Police fired teargas and blocked streets in Paris during protests supporting high school student grievances, high prices and the fraying of the social welfare system. A peaceful march was seen to turn violent as rioters threw fireworks around Place de la République in central Paris.
Student protests started last month over absent teachers and decrepit school buildings, and has developed into a bigger movement over cost of living and falling standards. Demonstrations broke out nationwide with hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets in Paris, Marseille, Lille and Nantes
Fundado em 1615, o mais antigo mercado coberto de Paris nasceu com Luis XIII, deveu o seu rebatismo a órfãos, foi salvo em 1994 e totalmente consumido pelas chamas.
Police fire teargas in Paris and Limoges town hall ‘largely lost’ to fire – with officials blaming violence on ‘ultra-left’
More than 1,800 people were arrested in France on Saturday after protesters supporting high school students clashed with police, with some demonstrations later spiralling out of control as buildings were set ablaze and shops looted.
Police fired teargas in confrontations with protesters, as demonstrations across France were boosted by other groups angry about high prices and the fraying of a social welfare system.While hundreds of thousands protested peacefully in street marches in scores of cities, violent fringe groups targeted public buildings, luxury boutiques and supermarkets and attacked police vehicles and officers.
Police fire teargas in Paris and Limoges town hall ‘largely lost’ to fire – with officials blaming violence on ‘ultra-left’
More than 1,800 people were arrested in France on Saturday after protesters supporting high school students clashed with police, with some demonstrations later spiralling out of control as buildings were set ablaze and shops looted.
Police fired teargas in confrontations with protesters, as demonstrations across France were boosted by other groups angry about high prices and the fraying of a social welfare system.While hundreds of thousands protested peacefully in street marches in scores of cities, violent fringe groups targeted public buildings, luxury boutiques and supermarkets and attacked police vehicles and officers.
"You know what I've been doing though recently is Pilates," former vice president Kamala Harris told actor Keke Palmer on an episode of the "Baby, This is Keke Palmer" podcast, posted October 15.
Harris said that, along with a walk with her husband Doug Emhoff, time to cook, and a family dinner, the workout would be part of her perfect Sunday. Harris, who is 61, has no biological children, but she helped co-parent Cole, 32, and Ella, 27, Emhoff's kids from his previous marriage.
Harris said Pilates gives her "an overall feeling of well-being" and helps her feel empowered in her daily life.
"There's so much about empowerment that is about knowing your strength and recognizing it," she said. Through Pilates, which emphasizes the brain-body connection, she said she feels more connected to her physical strength.
"I'm just realizing that there are all of these muscles and areas that I have not been exercising," Harris said.
Originally popular among dancers, models, and celebrities, Pilates has become the workout du jour. It was the most-booked workout on ClassPass globally last year, with bookings up 66% from 2024, beating both strength training and running. And luxury hotels, including some Ritz-Carlton and St Regis locations, have installed Pilates studios as a buzzy luxury amenity.
Harris is in good company — celebs including Jennifer Aniston, Miley Cyrus, and Hailey Bieber have all professed to love it, too.
The longevity boom might also be partially to thank for the spike in Pilates' popularity.
The low-impact form of strength and mobility training uses controlled, precise movements to strengthen the core and the deep muscles that stabilize the joints. It can improve functional strength, posture, and balance — all things that keep a person mobile and independent as they age. A 2021 systematic review published in the journal Physiotherapy found that among the 1,650 participants age 60 or older, those who did Pilates had a significantly lower risk of falling, a serious risk factor for hip fracture, inactivity, and muscle loss.
Harris told Palmer, who qualified as a Pilates instructor earlier this year, that she prefers reformer, where exercises are done on a sliding carriage attached to weighted springs, to mat Pilates.
Harris didn't say how many times a week she does Pilates, but based off her excitement talking about it, she could be on her way to full Pilates girlie status.
Whether it was youngsters proving their skills or state sabotage, Europe’s most hacked country was left with a mountain of waste after food began cooking in freezers
Shortly before midnight last Sunday, the digital thermostats controlling hundreds of supermarket cold aisles across France began to flicker and rise.
In a “bizarre and unprecedented” cyber-attack, hackers had remotely overridden the temperature settings on thousands of freezers, fridges and chiller cabinets pushing them from as low as -27C (-16.6F) to well over 50C (122F).
There is still over an hour before the protagonist appears, but the line already wraps around the block. Dozens of people wait patiently for their turn to see the man who has become the great hope of the Democratic left wing. When he begins to speak, pandemonium breaks out: “My name is Abdul El‑Sayed and I am going to be your next senator in Washington.” Over the next hour, the hundreds gathered in this venue will applaud, laugh, and cheer every word from the mouth of the new star of American politics, who has already made a fitted black T‑shirt and jeans his trademark look. We are in Lansing, Michigan’s capital, where one of the most gripping battles of the midterm elections — just over two weeks away — is being fought.
Abdul El‑Sayed, Democratic candidate for U.S. senator from Michigan, last Thursday after debating Republican Mike Rogers in Grand Rapids, United States.
French authorities are preparing for hundreds of demonstrations on Saturday, 17 October, as student unrest converges with protests over living costs, public spending and government policy. Up to 40,000 demonstrators are expected in Paris, where police and organisers remain divided over march routes.
France is preparing for a nationwide wave of demonstrations on Saturday, 17 October, with approximately 500 protest actions under consideration and more than 90 marches being organised, according to the Interior Ministry. The mobilisation brings together high-school students, trade unions, farmers and supporters of the Yellow Vest movement, raising the prospect of further confrontation after nearly a month of unrest.
Police estimates suggest that around 40,000 demonstrators could gather in Paris, with approximately 150,000 more expected elsewhere in France. The figures remain preliminary, while authorities warn that some protests could involve road blockades, disruption to essential infrastructure and violent clashes.
Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez initially outlined preparations for 250 gatherings and 80 marches on Friday morning. Subsequent assessments from his office indicated that as many as 500 actions were being considered, although not all had been formally organised.
Paris Faces Dispute Over Demonstration Routes
The authorities are particularly concerned about developments in the capital, where negotiations between police and protest organisers have failed to produce agreement over the proposed routes.
Paris police prefect Patrice Faure has rejected proposals for marches terminating near the Opéra district or Place de la Concorde, citing security concerns surrounding central government institutions.
According to details of the security preparations, police have proposed an alternative route between Place de la Bastille and Place de Clichy. The CGT trade union and climate campaigners have accepted the proposal, but student organisations and Yellow Vest representatives continue to oppose it.
Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu has convened an interministerial crisis unit to coordinate the government’s response. Security officials have warned that attempts to obstruct major transport routes or critical infrastructure will not be tolerated.
The Interior Ministry has also indicated that stun grenades, whose use was suspended during the student protests, could again be deployed in cases of particularly serious urban violence.
Yellow Vests Return Amid Rising Living Costs
Saturday’s demonstrations are being promoted as a revival of the Yellow Vest movement, which emerged in 2018 following opposition to fuel taxation before developing into a broader protest against living costs, economic inequality and government policy.
The latest mobilisation has gathered support from organisations demanding measures to address rising fuel, energy and food prices. Campaigners are also challenging the government’s proposed 2027 budget and its implications for public services.
The agricultural union Confédération paysanne has called on farmers to join the demonstrations, arguing that rising agricultural fuel costs and deteriorating conditions in rural communities have increased pressure on producers.
The union has also linked its demands to environmental policy, public-service provision and access to affordable food.
The CGT, student unions and climate organisations have similarly expressed support for the protests, while political backing has come from La France Insoumise and the French Communist Party.
Student Protests Enter Their Fourth Week
The mobilisation follows weeks of demonstrations involving secondary-school pupils, teachers and public-sector workers. What began as protests over shortages of teachers, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating school buildings has developed into a nationwide confrontation over education policy and policing.
As EU Today previously reported, between 400 and 500 secondary schools faced partial or complete disruption earlier this month as students organised blockades and demonstrations.
The movement has subsequently expanded beyond its original educational demands, with student organisations raising concerns about university admissions procedures, police tactics and government spending priorities.
The scale of the unrest has placed considerable pressure on French authorities. According to figures from the Justice Ministry, 6,877 people were placed in police custody during the protests between late September and 8 October, approximately 86 per cent of them minors.
Violence during the demonstrations has resulted in injuries among police officers, students and educational staff. Clashes on 8 October led to 504 arrests and injuries to 48 police officers, according to Interior Ministry figures.
Education Minister Édouard Geffray has announced emergency measures to address teacher shortages, including the deployment of replacement teachers. The ministry says 2,000 of the 3,000 promised replacements have already been assigned, but student organisations maintain that the measures are insufficient.
Growing Pressure on the French Government
The planned demonstrations come as France faces a difficult debate over public spending, taxation and the 2027 budget. Lecornu’s government must balance demands for higher salaries and increased investment in education against mounting pressure to reduce the deficit.
France’s deteriorating public finances have already attracted scrutiny from eurozone partners, while domestic opposition to spending restraint has become a central issue ahead of the 2027 presidential election.
The convergence of student organisations, trade unions and Yellow Vest campaigners could broaden the protests beyond the education sector, particularly if demonstrations over living costs attract participants who have not joined the recent school protests.
However, the extent of that mobilisation remains uncertain. Online protest maps contain substantially more proposed actions than the authorities’ estimates, and participation figures will not be established until Saturday.
For the government, the immediate test will be whether the demonstrations remain peaceful and whether the authorities can prevent disruption to transport networks and public services without provoking further confrontations with protesters.
Le luci e le possibili presenze all’imbocco di vicolo Monte Pio erano state segnalate alla magistratura già nel marzo 2014. È quanto emerge dai documenti consultati da Affaritaliani, tra cui un esposto depositato dal consulente della famiglia di David Rossi e la successiva risposta della Procura di Siena, che ipotizzava la presenza di passanti attratti dall’accaduto. Dodici anni dopo, il RIS dei Carabinieri ha individuato nei filmati dodici sequenze di ombre compatibili con la presenza di una o più persone nella stessa zona.
Le ombre segnalate dal consulente della famiglia nel 2014 e la risposta della Procura di Siena
Dodici anni prima dei nuovi accertamenti del RIS, luci, ombre e possibili presenze nel vicolo dove morì David Rossi erano già state segnalate agli investigatori. A documentarlo sono una tabella cronologica, una ricevuta di deposito del 25 marzo 2014 e una risposta della Procura di Siena del 23 giugno dello stesso anno, tutti documenti visionati da Affaritaliani.
Al centro della ricostruzione c’è vicolo Monte Pio, a Siena, dove il 6 marzo 2013 David Rossi, responsabile della comunicazione del Monte dei Paschi di Siena, rimase a terra dopo essere precipitato dalla finestra del proprio ufficio a Rocca Salimbeni. L’esposto del 2014 era stato presentato dall’ingegner Luca Scarselli, consulente tecnico della famiglia Rossi. Il deposito risulta dalla ricevuta dei Carabinieri del 25 marzo. Tra le carte consultate da Affaritaliani figura anche una tabella cronologica riconducibile agli accertamenti tecnici svolti per la famiglia in quel periodo, nella quale vengono elencati numerosi eventi osservati nelle registrazioni della videosorveglianza.
Le annotazioni sono particolarmente interessanti alla luce delle nuove analisi. Alle 20:05:12 viene indicata una possibile persona in via dei Rossi, sul lato destro del vicolo. Alle 20:05:44 la tabella segnala un’altra presenza all’imboccatura, mentre alle 20:06:44 compare un’ombra. Alle 20:07:33 è annotata una sagoma che sembrerebbe affacciarsi e alle 20:13:11 un’ulteriore possibile presenza all’ingresso del vicolo.
Si tratta delle interpretazioni contenute nel documento del 2014, non di persone identificate. Gli orari riportati sono quelli associati alle registrazioni della telecamera e devono essere distinti dall’orario effettivo della precipitazione.
La risposta della Procura del 2014: “Passanti, attratti probabilmente dall’accaduto”
Il particolare più significativo emerge dalla risposta della Procura di Siena del 23 giugno 2014, indirizzata al giudice per le indagini preliminari.
L’atto ricorda espressamente l’esposto di Scarselli, nel quale venivano rappresentate la presenza di luci all’ingresso del vicolo, quella di persone, la possibile caduta di un piccolo oggetto e alcune discrepanze temporali tra il contatore del video e l’orario della telecamera. La Procura, tuttavia, considerava questi elementi insufficienti per giustificare nuove indagini, richiamando anche la precedente archiviazione.
“Altresì che non possono peraltro essere ritenuti elementi nuovi o comunque influenti quelli evidenziati dall’Ing. SCARSELLI nella integrazione di C.T., posto che si evidenzia la presenza di alcune persone e di luci che nessuna relazione causale hanno con l’evento mortale verificatosi, ben spiegabile con la circostanza che, pur trattandosi di un vicolo, era pur sempre una via pubblica e, quindi, frequentata da passanti, attratti probabilmente dall’accaduto. Lo stesso è a dirsi sia per quanto riguarda le luci che per un momento hanno illuminato il vicolo, sia per la traccia lasciata dalla caduta di un piccolo oggetto non meglio definito, mentre sugli scostamenti temporali già si è pronunciato codesto Giudice”.
La posizione espressa allora dai magistrati era dunque precisa: le presenze e le luci segnalate non venivano considerate elementi nuovi o influenti sull’accertamento della morte di Rossi, perché ritenute prive di relazione causale con l’evento. La frequentazione del vicolo da parte di possibili passanti incuriositi veniva indicata come spiegazione plausibile. Ma proprio questa interpretazione solleva un ulteriore interrogativo. Se si fosse davvero trattato di passanti incuriositi dall’accaduto e questi avessero visto Rossi a terra, ancora vivo e in pericolo, senza prestargli assistenza né avvisare immediatamente le autorità, non sarebbe stato necessario valutare anche un’eventuale omissione di soccorso? L’articolo 593 del Codice penale prevede infatti l’obbligo di prestare l’assistenza occorrente o dare immediato avviso all’autorità quando ci si imbatte in una persona ferita o altrimenti in pericolo.
Naturalmente, per ipotizzare concretamente tale responsabilità occorrerebbe stabilire chi fosse eventualmente presente nel vicolo, cosa avesse visto e come si fosse comportato. La sola rilevazione delle ombre non consente di accertarlo. Nel 2014 la Procura riteneva che quelle segnalazioni non giustificassero ulteriori attività investigative e trasmetteva gli atti integrati al giudice per le indagini preliminari per conoscenza ed eventuali valutazioni.
Le nuove analisi del RIS: dodici sequenze e le corrispondenze con il 2014
Il 12 ottobre 2026, alla Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sulla morte di David Rossi, sono stati illustrati i nuovi accertamenti del RIS dei Carabinieri di Roma sulle registrazioni di vicolo Monte Pio. La presentazione tecnica di 75 pagine, consultata da Affaritaliani, ricostruisce l’analisi dei filmati e gli esperimenti condotti il 22 giugno 2026, attraverso rilievi tridimensionali, simulazioni dei transiti automobilistici e verifiche sulle ombre proiettate dai fari sulla parete di Palazzo Salimbeni.
I Carabinieri hanno individuato dodici macro-eventi tra le 20:04:01 e le 20:14:28, con variazioni luminose compatibili con la presenza di uno o più corpi umani nella zona non direttamente inquadrata dalla telecamera.
Ed è proprio confrontando gli orari che emerge l’aspetto più interessante.
La tabella attribuita a Scarselli indicava un possibile soggetto alle 20:05:12. Il RIS individua il terzo macro-evento tra le 20:05:12 e le 20:05:18. L’annotazione del 2014 delle 20:05:44 coincide con l’inizio del quarto macro-evento; quella delle 20:06:44 con la conclusione del quinto. Lo stesso accade alle 20:07:33, orario finale del sesto evento, e alle 20:13:11, conclusione dell’undicesimo. Cinque riferimenti temporali presenti nella tabella del 2014 coincidono dunque con l’inizio o la fine di sequenze individuate dal RIS nel 2026. È un riscontro documentale rilevante, anche se non dimostra che ogni interpretazione formulata dodici anni prima fosse corretta o che le ombre appartenessero a persone diverse.
Il nuovo lavoro tecnico ha inoltre individuato cinque possibili posizioni all’imbocco del vicolo, contrassegnate dalle lettere A, B, C, D ed E. Dalle prime due sarebbe stato possibile vedere direttamente parti del corpo di Rossi a terra; dalla posizione E la visuale sarebbe stata limitata ai piedi. Dalle posizioni C e D, invece, gli edifici avrebbero impedito di vedere la vittima.
Secondo la presentazione RIS, dall’esame dei filmati emergerebbero inoltre movimenti degli arti superiori e della testa di Rossi fino alle 20:17:36, mentre l’ultimo movimento respiratorio percepibile viene collocato alle 20:20:13.
Su questi elementi si è espresso anche Gianluca Vinci, presidente della Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta, che dopo la presentazione dei nuovi accertamenti ha dichiarato: “La novità più dirompente di oggi è che non era un passante”. Secondo Vinci, una o più persone avrebbero avuto un ruolo attivo nel presidiare il vicolo e nell’ostacolare i soccorsi mentre Rossi si trovava ancora a terra. Il presidente della Commissione ha inoltre prospettato una ricostruzione che coinvolgerebbe almeno quattro o cinque persone, con verosimilmente due soggetti incaricati di bloccare l’accesso al vicolo e altri presenti nell’ufficio di Rossi prima della precipitazione. Vinci ha indicato anche una possibile pista legata alla criminalità organizzata, facendo riferimento ad ambienti della Bassa Mantovana e della Bassa Reggiana e a possibili collegamenti con la ‘ndrangheta. Il presidente ha descritto l’ipotesi di un’azione compiuta da un’organizzazione strutturata, anziché da singoli individui mossi da un impulso improvviso.
I documenti del 2014 e le nuove verifiche: che cosa cambia dopo dodici anni
Il confronto tra gli atti consultati da Affaritaliani e gli ultimi accertamenti evidenzia una differenza fondamentale.
Nel 2014 la Procura di Siena era già stata informata delle osservazioni su luci e possibili presenze nel vicolo, ma le aveva considerate non influenti ai fini dell’indagine, prospettando la presenza di passanti attratti dall’accaduto. Nel 2026 il RIS ha invece svolto una nuova verifica tecnico-scientifica, individuando dodici sequenze di ombre antropomorfe, studiandone la possibile origine e ricostruendo le posizioni dalle quali sarebbe stato possibile vedere Rossi a terra.
La conclusione del RIS riguarda la compatibilità delle ombre con presenze umane, non l’identificazione dei soggetti né l’attribuzione di responsabilità. Il nuovo esame, tuttavia, consente oggi di tornare su alcune delle segnalazioni che erano state sottoposte alla magistratura oltre dodici anni prima.
Spetterà all’autorità giudiziaria valutare quale rilievo attribuire alle nuove risultanze e se siano necessari ulteriori accertamenti.
David Rossi, i documenti sulle ombre nel vicolo
Affaritaliani mette a disposizione dei lettori la presentazione tecnica RIS illustrata alla Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta, insieme alla documentazione del 2014 nelle versioni predisposte per la pubblicazione.
De acuerdo con cifras del Ministerio de Justicia Francés, el 85 por ciento de las personas detenidas son menores de edad, mientras más de 2.700 enfrentan procedimientos judiciales.
Kamala Harris considera que Joe Biden "não usou o seu poder para travar a conduta terrível do governo de Israel na guerra em Gaza”. Já Trump deu a Netanyahu "um cheque em branco", afirma.
Seguro continua popular, mas apanha da esquerda à direita. Estará a virar figura decorativa? E ainda, o duelo de alemães e franceses pelos 44,9% da TAP, Greta Thunberg em Paris e a Netflix no Mundial.
Está de regresso ao mercado o pequeno Smart com apenas dois lugares. O #2 é um citadino puramente eléctrico, mas agora oferece mais argumentos e uma autonomia muito superior.
A Volkswagen decidiu acabar com os seus eléctricos ID. 4 e ID. 5, substituindo-os pelo novo ID. Tiguan, que começa a chegar aos clientes no início de 2027, com duas baterias e três níveis de potência.
O novo ID. Tiguan é o SUV eléctrico que substitui os conhecidos ID. 4 e ID. 5
Nas ruas de Marina Bay foi hoje realizado o único treino livre para o GP de Singapura, a 17ª etapa da temporada 2026 da Fórmula 1. George Russel foi o detentor da volta mais rápida, com o crono de 1:32,274s, na frente de Charles Leclerc (+0,198s) e Lando Norris (+0,273s).
Neste final de semana em Marina Bay, contemplando corrida Sprint, as equipas não vão ter outra oportunidade, em treino livre, para efetuarem mais afinações das máquinas, já que, mais logo terá lugar a Classificação – SQ1, SQ2 e SQ3 – para formação da grelha de partida da Sprint.
Conforme esperado, tendo em conta a previsão do tempo, o início das atividades deste final de semana já se realizaram com o tempo bastante quente. A temperatura ambiente chegava aos 32ºC e a do asfalto aos 50ºC. A humidade relativa do ar estava na casa de 60%.
Para este primeiro contacto com o circuito, quase todos os pilotos optaram por usar pneus duros, à exceção de Valtteri Bottas, que optou por médios. E os primeiros dez minutos Max Verstappen era quem completava a volta mais rápida (1:35,641s) – longe, portanto, do crono final da sessão – mas já seguido por George Russell (que terá de pagar a punição por substituir o motor nesta etapa), enquanto Lewis Hamilton surgia a fechar o trio mais veloz.
Vale a pena destacar que as condições que os pilotos encaram neste treino livre não serão as mesmas que irão enfrentar durante a Classificação para a corrida Sprint, uma vez que o sol já se terá posto e as temperaturas deverão baixar ligeiramente (ou bastante ?).
Outro detalhe observado, é o de que a pista estava bastante empoeirada e suja nesta sessão inicial, mas à medida que os pilotos vinham completando voltas, a borracha deixada no piso melhorava as condições.
(Imagem colhida da emissão da Sport Tv3)
Mais algum tempo passava e quem saltava para a liderança era Lando Norris (1:34,367s), seguido de Max Verstappen, mas rodavam com os compostos mais duros (pelo relvado) com intuito de preservarem os médios a fim de concretizarem melhor desempenho na tomada de tempos que antecede a Sprint.
Cerca de metade do tempo do treino cumprido, Leclerc era o novo líder, mas acabava por ser superado por Russell uma vez mais, com Hadjar, Antonelli e Norris no top-5. Mais atrás, Bortoleto era o décimo colocado, mas outros pilotos começavam a baixar os seus registos.
E com o tempo disponível quase esgotado, George Russell terminava a sessão com a melhor volta do dia em 1:32,274s, com Leclerc, Norris, Hamilton e Piastri no top-5. Antonelli ficava apenas na sétima posição e Bortoleto na 16ª posição, ainda assim, na frente de Hülkenberg (18º). A Audi apresentou neste GP os seus carros com cores de tonalidade azul.
Os tempos averbados no único treino livre para o GP de Singapura foram estes:
1) George Russell (Mercedes), 1:32.274 2) Charles Leclerc (Ferrari), 1:32.472 3) Lando Norris (McLaren), 1:32.547 4) Lewis Hamilton (Ferrari), 1:32.773 5) Oscar Piastri (McLaren), 1:32.838 6) Max Verstappen (Red Bull Racing), 1:33.006 7) Kimi Antonelli (Mercedes), 1:33.525 8) Isack Hadjar (Red Bull Racing), 1:33.723 9) Pierre Gasly (Alpine), 1:34.038 10) Liam Lawson (Racing Bulls), 1:34.155 11) Oliver Bearman (Haas F1 Team), 1:34.331 12) Arvid Lindblad (Racing Bulls), 1:34.476 13) Esteban Ocon (Haas F1 Team), 1:34.481 14) Fernando Alonso (Aston Martin), 1:34.495 15) Carlos Sainz (Williams), 1:34.651 16) Gabriel Bortoleto (Audi), 1:34.736 17) Alexander Albon (Williams), 1:34.805 18) Nico Hulkenberg (Audi), 1:34.884 19) Franco Colapinto (Alpine), 1:34.983 20) Lance Stroll (Aston Martin), 1:35.268 21) Sergio Perez (Cadillac), 1:35.299 22) Valtteri Bottas (Cadillac), 1:35.620
France’s schools are burning, police officers are being injured, barricades are appearing outside classrooms and teenagers are being drawn into confrontations that have travelled a very considerable distance from complaints about absent teachers and dilapidated buildings.
Hovering over this combustible mixture is Jean-Luc Mélenchon. The leader of La France Insoumise (LFI) insists that his movement neither controls nor directs France’s extraordinary wave of student protest. He has now explicitly advocated non-violent methods. That defence deserves to be recorded.
But it does not dispose of an uncomfortable political question: who benefits when legitimate teenage frustration is transformed into a wider revolt against the French state?
For Mélenchon, the answer is potentially obvious. The disturbances began with genuine grievances. Pupils complained about teacher shortages, overcrowding, poor facilities and the pressures of the French education system. The original protests in Créteil appear to have been spontaneous rather than the creation of a political party. That distinction matters. France’s teenagers should not collectively be caricatured as revolutionaries simply because some demonstrations subsequently descended into violence.
But what followed was something quite different. Schools were attacked and fires started. Cars were torched. Explosive fireworks and other projectiles were directed at police. By October 1st, Reuters reported hundreds of arrests and incidents of arson in several French cities. French intelligence agencies, according to a source close to the prime minister cited by Reuters, told a government crisis meeting that hard-left politicians had played a role in initiating the spreading protests. LFI emphatically denied the allegation.
That dispute should not obscure what is visible. LFI politicians have been remarkably eager to place themselves alongside the protesters. MPs Clémence Guetté and Louis Boyard appeared at the original Créteil mobilisation; Boyard turned his intervention into a TikTok video reportedly watched 1.5 million times. Other LFI representatives have similarly appeared around demonstrations. Le Monde describes the party as closely following protests and notes that this proximity simultaneously strengthens LFI’s relationship with young voters and leaves it associated with the movement when violence erupts.
Where Mélenchon’s political opportunism deserves scrutiny.
France is heading towards the 2027 presidential election. Younger voters are potentially one of Mélenchon’s greatest political assets, but also one of his greatest organisational problems: sympathy does not automatically become votes when younger citizens disproportionately abstain.
Recent polling reported by Le Monde put Mélenchon above 40 per cent among 18-to-24-year-olds in some presidential scenarios. LFI coordinator Manuel Bompard has openly acknowledged the opportunity, saying the movement has enormous room for growth among young people.
One hardly requires Machiavelli to understand the calculation. A generation of teenagers that believes itself ignored by government is politically interesting. A generation persuaded that it is being oppressed by government is considerably more useful.
The transformation is crucial. The original argument concerned teachers, classrooms and school buildings. The developing political narrative encompasses police violence, racism, inequality, Palestine, the far right and hostility towards the political establishment.
Mélenchon did not invent all these causes, nor is there evidence that he commands the young protesters like troops. But LFI understands political insurgency extremely well. Its political vocabulary depends upon conflict between ordinary citizens and an allegedly discredited establishment.
A spontaneous youth rebellion therefore offers almost perfect terrain. Mélenchon initially called upon supporters to “interpose” themselves against what he described as police savagery. Only as images of burning schools, vandalism and violent confrontation became increasingly politically toxic did he place greater emphasis upon non-violence, telling supporters that setting things on fire undermined their cause.
Perhaps that was sincere. But it also illustrates the danger of playing political games with youthful anger. It is relatively easy to tell teenagers that authority is their enemy, the far-left have sung this tune since the 1960’s. It is considerably harder, however, to regain control when confrontation develops its own momentum.
For years, public discussion of “political violence” has often been dominated by the threat from the extreme right. That threat is real and should never be minimised. Indeed, British Prevent statistics for the year ending September 2025 provide an important corrective to anyone claiming that extremism as a whole is overwhelmingly left-wing: 2,103 referrals concerned extreme-right ideology, compared with only 32 categorised as left-wing extremism.
But terrorism statistics and street politics are not the same thing. Europe also has a long-established tradition of violence emerging from anarchist, autonomist and revolutionary-left protest cultures: black-bloc tactics, attacks on police, destruction of property, arson and attempts to turn demonstrations into confrontations with the state. The current French disturbances make it legitimate to ask whether this form of political violence receives the same sustained political scrutiny as violence associated with the extreme right.
In Britain, too, claims of ideological double standards should be examined rather than assumed. Violence and intimidation occurring around demonstrations should be judged according to conduct, not according to whether those responsible march beneath banners fashionable on the Left or Right.
The correct principle is remarkably uncomplicated: political violence is political violence.
Throwing an explosive firework at a policeman does not become morally superior because the person throwing it considers himself anti-fascist. Burning a school does not become progressive because the person holding the match claims to oppose inequality. Intimidation does not become activism merely because its perpetrator believes his politics virtuous.
Nor, conversely, should peaceful demonstrators be branded extremists because violent individuals attach themselves to their cause.
This is a particularly important point in France because there is evidence that radical groups have attached themselves to genuine student grievances. Education Minister Édouard Geffray has distinguished protesting pupils from violent “ultra-left” elements. Former environment minister Delphine Batho, herself once a school-student union leader, has warned of the movement being taken over by the far left and urged pupils to preserve their independence.
Those pupils would do well to heed the warning. Their complaints may be legitimate. They have every democratic right to demonstrate. And allegations of disproportionate police violence must themselves be investigated: teenagers have suffered serious injuries and France has opened internal investigations into police actions.
Young people should ask themselves who is standing behind them — and why?
Mélenchon wants political change. He wants young voters mobilised. LFI wants to convert social discontent into an electoral force capable of reshaping France.
There is nothing inherently illegitimate about that ambition. Every political party attempts to convert public dissatisfaction into votes. The troubling point comes when politicians discover that confrontation itself is electorally useful.
The French government undoubtedly has incentives of its own to emphasise LFI involvement. By presenting the crisis primarily as an extremist public-order problem, ministers can divert attention from the failings in schools that produced the original demonstrations.
But that does not absolve Mélenchon. A responsible politician confronted by angry teenagers should attempt to reduce the temperature while addressing their grievances. An opportunist sees an emerging political constituency.
The danger for France is that its young people cease being participants in a legitimate argument about education and become raw material in somebody else’s struggle for power.
Once that happens, the classroom has ceased to be the issue, and barricades become the political objective.
Riot police confront students in Paris. Around 450,000 people came out across the country to protest, including 100,000 in the French capital, according to organizers.
Demonstration in Rennes, in western France, on Tuesday. Around 900 educational centers out of a national total of 3,700 suspended classes either partially or completely, according to the Education Ministry.
Violence has returned to the streets of France today as far-Left protesters lead clashes with police amid warnings that demonstrators have been told to "bring knives" and "stab civilians".
Filippos Kambouris, a Trash TV presenter and president of the right-wing populist LAOS party, has been arrested over his alleged leading role in a scheme to defraud the Greek state to the tune of millions of euros. Citing police sources, media noted later on Tuesday according to preliminary findings losses to e-EFKA and the Greek […]
The beloved video game Tetris has a fascinating, complicated history. While the Tetris Company (TTC) claims exclusive rights to the geometric pieces at the heart of the game, known as tetrominoes, history shows that the Russian engineer and game designer duo behind TTC did not, in fact, own them. In this excerpt of Soviet Blocks: The Bizarre Puzzle of How Tetris Embraced Western Values, Julien Mailland traces Tetris’s journey from the Soviet Union to the West, and shows how the game is a lens through which to view two very different systems.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, Belikov and Patjinov — who by then had teamed up with Nintendo’s fixer Henk Rogers — sued each other over the rights to the game in federal court in New York. Pajitnov had very little going for him. The USSR did not recognize software copyright, or any private property for that matter other than for household pots and pans. Further, he developed the game on his work computer during work hours, which under U.S. legal principles would make it his employer’s property.
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