 2,653 people, are held in remand, a rate up to five times higher than the EU average.

PTD is said to frequently be used for crimes like corruption but Veliaj and his lawyers argue that to detain someone for so long – the average stay is 253 days  – is “highly unusual” unless it is a case relating to drug trafficking, organised crime and/or terrorism.

The spotlight has, to some extent, also fallen on the organisation in Albania charged with the task of rooting out corruption and tackling serious crime.

SPAK, as it’s commonly referred to, has been widely praised for its concerted efforts in this regard and has been hailed by many for its work, including by the European Parliament’s rapporteur on Albania, Socialist MEP Andreas Schieder, as being “essential”, not least in helping to fulfil the country’s pre-accession reforms.

The MEP has, in the past, said SPAK was playing a “crucial role” in the fight against corruption and “shows the Albanian government is taking this task very seriously”.

Asked to comment on the Veliaj case a SPAK spokesman said: “We can confirm that the Special Prosecution Office has concluded its investigation and has formally submitted the case for trial before the Special Court Against Corruption and Organised Crime (GJKKO), where proceedings are now under way.Any submissions relating to these matters should be made directly to the Court (GJKKO), in accordance with the procedures and timeframes set out under the Criminal Procedure Code.”

The comment was made in July and, at the time of going to press, no-one from SPAK had replied to a most recent query from this site.

Das beherrschende Thema dieser Ausgabe des Anti-Spiegel-Podcast war mal wieder die Ukraine, weil dort gerade sehr viel passiert, was die deutschen Medien verschweigen. So stellen sie die überraschende Kiew-Reise von Außenminister Wadephul als Akt der Solidarität mit der Ukraine dar, dabei hatte der Besuch offensichtlich ganz andere Gründe. Aber das war nur eines der vielen […]

Las más de 50.000 piezas de cerámica halladas en el yacimiento de Hüde I, en el lago Dümmer (Baja Sajonia, Alemania), están proporcionando una visión sin precedentes sobre cómo se produjo la transición del estilo de vida cazador-recolector a la agricultura en el norte de Europa. Los investigadores han identificado cerámica procedente de al menos […]

Link al video analizzato: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U6VMfd8o24E Partiamo da una premessa fondamentale e doverosa: questo articolo si pone in perfetta continuità con l’elogio che, proprio oggi pomeriggio, ho rivolto al Meeting di ...

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by Gospa News Editorial Sfaff

Continuing the project we started in the beginning of “026.

Here is our selection of our 7 most astonishing, original or viewed videos released in this the week.

This reminder ccome back after many months of pause due to that the main important videos were published in the post WARS in Video with dauky updates on the ongoing international conflicts in Ukraine and in Middle East.

WARS in VIDEO. IRAN Threatens the Gulf Countries that Join TRUMP’s Economic “Terrorism”. Turkey- Israel Tensions after Mossad visit in Syria

But there are many videos that are extremely significant for their social or geopolitical content that sometimes take a back seat to the serious events that occur every day in wars, which is why we decided to start this periodic column.

Inside the Rumble description of each video there is a link to the detailed investigation it refers to or to a related topic.

Enjoy watching with Gospa News. And if you like our work, support us with a small donation.

SUBSCRIBE GOSPA NEWS AND HELP WITH A SMALL FREE DONATION

HELP GOSPA NEWS WITH A FREE DONATION via PayPal or Bank

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C’è un’aria nuova al Meeting per l’Amicizia fra i Popoli di quest’anno. Si percepisce, in modo netto e incoraggiante, un evento in controtendenza persino rispetto al suo recente passato. Il ...

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The Coalition of the Willing for Ukraine meets this Monday, August 24 — the 35th anniversary of Ukrainian independence — under the joint chairmanship of Emmanuel Macron, Friedrich Merz and Andy Burnham. The meeting comes at an urgent moment: fighting is intensifying on the ground and Moscow is preparing a new mobilization, while in Kyiv, Volodymyr Zelensky has just ruled out holding elections in wartime.

A Meeting Under Heavy Diplomatic Pressure

According to a statement from the Élysée Palace released Friday, August 21, the Coalition of the Willing — an international alliance supporting Ukraine formed in March 2025 at the initiative of Czech President Petr Pavel — will meet this Monday at 1 p.m. in a hybrid format, with Volodymyr Zelensky taking part. The session will be jointly chaired by Emmanuel Macron, via videoconference, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, and, for the first time, new British Prime Minister Andy Burnham. About a dozen leaders, including European Council President António Costa, are expected to be in Kyiv alongside the Ukrainian head of state, while European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is not expected to attend in person.
According to a European official cited by several news agencies, talks are expected to focus primarily on strengthening Ukrainian air defenses, as the country faces a shortage of interceptors against Russian strikes. The Élysée says leaders will reaffirm “their determination to increase pressure on Russia” and continue coordinating measures aimed at drying up the resources funding Russia’s war effort, including the fight against the “shadow fleet” Moscow uses to circumvent oil sanctions. The meeting is also meant to advance work on security guarantees intended to underpin a “just, robust and lasting” peace, building on the Paris Declaration of January 6, 2026.

On the Ground, Moscow Prepares a New Mobilization

The meeting comes as the war enters a phase of intensification. Volodymyr Zelensky said this weekend that Russia plans to mobilize an additional 300,000 troops for the Ukrainian front after Russia’s parliamentary elections, scheduled for September 16-20, with a longer-term goal of recruiting 500,000. The Ukrainian president described a “peripheral mobilization” that would spare Russia’s major cities but, he said, would be hard to conceal. He also cited a Russian goal of producing roughly 1,300 ballistic missiles a year, while Ukraine expects to receive only 264 interceptor missiles this year, down from 364 in 2025 and 675 in 2023 — a shortfall Kyiv is trying to offset through new agreements, including delivery of at least one SAMP/T air-defense system from France and roughly 600 missiles from Germany.
These statements echo converging battlefield reports. Recent military bulletins point to intense fighting on the Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and Dobropillya fronts and in Dnipropetrovsk region, along with exchanges of soldiers’ remains between the two sides. This information comes from both Ukrainian and Russian sources, whose respective figures cannot be independently verified and should be treated with caution.

BACKGROUND

Formed in March 2025 at the initiative of Czech President Petr Pavel, and later organized under French and British leadership, the Coalition of the Willing brings together roughly thirty countries supporting Kyiv. It notably held a summit in Paris on July 13, 2026, on the eve of the Bastille Day parade, building on the G7 summit in Évian and the Paris Declaration of January 6, 2026.

Zelensky Rules Out Elections That Would “Destroy the Country”

On the domestic front, Volodymyr Zelensky responded for the first time to the call for elections made last week by his former defense minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, who was dismissed in late July amid vocal protests. In remarks made Saturday and released Sunday, the Ukrainian president said holding a wartime vote, absent a major cessation of hostilities, would “destroy the country by splitting society,” calling the prospect a “tsunami.” Ukrainian law bars elections under martial law, in effect since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in February 2022; Mr. Zelensky’s presidential term technically expired in May 2024.
Mr. Zelensky pointed to the practical hurdles such a vote would have to overcome — including how to enable voting by mobilized troops, millions of refugees abroad, and residents of Russian-occupied territory. According to an analysis by CNN, an incomplete or contested vote would hand Moscow a propaganda win, since the Kremlin already cites the wartime ban on elections to question the Ukrainian president’s legitimacy, even as Russia’s own electoral process is not considered free by Western observers. Polling suggests former armed forces commander Valery Zaluzhny or Mr. Fedorov himself would be the frontrunners in any eventual election.

Two Fronts for Kyiv: Military and Political

The convergence of these two issues — international military support and the debate over the democratic legitimacy of Ukraine’s leadership in wartime — casts Monday’s meeting in a particular light. For the Western leaders gathered around Emmanuel Macron, the goal is to demonstrate the durability of their commitment at a moment when Moscow is betting on wearing Kyiv down before winter, and when the question of security guarantees still has no concrete bearing on any ceasefire.

L’article Ukraine : Macron, Merz and Burnham Close Ranks as Russia Steps Up the War est apparu en premier sur FrenchDailyNews.

En 1919, cuando alguien empezó a examinar con detenimiento la encuadernación de un códice del siglo VIII conservado en el Archivo Capitular de la catedral de Barcelona, descubrió que la tapa posterior escondía algo más que cuero y costuras. Bajo la piel, colocados en pliegues, aparecieron diez fragmentos de papiro. Más de un siglo después, […]

In 1919, when someone began to carefully examine the binding of an 8th-century codex preserved in the Chapter Archive of the Cathedral of Barcelona, they discovered that the back cover hid something more than leather and stitches. Beneath the skin, placed in folds, appeared ten fragments of papyrus. More than a century later, six of […]

Romania’s ongoing political crisis is entering a more critical phase, with a collapsed government, an unresolved battle over the presidency and a growing conservative-nationalist challenge to the political order that has dominated the country for years.

At stake is not just who governs Bucharest, but whether Romania’s institutions can recover public legitimacy after the extraordinary cancellation of the 2024 presidential election.

The crisis dates back to November 2024, when independent nationalist candidate Călin Georgescu—to the surprise of many—finished first in the opening round of the presidential vote.

Citing alleged electoral irregularities and intelligence—evidence that still hasn’t been disclosed to the public—claiming Russian interference in favor of Călin Georgescu, Romania’s Constitutional Court subsequently annulled the election.

The court’s decision, therefore, erased an election result already delivered by Romanian voters and triggered one of the most serious democratic controversies in the European Union.

Romania’s democratic clampdown deepened even further in March 2025 when Georgescu was barred from taking part in the rerun presidential election. The Constitutional Court upheld his exclusion, leaving the person who had won the original first round unable to compete when Romanians were sent back to the polls for a second time.

The sequence of events became, for a broad cross-section of Romania’s population, undeniable proof of what many observers have begun to describe as “managed democracy”—meaning elections across the EU are “legitimate” only until voters choose someone “unacceptable” to the ruling establishment.
It didn’t take long for news of the crisis to reach across the Atlantic. Vice President JD Vance used his 2025 Munich Security Conference speech to accuse Romania of having “straight up canceled the results of a presidential election based on the flimsy suspicions of an intelligence agency and enormous pressure from its continental neighbors.”

The U.S. State Department’s subsequent Report on Human Rights Practices also leveled criticism that the annulment represented political interference and an unusually severe restriction on disfavored political speech. Elon Musk, for his part, in several posts to social media attacked the Romanian state’s treatment of Georgescu and described one official connected with the process as a “tyrant.”

How can a judge end democracy in Romania? https://t.co/9MFhlq6YwQ

— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) March 10, 2025

This guy is a tyrant, not a judge https://t.co/ghE9X4W5G3

— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) February 20, 2025

The episode resonated well beyond Romania because it touched a wider fault line running through European politics. Nationalist movements challenging Brussels on sovereignty, mass migration, security, green policy, cultural questions, and foreign affairs increasingly argue that institutional mechanisms are being weaponized to contain alternative political forces that can no longer be easily defeated—and may even be winning outright—at the ballot box.

Romania’s own long-established, ruling elite class has since begun to fracture. Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan’s Brussels-aligned government was brought down on May 5 after the Social Democratic Party (PSD) abandoned the coalition and joined nationalist AUR and other opposition forces in backing a no-confidence motion.

The result was overwhelming—281 lawmakers voted to remove the government, compared with only four against, well above the 233 votes required. The scale of the defeat exposed the government’s lack of legitimacy and revealed how quickly the firewall around Romania’s nationalist opposition had begun to crack.

Especially noteworthy was the decision by the PSD, long one of the pillars of Romania’s establishment, to cooperate with the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR). Whatever the parties’ differences, that cooperation showed that excluding AUR indefinitely from parliamentary influence was becoming increasingly difficult.

President Nicușor Dan, so far, has failed to find a legitimate replacement. His nominee Adrian Veștea went before Parliament in June but secured only 189 votes—44 short of the 233 needed to install a government.

The failure prolonged a political vacuum that has continued into August. Bolojan remains interim prime minister, while Dan has held repeated consultations with former coalition parties in an effort to maintain fiscal measures and secure Romania’s remaining EU recovery funds.

The government’s paralysis has placed greater scrutiny on Dan himself. The right-wing S.O.S. Romania party formally initiated a constitutional procedure seeking his suspension under Article 95, alleging serious violations involving the separation of powers, government formation, the judiciary and democratic oversight of the intelligence services.

S.O.S. leader Diana Șoșoacă said more than 400,000 Romanian living in the country and abroad had expressed support for Dan’s removal. She also claimed that 155 parliamentarians had indicated agreement with the suspension initiative, although the names of lawmakers outside her party were not publicly disclosed.

The accusations against Dan include claims that he has blurred the constitutional boundaries of the presidency by involving himself too directly in judicial affairs. Critics have also objected to his public comments concerning the Constitutional Court and his consultations with magistrates.

Another point of contention is Dan’s insistence on constructing what he has repeatedly called a pro-Western governing majority. His opponents argue that the Constitution requires the president to facilitate government formation rather than impose ideological tests on parties capable of assembling parliamentary support.

Dan, for his part, has defended his approach as an effort to maintain Romania’s strategic orientation and produce a workable government. His supporters say the country’s position on NATO’s eastern flank, next to Ukraine, makes political and foreign-policy continuity especially important.

The intelligence services have become another sensitive issue. Critics point to the absence of permanent civilian leadership at the Romanian Intelligence Service while proposals have circulated to expand the security apparatus into areas including corruption and tax enforcement.

Such controversies carry particular historical weight in Romania, where memories of communist-era surveillance and the political power of the security services remain deeply embedded. Measures that might be treated elsewhere as routine institutional disputes can therefore trigger much deeper fears of political control.

A separate 2026 rule-of-law report cited by critics has further intensified the argument over Romania’s Constitutional Court. The Civil Liberties Union for Europe report was cited as arguing that the court had effectively changed the law in its handling of electoral candidacies, raising questions about legal certainty and the scope of judicial power.

The same report raised concerns over procedural protections for excluded candidates and discussed structural reform of the Constitutional Court itself. It also highlighted problems involving media independence, opaque political financing, and poorly defined anti-disinformation measures that can potentially restrict legitimate speech.

Those findings have strengthened the case made by Georgescu’s and his supporters that the 2024 election annulment, described by many analysts as a constitutional coup, was never merely about one TikTok campaign. They see it as a confrontation over who ultimately sets the boundaries of acceptable politics—Romanian voters or institutions increasingly tied to a globalist, Brussels-centered political consensus.

Romania’s crisis has moved beyond constitutional theory, as its political breakdown now collides with an economy facing some of the heaviest fiscal pressures in the European Union.

Earlier predictions that Fitch could push Romanian sovereign debt into junk territory did not materialize this August. Fitch instead maintained Romania at BBB-, the lowest investment-grade level, while keeping a negative outlook and warning that prolonged political instability could undermine deficit reduction and jeopardize access to European recovery money.

The reprieve should not be confused with economic security. Fitch expects Romania’s economy to contract by roughly 0.6 percent in 2026 and projects a budget deficit of about 5.9 percent of GDP—an improvement from previous years, but still exceptionally high for a BBB-rated state.

S&P has likewise kept Romania at BBB- with a negative outlook. Both agencies have pointed to the ongoing political fragmentation, financing pressures, and the difficulty of sustaining fiscal consolidation while governments rise and fall in Bucharest.

For ordinary Romanians, warnings like these translate into something much more tangible than ratings-agency terminology. They mean higher borrowing costs, increased pressure on household incomes, weaker growth, and further uncertainty over the country’s economic future. That helps explain why anger at political elites has persisted even as officials insist Romania remains firmly anchored inside the EU and NATO.

The nationalist political revolt in Romania also forms part of a wider European trend. From the AfD in Germany and Marine Le Pen’s movement in France to populist forces in Italy, Austria and elsewhere, parties demanding national sovereignty, stricter immigration controls and, increasingly, remigration have forced issues once excluded from respectable debate into the political mainstream.

Romania’s version of that revolt has developed around Georgescu and AUR, whose supporters increasingly compare their struggle with the movement that formed around Donald Trump in the United States. They view sovereignty, national identity, demographic security, economic accountability, and a nationally oriented foreign policy not as threats to democracy, but as core issues that any genuine democracy must be free to decide for itself.

The Romanian establishment—and by extension its backers in Brussels—now faces an uncomfortable problem: attempts to isolate Romania’s traditional, nationalist, and patriotic electorate have not only failed to make it disappear, but have made it much stronger. The collapse of the governing coalition and the cooperation between PSD and AUR have shown that the old cordon sanitaire is becoming harder—if not impossible—to maintain.

The post Romania’s years-long crisis of democratic legitimacy deepens appeared first on Remix News.

En 1648, mientras las tropas suecas saqueaban el castillo de Praga al final de la Guerra de los Treinta Años, alguien cargó entre el botín un volumen que pesaba 75 kilos y necesitaba dos personas para moverlo. Se trataba de un libro, el manuscrito iluminado más grande que se conserva de toda la Edad Media, […]

Estoi prepara-se para receber mais uma edição da Feira do Cavalo, de 2 a 6 de setembro, um dos momentos de maior destaque no calendário cultural da freguesia.

Durante cinco dias, o cavalo, a cultura e as tradições algarvias voltam a ocupar o centro das atenções, num encontro que promete reunir população, visitantes e amantes do mundo equestre.

A XXIII edição apresenta-se como uma celebração das raízes locais, valorizando o património equestre e as tradições que continuam a marcar a identidade do Algarve. Entre demonstrações, momentos de convívio e atividades ligadas ao universo do cavalo, o programa convida a descobrir uma Estoi onde a tradição permanece viva.

Mais do que uma feira dedicada ao cavalo, o evento afirma-se como um espaço de encontro entre gerações e de divulgação da cultura algarvia. O ambiente festivo, a gastronomia, os costumes e a ligação ao mundo rural completam uma programação pensada para proporcionar cinco dias de animação e experiências para toda a comunidade.

Com uma história já consolidada, a Feira do Cavalo regressa assim a Estoi para reafirmar a importância das tradições locais e celebrar a relação entre o homem, o cavalo e a cultura que atravessa gerações.

Durante cinco dias, Estoi volta a ser palco de uma festa onde o passado e o presente se encontram, mantendo viva uma das tradições equestres que fazem parte da identidade algarvia.

La Nato finanzia 50 milioni per testare droni in Ucraina. Leonardo apre a Kiev: l'Italia si piega all'economia di guerra permanente e aggira la sovranità.

Die großen US-Internetkonzerne sind allesamt de facto Tochtergesellschaften der CIA und anderer US-Geheimdienste, da diese sehr früh erkannt haben, welche Macht das Internet mit sich bringt. Im Internet entscheidet sich heute, was die Menschen erfahren und was nicht, über das Netz sind wir gläsern geworden, denn Google und Facebook wissen genau, wann wir wo gewesen […]

Un equipo de arqueólogos, liderado por la Universidad de Bohemia Occidental (UWB), ha sacado a la luz en las proximidades de la localidad de Chleby, en la actual República Checa, una estructura monumental que data de hace más de 6.500 años y que se configura como uno de los centros rituales más antiguos de Europa […]