Un estudiante de 23 años, con una máscara antigás, conversa con otros activistas a apenas un metro de los antidisturbios ante el Ministerio de Educación. El edificio aún tiene los cristales de las ventanas rotos tras nueve días de protestas violentas. Es miércoles y la ciudad parece un campo de batalla donde se ha acordado una pequeña tregua entre las partes. Muchos comercios céntricos tienen el cierre metálico echado con un pequeño cartel que dice: “No nos hagáis destrozos. Estamos con vosotros”. Los antidisturbios se han empleado a fondo durante una semana y media para contener las protestas de jóvenes que reclaman la dimisión del primer ministro, Edi Rama, tras cuatro mandatos y 12 años en el cargo.
Manifestantes hacían gestos a los agentes de policía antidisturbios durante una protesta estudiantil contra el Gobierno en Tirana (Albania), el 21 de octubre de 2026.
Each country’s protesters have distinct grievances. Listen to them, not the voices telling us Europe is ungovernable
Last Saturday night, the town hall of Limoges in west-central France was set ablaze. By Sunday, images of the fire destroying a symbol of the French republic, and other scenes of unrest across France, were everywhere, but being used to tell very different stories about what is happening in Europe.
For some, the flames announced a pan-European youth revolt, proof that a single movement was sweeping the continent. Donald Trump, who had already insisted that the French schools protests were not about schools but about migration and Islam, urged Europeans to “close the borders”. The mayor of Limoges saw the fingerprints of an alleged ultra-left insurrection.
Alberto Alemanno is the Jean Monnet professor of EU law at HEC Paris and the founder of The Good Lobby
France readers Q&A: Guardian Europe columnists Rokhaya Diallo and Alexander Hurst will be live taking questions from our readers about the unrest in France from at 1500 BST / 1600 CEST on Friday 23 October. Send your questions by email now to conversations@theguardian.com or post questions in the comments from 0900 BST here.
Francia, Albania, Italia, Portugal, España… Las protestas impulsadas por la generación Z se han extendido en las últimas semanas por toda Europa. ¿Es casualidad que coincidan en el tiempo? ¿Se pueden relacionar las reivindicaciones de los diferentes países? En este nuevo episodio de ‘El AltavoZ’, un formato que analiza las tendencias y problemáticas de la generación Z, salimos a la calle para recoger la opinión de los jóvenes españoles y contrastarla con el análisis del consultor político Antoni Gutiérrez-Rubí.
Since high school students began protesting in France in September, they’ve been joined by young demonstrators in at least seven other European countries.
As autoridades francesas prometeram uma presença policial “massiva” para os protestos planejados para sábado (24) e impuseram toques de recolher localizados pelo segundo dia consecutivo, enquanto o país lida com as consequências dos piores distúrbios vistos em anos.
As medidas ocorrem após protestos relacionados à educação e ao custo de vida terem se transformado, no fim de semana, em uma onda de violência letal por todo o país — cenário que desencadeou uma troca de acusações no campo político interno e ameaça se espalhar para países vizinhos na Europa.
O primeiro-ministro Sébastien Lecornu afirmou que os “toques de recolher pontuais” ajudaram a manter a calma durante a noite de segunda (19) para terça-feira (20). Ele admitiu que os serviços de inteligência falharam ao identificar a gravidade da situação e reconheceu que as estratégias de segurança adotadas anteriormente eram estáticas demais.
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A polícia de Paris anunciou um toque de recolher noturno, a partir das 23h de terça-feira, nas áreas mais afetadas — nos arredores da Place de la République e de Les Halles. Outras cidades, incluindo Bordeaux e Lille, também vão adotar a medida.
O ministro do Interior, Laurent Nuñez, declarou aos parlamentares na Assembleia Nacional que lamenta profundamente a violência ocorrida no fim de semana e assumiu parte da responsabilidade, ao mesmo tempo em que apontou o papel de opositores políticos e dos envolvidos nos atos de destruição.
“Assumo minha parcela de responsabilidade, mas não gostaria que esquecêssemos a responsabilidade significativa de um determinado campo político que não hesita em jogar lenha na fogueira, nem a responsabilidade dos próprios agitadores”, disse Nuñez.
A UNEF, principal sindicato estudantil da França, convocou novos protestos para sábado e afirmou que o movimento não cessará até que suas reivindicações sejam atendidas. A CGT, uma das maiores centrais sindicais do país, informou que participará das manifestações, defendendo que elas sejam pacíficas.
Os toques de recolher foram implementados após a prisão de mais de 2 mil pessoas no último fim de semana. O saldo inclui pelo menos duas mortes e relatos de ferimentos graves — incluindo duas pessoas que perderam as mãos.
A polícia utilizou gás lacrimogêneo contra as multidões e entrou em confronto com manifestantes encapuzados e vestidos de preto, que atearam fogo a diversos locais e invadiram milhares de lojas e prédios públicos.
As repercussões políticas podem ser significativas, aprofundando as divisões entre os principais partidos, a apenas seis meses da eleição para suceder o presidente francês, Emmanuel Macron.
A grande maioria dos manifestantes tem agido de forma pacífica, ressaltam autoridades e líderes políticos — mas o nível de confrontos e destruição abalou o país e provocou condenações contundentes, tanto por parte de líderes quanto da população.
“Aqueles que destruíram devem pagar”, disse Macron na noite de domingo. “Aqueles que saquearam devem arcar com as consequências. Aqueles que tentaram derrubar a República serão responsabilizados.”
Ele também prometeu realizar reuniões esta semana para discutir “propostas concretas” e ouvir as demandas dos manifestantes — mas muitos deles permanecem céticos.
Como tudo começou?
Tudo teve início em setembro, com uma greve de estudantes e professores em uma escola de ensino médio nos subúrbios de Paris, que exigiam mais funcionários e recursos. As reivindicações foram atendidas e a greve terminou — mas o episódio serviu como uma faísca que logo se espalhou por todo o país.
Estudantes de várias regiões, há muito frustrados com um sistema educacional superlotado e com falta de pessoal, iniciaram protestos que, por vezes, tornaram-se violentos. Uma resposta policial excessivamente dura alimentou a indignação popular e levou centenas de milhares de pessoas às ruas, especialmente após a circulação de vídeos que mostravam um policial utilizando uma técnica de imobilização proibida contra uma jovem.
Em poucas semanas, os protestos ganharam força e se transformaram em um movimento mais amplo, indo além dos estudantes e refletindo um descontentamento generalizado com o custo de vida, a suposta inação do governo, o crescente abismo de riqueza e um profundo desejo por mudanças sociais e políticas.
“Isso não pode continuar”, disse Maria Pallas, de 57 anos, integrante de um importante sindicato francês, em entrevista à CNN durante o protesto realizado no sábado, em Paris.
“Há a questão do custo de vida. Há o desemprego. Há uma série de problemas. Um jovem sai em busca de trabalho, prometem-lhe muita coisa, mas, no fim, ele acaba sem nada”, afirmou.
O que aconteceu neste fim de semana?
Mais de meio milhão de pessoas manifestaram-se por toda a França no sábado. Na maior parte, as manifestações transcorreram de forma pacífica. Contudo, em vários locais, os protestos descambaram para a violência, especialmente ao cair da noite.
Em Paris, grupos de jovens mascarados saquearam lojas e atearam fogo a estabelecimentos; em Lyon, manifestantes incendiaram o posto de turismo da cidade; na cidade de Limoges, no centro do país, a torre de uma prefeitura de 143 anos desabou em meio às chamas — um episódio que, para alguns, trouxe à tona lembranças dolorosas do incêndio da Catedral de Notre-Dame. Cerca de 3 mil lojas foram saqueadas em todo o país, informou o ministro da Justiça, Gérald Darmanin, na terça-feira.
No domingo, também ocorreram focos isolados de protestos.
Ao final do fim de semana, Paris parecia uma “zona de guerra”, relatou um visitante à agência Reuters. Moradores de Paris e de outras cidades francesas ficaram chocados; alguns condenaram os saqueadores e vândalos, enquanto outros culparam as autoridades por não terem lidado com a crise mais cedo.
“É de partir o coração, é de partir o coração ver nossa cidade assim”, disse Farida, uma moradora de Marselha de 59 anos — que não revelou seu sobrenome —, segundo a Reuters. “Se todo protesto termina com vitrines quebradas e lojas destruídas, isso simplesmente não pode continuar — não pode continuar.”
Paola Formenti, uma moradora de Paris de 56 anos, expressou apoio à indignação “legítima” dos manifestantes, ao mesmo tempo em que condenou a violência.
O que vem a seguir, e será que os protestos vão se espalhar?
Os protestos e suas consequências podem influenciar as próximas eleições na França, na primavera do ano que vem.
A líder da direita, Marine Le Pen, que lidera as pesquisas de intenção de voto, afirmou neste fim de semana que “reivindicações sociais legítimas foram, mais uma vez, feitas reféns pela extrema-esquerda”. Seu rival da extrema-esquerda, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, defendeu repetidamente o direito dos estudantes de protestar.
Também ocorreram manifestações em outras partes da Europa no último fim de semana.
Na Bélgica, estudantes protestaram contra a situação do sistema educacional do país. Em Portugal, dezenas de milhares de pessoas marcharam em Lisboa no sábado para protestar contra o aumento do custo de vida e a crise habitacional no país.
Na Itália, Milão também registrou duas noites consecutivas de distúrbios neste fim de semana, resultando em prejuízos de cerca de 1 milhão de euros, segundo autoridades. Manifestantes atiraram pedras e saquearam supermercados; a polícia respondeu com gás lacrimogêneo e jatos d’água, efetuando 32 prisões.
O comércio só reabriu na terça-feira, após o governo anunciar uma série de medidas para lidar com os protestos violentos.
Entre elas, está a criação de um novo tipo penal: a “participação violenta em manifestação”. Os infratores podem enfrentar até cinco anos de prisão e multas de até 20 mil euros.
A primeira-ministra italiana, Giorgia Meloni, afirmou que a pena aumenta caso o manifestante esteja com o rosto coberto, cause ferimentos a terceiros ou se um grupo de manifestantes praticar atos de vandalismo contra o patrimônio.
Como parte das novas medidas, os manifestantes — ou os pais daqueles que forem menores de idade — deverão arcar com os custos de quaisquer danos pelos quais sejam responsáveis.
Além disso, menores de idade agora podem ser submetidos à detenção preventiva, medida anteriormente restrita a adultos. A primeira-ministra mencionou que uma criança de 11 anos estava entre os manifestantes mais jovens identificados em Milão.
O ministro da Justiça da Itália, Carlo Nordio, declarou que aqueles que utilizarem as redes sociais para organizar protestos violentos poderão enfrentar penas de até 12 anos de prisão.
Meloni informou ainda que 500 militares adicionais serão enviados a Milão até o final do ano para apoiar as forças de segurança. Também serão abertas novas vagas em centros de detenção juvenil para acomodar um número maior de jovens detidos.
Enquanto isso, na Albânia, estudantes têm saído às ruas há meses para protestar contra o que consideram ser corrupção governamental. As manifestações na capital, Tirana, tornaram-se violentas neste fim de semana; uma pessoa foi fotografada lançando um coquetel molotov contra a tropa de choque.
Autoridades em vários desses países condenaram a violência e pediram calma. Os protestos chamaram a atenção da Casa Branca: o vice-presidente JD Vance publicou na rede social X um vídeo da prefeitura de Limoges em chamas, atribuindo os distúrbios a uma política de imigração fracassada.
O presidente dos EUA, Donald Trump, também mencionou os protestos durante um comício na Geórgia neste fim de semana, brincando: “Vamos para a França, participar da revolução e gastar nossos US$ 5 mil lá” — referindo-se ao dividendo prometido caso os republicanos vençam as eleições de meio de mandato.
(Com informações de Pierre Bairin, Max Saltman, Joseph Ataman, Niamh Kennedy, Lisa Courbebaisse, Lucie Lepellec, Catherine Nicholls, Sana Noor Haq, James Legge, Sharon Braithwaite, Stefano Pozzebon, Issy Ronald, Melissa Bell, Sarah Hutter, Hira Humayun e Antonia Mortensen, da CNN)
In France, it was the piles of wheelie bins stacked up against school entrances that first hinted at the scale of student anger over crumbling classrooms and teacher shortages. In Spain, it was a tent camp that steadily grew in the heart of the capital as residents railed against soaring housing costs.
Similar scenes have since sprung up in Belgium, Italy and Portugal, and clashes have convulsed Albania’s capital of Tirana, hinting at an autumn of protests across Europe.
In France, it was the piles of wheelie bins stacked up against school entrances that first hinted at the scale of student anger over crumbling classrooms and teacher shortages. In Spain, it was a tent camp that steadily grew in the heart of the capital as residents railed against soaring housing costs.
Similar scenes have since sprung up in Belgium, Italy and Portugal, and clashes have convulsed Albania’s capital of Tirana, hinting at an autumn of protests across Europe.
Students, teachers and civil servants have shown up in Athens, with demonstrations also in Thessaloniki and other cities
Meanwhile, back to Witkoff’s meeting with Putin in St Petersburg, the US president, Donald Trump, has just welcomed the release of Stephen Hubbard, a US citizen held by Moscow on allegations of fighting as a mercenary for Ukraine (11:24).
“Stephen Hubbard, taken four years ago by Russia during the Biden Administration, was just released from prison, at the request of President Donald J. Trump, made directly to President Vladimir Putin in a telephone conversation last week.
Stephen is on his way back home and will soon be with his family. The United States, out of respect for President Trump, was not required to give anything in return - an unprecedented situation for Russia. There was no “swap” necessary for this release.
Students, teachers and civil servants have shown up in Athens, with demonstrations also in Thessaloniki and other cities
Meanwhile, back to Witkoff’s meeting with Putin in St Petersburg, the US president, Donald Trump, has just welcomed the release of Stephen Hubbard, a US citizen held by Moscow on allegations of fighting as a mercenary for Ukraine (11:24).
“Stephen Hubbard, taken four years ago by Russia during the Biden Administration, was just released from prison, at the request of President Donald J. Trump, made directly to President Vladimir Putin in a telephone conversation last week.
Stephen is on his way back home and will soon be with his family. The United States, out of respect for President Trump, was not required to give anything in return - an unprecedented situation for Russia. There was no “swap” necessary for this release.
Students and demonstrators gather in Tirana for an eighth day of protests, calling for the prime minister's resignation over corruption, job shortages and poor education standards
Violent demonstrations have rocked Europe as protesters call for action over poor university conditions, high tuition fees, corruption, housing costs and the high cost of living
In Paris, students have protested over shortages of teachers, overcrowded classrooms and deteriorating school buildings.
In Spain, the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal — who died on 7 October — became a rallying point for housing protests.
In Tirana, students joined wider demonstrations over education costs and corruption allegations.
These are not parts of a single movement, and the protests do not have one common cause. But they bring into focus a shared challenge: whether young people can see a credible route from education to decent work, and from financial dependence to a life of their own.
France: school conditions shape the starting line
Since September, French students have demonstrated over teacher shortages, overcrowded classes and deteriorating school buildings. Their demands concern more than the day-to-day running of schools. They also raise a question about equal opportunity: can public education give every student the tools to move forward, regardless of where they live or what their family can afford?
The wider figures help explain why that question matters.
In 2025, 25.5 percent of people aged 15–29 in France were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, compared with 24.2 percent across the EU, according to Eurostat.
In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s stood at 20.6 percent, against 8.2 percent for the population as a whole. The corresponding EU rates were 15.4 percent and 6.1 percent.
These figures do not show that school shortages cause youth unemployment. They do show how difficult the step from education into work remains for many young people and why well-resourced schools matter most in areas with the fewest opportunities.
Housing can make that transition harder still. In Paris, one-in-two private tenants under 30 spends more than 51 percent of their income on rent. A Eurostat indicator also shows that 70 percent of 20–24-year-olds and 25 percent of 25–29-year-olds either live with their parents or are financially connected to their household.
France scored 66 out of 100 and ranked 27th of 182 countries in Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The index measures perceptions of public-sector corruption, not the number of proven incidents. It does not explain the school protests, but it underlines why transparency and accountability matter when public services and resources are at stake.
Spain: when housing delays independence
Abascal’s eviction from the Madrid flat where she had lived for decades prompted demonstrations in several Spanish cities and renewed calls for stronger tenant protections. Her case was not a youth protest, but it put a human face on a housing crisis that also shapes whether younger people can leave home and build an independent life.
In 2025, 67.1 percent of Spaniards aged 18–34 lived with at least one parent, according to Spain’s National Statistics Institute.
Among those living with a parent, 28.3 percent said they could not afford to rent. The average age at which young people left home was 30.2, compared with 26.3 across the EU, according to Eurostat.
Housing pressure does not operate in isolation. In 2025, 27.6 percent of Spaniards aged 15–29 were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, above the EU rate of 24.2%.
In August 2026, unemployment among under-25s was 22.7 percent, more than twice the overall rate of 10 percent. When joblessness is so much higher among the young and rent is beyond the reach of many, delayed independence cannot be reduced to personal preference.
Spain scored 55/100 in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 49th of 182 countries. That score does not establish a link between corruption and housing protests. But when people are asking for effective action on housing, transparency over how decisions are made — and accountability for whether they work — are part of the debate.
Albania: growth is not enough if young people see no path forward
In October, students in Tirana protested over education costs and corruption allegations, joining a broader anti-government movement. Their participation brought education and young people’s prospects into a wider debate about living costs, employment and trust in public institutions.
Albania’s official figures show that 19 percent of the population was at risk of relative poverty in 2025, while 31.2 percent experienced severe material and social deprivation, according to INSTAT. The two measures describe different aspects of hardship: one compares household income with the national poverty threshold; the other captures enforced inability to afford basic goods and activities.
Young people also face a difficult entry into the labour market. The World Bank’s ILO-modelled estimates put overall unemployment at 10.9 percent in 2025, rising to 25.6 percent among 15–24-year-olds. The estimated average age of leaving the parental household seemed to be 30.9, compared with 26.3 in the EU, according to Eurostat’s dataset. Together, however, these indicators describe the hurdles between education, employment and independence.
Albania scored 39/100 and ranked 91st of 182 countries in the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index. The measure is not a count of actual cases, but corruption allegations are part of the protests themselves. That makes transparency, accountability and public trust more than abstract principles: they shape whether people believe institutions respond fairly to their concerns.
Behind the statistics
Behind the statistics are millions of young people struggling to turn their ambitions into reality. The obstacles reinforce one another: under-resourced schools can narrow choices, unemployment can delay financial independence, and high housing costs can prolong dependence on family.
Across the EU, house prices rose by 55.4 percent and rents by 26.7 percent between 2010 and 2024, often outpacing income growth, according to Eurofound.
That is why the response cannot be confined to one policy area. It means properly staffed and maintained schools, routes from education into decent work, more affordable and social housing, targeted help with rent, and stronger protections for tenants.
Young people should also have a meaningful say in policies that shape their education, employment and housing.
A strong welfare state and effective social protection can help ensure that a young person’s prospects are not determined solely by family income or place of birth. If a low-income family cannot support a young person’s move towards independence, financial dependence can pass from one generation to the next. Tackling that cycle is part of building social justice and societies in which young people can plan a future with greater confidence.
The future will show whether today’s protests lead to lasting policies. The test will be whether young people can study, find decent work and afford a home without their prospects being set by the circumstances into which they were born.
Um grupo de manifestantes incendiou esta segunda-feira o Tribunal de Recurso na capital da Albânia, no sétimo dia consecutivo de protestos estudantis no país, onde os confrontos com a polícia antimotim se intensificaram.
O incidente marca uma escalada nos confrontos entre a polícia e os jovens manifestantes, que já entram na segunda semana de protestos contra o governo do país balcânico, que é candidato à adesão à União Europeia.
Segundo a cadeia local A2 CNN, vários encapuzados partiram os vidros do tribunal, entraram no interior do edifício e atearam fogo ao local antes de fugirem rapidamente.
O dia começou com uma concentração estudantil pacífica em frente ao Ministério da Educação, mas derivou para confrontos violentos após o lançamento de pedras às forças de segurança.
Imagens da emissora News24 mostraram que, já esta noite, a polícia utilizou gás lacrimogéneo, canhões de água e projéteis de borracha para dispersar a multidão reunida em frente à sede do Governo.
Por outro lado, as autoridades investigam ameaças de bomba enviadas por e-mail a instituições estatais a partir de uma conta ‘hackeada’ na Arábia Saudita.
Outras cidades do país, como Kurbin, no norte, ou Vlore, no sul, também têm sido hoje palco de protestos e episódios violentos.
O Ministério da Saúde confirmou que 303 pessoas ficaram feridas nos primeiros seis dias de distúrbios, entre estas 190 agentes.
A polícia deteve mais de 240 manifestantes e mantém investigações criminais abertas contra mais de 400 envolvidos. O primeiro-ministro, o socialista Edi Rama, reuniu-se hoje com os altos chefes da polícia para anunciar um prémio de 2.500 euros aos agentes destacados e um aumento salarial.
Após descartar a sua demissão, Rama declarou que os manifestantes violentos precisam de “atenção psicológica” e anunciou sanções para os envolvidos na violência.
O chefe do Governo voltou a responsabilizar redes de desinformação vindas da Rússia e do Irão, assim como grupos de extrema-esquerda, pelo conflito.
As manifestações atuais acontecem após meses de protestos pacíficos e massivos da população contra um projeto turístico numa área ecologicamente sensível e protegida, ligado a Jared Kushner, o genro do presidente norte-americano, Donald Trump.
Já há mais de 240 detidos e 303 feridos. Rama recusa demissão e diz que violentos precisam de "atenção psicológica". Crise ligada a projeto de Kushner.
Rising food and fuel prices, a lack of funding for education, the state of public services, and access to housing have created the perfect breeding ground for a fall of protests across Europe.
Anti-government rioters have torched Albania’s education ministry and supreme court, as protests spread across the Balkan nation. Prime Minister Edi Rama is refusing to step down and blames the unrest on Russia. What’s really going on?
As of October 19, the Albanian capital of Tirana has been rocked by seven consecutive days and nights of rioting, while protests and clashes between demonstrators and police have been reported in the cities of Lezhe, Vlore, Elbasan, and Shkoder. A large group of rioters breached the perimeter of the education ministry in Tirana on October 14, setting the building on fire.
Running battles between demonstrators and police have broken out around the ministry on several occasions since. On October 19, hundreds of demonstrators pelted rocks at riot police, who responded with tear gas and rubber bullets. The previous night, offices of the Albanian Supreme Court were set on fire, and arson attacks on several police stations in the city were reported.
Some 500 demonstrators had been detained and 167 of them formally arrested as of October 17, according to Reuters. 295 people had been injured, including 196 police officers, as of October 19, according to Interior Minister Ervin Demo.
What do the protesters want?
The protests follow more than a year of unrest in Albania, which began when Rama banned TikTok in the runup to last March’s parliamentary elections, following similar measures inposed by the EU during every major election across the bloc since 2024. The ban was lifted in February of this year, but demonstrations broke out again in May after Rama’s government authorized the sale of protected wetlands to a development company operated by US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner.
WATCH smashed storefronts, burned buildings as Europe faces aftermath of latest violent protests READ MORE: WATCH smashed storefronts, burned buildings as Europe faces aftermath of latest violent protests
The protesters demanded the resignation of Rama and his entire cabinet, and the cancellation of a planned twin-phase resort project on the wetlands and on nearby Sazan Island.
The protesters’ core demand – that Rama resign – remains unchanged. However, the movement is now calling for a root-and-branch reform of the entire Albanian establishment, with demonstrators accusing both Rama and opposition leader Sali Berisha of corruption. Unemployment, underfunding of schools, and declining living standards have also been cited by protesters as grievances.
What did Rama say about the protests?
Despite the repeated chants of “Rama resign” heard at the protests, Rama has claimed that the demonstrators do not oppose his government, but Albania’s “mission” of joining the EU.
“I am not being challenged,” he said in a video address on October 18. “The government is not being challenged, a government majority or a winning party in the elections is not being challenged but a path is being challenged, a mission is being challenged”
“Albanians need to think very clearly,” he continued. “Do they want this, do they want that, or do they want the EU?”
Rama has refused to resign, and blamed the protests on “foreign hands that do not wish for Albania to be at peace.” Back in June, Rama accused “the enemies of Albania and of Israel” of waging a “hybrid war” to stop the wetlands development. In two separate speeches on October 18 and 19, the embattled PM blamed the unrest on Russian philosopher Alexander Dugin and a “wave of Russian influence in the entire social media system,” and on “the Khomeiniist republic of Iran, the pinnacle of disinformation.”
Was Russia involved?
In short, no. Rama has not backed up any of his accusations, and they are being treated with skepticism and ridicule by demonstrators and opposition media. Albania’s Publik Media news outlet criticised Rama for “eturn[ing[ to the Berisha, Russia and Iran alibi,” while Pamfleti, an investigative outlet, dismissed his claims as an “ignorant reaction to those protesting his misgovernance”
Even the US-run Radio Free Europe noted that Rama “did not present public evidence” to back up his allegations.
Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova has rejected Rama’s accusations. “No, Edi Rama,” she said on October 18, “it is the citizens of your country who have taken to the streets in protest.”
“This has all the hallmarks of the ‘highly likely’ British approach,” Serbian journalist Nebojsa Malic told RT on October 19, referring to British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s failed attempts to blame the 2016 Brexit vote on Russia and a recent ‘terror plot’ at a US airbase on Iran. “We’ll just make an accusation and provide no evidence but say ‘oh it’s highly likely that Russia’s behind this’, and everybody is going to take it for granted.”
Rama is “doing this because he’s hoping it will stick,” Malic said. “He has nothing to lose. He’s seen plenty of leaders in western Europe essentially getting away scot free with covering for their malice and incompetence by blaming Russia.”
“Rama is just as opportunistic as [French President Emmanuel] Macron or any British prime minister in the last ten years,” Malic concluded. “They will say or do whatever, because they think that Russia is not able to defend itself.”
Why did Rama mention Israel?
Rama’s claim that “enemies of Albania and Israel” were behind this summer’s environmental protests stems from the involvement of Kushner in the wetlands project. A close associate of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Kushner has extensive family and financial ties to Israel. His investment firm, Affinity Partners, has funneled Emirati, Saudi, and Qatari cash into multiple Israeli businesses, including five arms manufacturers.
However, all available information suggests that the funding for Kushner’s Albanian projects comes from Albanian, American, and Qatari individuals and entities. Affinity Partners is leading the €1.4 billion Sazan Island project, while Kushner himself is a minority partner in the wetlands development.
Rama visited Israel and addressed the Knesset in January. Less than 24 hours later, Israel’s Channel 12 claimed that the Albanian PM had struck a deal with Netanyahu to accept up to 100,000 Palestinian refugees from Gaza. As speculation spread that the Palestinians would be resettled on land developed by Kushner, Rama clarified that no such deal had been, or would be, made.
Regardless, Rama’s close relations with Netanyahu are at odds with public opinion in Albania, where a 2024 poll found that 73% of the population believe that Israel should be sanctioned over its war on Gaza. Kushner is widely seen in Albania as representing Israeli interests, and Rama’s decision to amend environmental laws and grant “strategic investor” status to Affinity Partners has fueled accusations that the PM is placing Washington and West Jerusalem’s interests above Tirana’s.
Will there be an Albanian Maidan?
Some images emerging from Tirana – burning barricades, police officers set on fire with Molotov cocktails, and smouldering government buildings – are reminiscent of the scenes that played out during the 2014 ‘Maidan’ coup in Ukraine. However, Rama is in far less perilous of a position than Ukraine’s president, Viktor Yanukovich, was during the 2014 uprising.
Unlike the present unrest in Albania, the Maidan coup was planned and directed by foreign actors, namely the US State Department and the British embassy in Kiev. Rama, on the other hand, is a close partner of the EU and US, and neither Washington nor Brussels have backed the protesters. Instead, Rama has apparently been given carte blanche to squash the demonstrations, with columns of military vehicles seen entering Tirana between October 15 and 19.
The EU has condemned the use of violence by protesters, with the European Commission criticizing them for “arson, attacks on State institutions and the destruction of public and private property.” In a statement on October 18, the commission praised Rama’s progress toward EU membership and welcomed his “commitment that the right to protest will be protected.”
One week earlier, an EU delegation in Tirana said that Brussels was “aware of allegations of excessive use of force by the police against protesters and journalists,” adding that the government’s response to protests and riots “must remain within the law.”
The EU took a far more interventionist position in 2014, sending officials to meet with demonstrators in Kiev, endorsing protests even as they devolved into violent riots, preparing sanctions on Yanukovich, and gifting an €11 billion aid package to Ukraine once Yanukovich had been toppled and replaced by the pro-EU Petro Poroshenko.
The West is still firmly on Rama’s side, and he is unlikely to face any calls for resignation from abroad. However, he is still facing the most sustained public pressure campaign of his 13-year stint in power, and if the protests continue and more buildings burn, he may be left with no choice but to admit defeat and step down.
Unrest across eight countries reveals a growing working-class rejection of public spending cuts.
Across Europe, a widespread wave of public protests and labor strikes unfolded during September and October 2026. Demonstrations took place in major urban hubs across France, Belgium, Italy, Albania, Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Germany.
While individual mobilizations emerged from specific domestic triggers, the overarching unrest reflects a shared socioeconomic environment characterized by declining purchasing power, public budget austerity, rising energy prices, and real estate speculation.
The economic backdrop of late 2026 includes sustained structural pressure on working-class households. Energy market shifts driven by international conflicts significantly escalated fuel and electricity costs across the continent, directly inflating the cost of basic consumer goods.
In urban centers, market-driven housing policies and real estate deregulation led to steep increases in residential rents, outstripping wage growth and increasing housing insecurity for young workers and low-income families.
Mainstream institutional coverage frequently characterizes these events through a lens of isolated public order disturbances or temporary economic grievances.
Labor organizations, tenant unions, student groups, and neighborhood alliances have increasingly framed their demands around public resource protection, wage indexation, market regulation, and social welfare preservation.
Protests in Belgium escalate into clashes with Police
🔻 Protests by student and school groups in Belgium over rising education costs and restricted access to higher education turned violent in central Brussels and the city of Liège. Police used tear gas and water cannon to… pic.twitter.com/Nm32hPzgvR
Albania: The Vjosa-Narta Resistance and Sazan Island Mobilizations
In Albania, mass demonstrations began in May 2026 following public controversy surrounding large-scale real estate and luxury tourism developments along ecologically sensitive coastal zones, related to the family of United States President Donald Trump.
Known as the Flamingo Revolution, the protests were initially triggered by foreign investment proposals backed by international private equity firms, including United States-based entities.
These proposals targeted protected areas in the Vjosa-Narta lagoon delta and Sazan Island, a former military territory off the coast of Vlorë.
The movement escalated after an incident on May 30, 2026, when private security personnel physically removed local environmental activists at a development site in Zvërnec.
By June, demonstrations expanded from coastal municipalities into the capital, Tirana. Organized primarily by environmental groups, university student assemblies, and grassroots youth coalitions, the protesters demanded an immediate halt to coastal land privatization, the enforcement of environmental protections under European Union standards, and the resignation of Prime Minister Edi Rama.
On June 9, 2026, tens of thousands gathered in central Tirana. In response, Prime Minister Edi Rama publicly dismissed the critique regarding foreign capital involvement, stating in June that the international scrutiny was primarily driven by high-profile political names associated with the investment project rather than environmental policy.
Throughout July and August 2026, daily civic actions maintained a continuous presence in Tirana, marking 100 consecutive days of anti-government demonstrations by September 8, 2026. By mid-September, the focus expanded as university and high school student assemblies joined the broader movement to protest rising living costs, tuition increases, and systemic public corruption.
Tensions culminated between October 13 and October 18, 2026, when thousands of demonstrators assembled outside the Ministry of Education and Prime Minister Rama’s offices. Clashes erupted between protesters and state security forces, leading to the deployment of tear gas and water cannons by law enforcement.
Official police reports confirmed over 160 detentions and nearly 400 individuals charged following widespread civil disobedience and public building blockades in central Tirana.
Massive protests in France against the high cost of living and the deterioration of public services. pic.twitter.com/H3FUK6kcvC
Spain: The Pensioner Eviction and the National Housing Crisis
In Spain, social unrest escalated rapidly on September 21, 2026, surrounding the national housing crisis. On September 23, 2026, police enforced the court-ordered eviction of María del Carmen “Maricarmen” Abascal, an 87-year-old resident in Madrid, following a legal dispute with property investors.
By September 30, 2026, housing collectives and the Madrid Tenants’ Union (Sindicato de Inquilinas e inquilinos de Madrid) established a continuous protest encampment in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol, which grew to over 1,200 tents.
Similar encampments emerged in Barcelona’s Plaça de Catalunya and Málaga’s Plaza de la Constitución. According to data from the Youth Council of Spain, average residential rent prices had reached €1,176 per month, absorbing roughly 98.7 percent of the average young worker’s salary following a decade of steady price increases.
Protesters demanded an immediate legal cap on rent prices, a total ban on short-term vacation rentals, the expropriation of residential housing units owned by private investment funds, and the passage of strict tenant protection laws.
The central government headed by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez presented two urgent decree-laws proposing a ban on evictions for vulnerable residents until 2030 and a two-year extension on existing leases.
However, on October 2, 2026, the Spanish Congress rejected the legislation following opposition votes from the People’s Party, Vox, and Together for Catalonia (Junts). Opposition spokesperson Cuca Gamarra argued that affordability could only be achieved through increased residential construction, while Junts spokesperson Míriam Nogueras stated the decree would create legal market uncertainty. In contrast, tenant union representatives called for nationwide general mobilizations to enforce housing rights.
📌KNE: Victory for the struggle of the school students in France! 🔴“Victory for the struggle of the school students in France!”, emphasises the Press Office of the Central Council of KNE in a statement on the large-scale student protests, noting… 🔗https://t.co/sxtH89fNp0…
— International Relations Section of the CC of KKE (@intern_kke) October 5, 2026
France: Educational Strikes and Fuel Price Mobilizations
In France, a distinct wave of social unrest began on September 15, 2026, sparked by sharp increases in retail fuel costs. Driven by regional maritime supply disruptions and international market volatility, average diesel prices in France reached €2.37 per liter, nearing historical highs.
Initial blockades were established by transport workers, agricultural workers, and commercial fishermen who obstructed access to major fuel depots in Frontignan and port facilities in Nice and Sète.
This economic disruption coincided directly with public sector labor actions in secondary and higher education.
On September 18, 2026, teaching staff and suburban education workers across the Île-de-France region initiated strikes over class overcrowding, wage stagnation, and severe administrative budget reductions. Student assemblies subsequently blockaded high schools and university campuses in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille.
The movement saw a broad convergence of trade unions, including the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and Solidaires, along with student organizations and former Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) networks.
The protesters demanded the immediate indexation of wages to current inflation rates, increased state spending on education and healthcare, and emergency price caps on petroleum products.
In response to the growing disruptions, Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu announced on September 16, 2026, that the government would increase state fuel subsidies to the maximum allowable limit under European Union rules.
When protests continued into October, the government released 10 million barrels of strategic diesel reserves to stabilize market supply, while law enforcement authorities deployed heavy riot control measures, leading to thousands of detentions nationwide.
Zakharova calls out Macron's double standard on protests
Russian MFA spokeswoman says Macron demands "uncompromising" crackdowns on French rioters while the West lectures others on "human rights."
As Limoges City Hall burns, Zakharova notes: the people attacking Europe aren't… pic.twitter.com/mcwYHHfFav
Escalation Across the Mediterranean: Greece and Portugal
Greece: Public Sector Strikes and Anti-Privatization Mobilizations
In Greece, social mobilizations accelerated on September 5 2026, driven by rising electricity tariffs, real estate inflation, and persistent wage stagnation.
The unrest gained momentum following coordinated labor actions organized by the All-Workers Militant Front (PAME) and supported by major public sector confederations, including the Civil Servants’ Confederation (ADEDY).
On September 28, 2026, nationwide strikes disrupted public transport, maritime ferry connections between the mainland and Aegean islands, and municipal services.
In Athens, over 45,000 demonstrators marched toward Syntagma Square in front of the Hellenic Parliament. Student assemblies from the National Technical University of Athens and the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens joined the marches, blocking central thoroughfares.
Protesters focused their demands on structural economic reforms, including:
• The immediate restoration of collective bargaining rights dissolved under previous austerity frameworks.
• Strict state price controls on essential consumer goods and electricity tariffs.
• Increased public funding for higher education and healthcare infrastructure.
• Direct wage indexation to compensate for post-2022 inflationary losses.
Addressing parliament in late September, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis defended the administration’s fiscal stance, stating that government policy must maintain strict fiscal discipline to ensure sovereign debt stability.
📌Dimitris Koutsoumbas, GS of the CC of the KKE, on the youth protests 🔴In Spain, people are taking to the streets becuase they are being evicted from their homes. In France, because they’re being denied an education. In Greece, students are setting up tents in Syntagma Square… pic.twitter.com/qO5UR3LWoG
— International Relations Section of the CC of KKE (@intern_kke) October 15, 2026
Portugal: The Housing Dignity Movement (Vida Justa)
In Portugal, demonstrations expanded across major urban centers during the first week of October 2026. Catalyzed by the civil movement Just Life (Vida Justa) alongside tenant rights group Door to Door (Porta a Porta) and university student unions, tens of thousands gathered in Lisbon, Porto, Coimbra, and Faro.
The central issue driving the protests was real estate speculation and the expansion of short-term tourist accommodations, which had led to significant residential displacement in urban neighborhoods.
According to national statistical reporting, residential property prices in Lisbon had increased by 12.4 percent year-over-year by mid-2026, while median national wages remained under €1,050 per month.
On October 3, 2026, demonstration columns marched along Avenida da Liberdade in Lisbon toward the Assembly of the Republic. Speakers at the rally called for immediate state intervention to secure affordable living conditions, demanding:
• An immediate freeze on residential lease renewals and rent price caps indexed to local wage levels.
• The mandatory revocation of tax incentives granted to non-resident foreign real estate investors.
• Substantial state investment in public housing construction.
• An increase in the national minimum wage to €1,000 per month to offset basic living expenses.
Government representatives pointed to existing tax relief programs for young buyers, but grassroots spokespersons rejected these measures as inadequate against systemic market speculation.
Convergence and Expansion: Germany, Italy, and Belgium
Germany: Heating Cost Protests and Urban Rent Freezes
In Germany, demonstrations gathered force across major industrial and urban regions in mid-October, led by trade union factions, tenant associations (Mieterverein), and progressive youth organizations.
The mobilizations were prompted by public sector wage negotiations and sharp increases in seasonal municipal heating and gas bills following regional energy supply realignments.
Protests took place in Berlin, Leipzig, Cologne, and Hamburg. Demonstrators assembled at the Brandenburger Tor in Berlin, calling for:
• Federal legislative caps on natural gas and district heating charges.
• A nationwide five-year freeze on residential rents in cities exceeding strict vacancy limits.
• Higher public investment in municipal transport networks and social housing initiatives.
• Wage increases for public sector employees above the annual core inflation rate.
Federal officials acknowledged the economic burden placed on households, but emphasized that national budgetary constraints limited further large-scale energy price subsidies.
🇪🇸🔥 #MADRID – The Madrid teachers' demonstration, on the first day of the call for an unlimited strike, links up with the encampment at Plaza del Sol – who have been there since late September 2026 for the right to housing, against tenant evictions, against the surge in prices…
Italy: The “Italia in Piazza” General Strike and Cost-of-Living Mobilization
In Italy, social tension culminated on October 17, 2026, in a coordinated general mobilization organized under the banner “Italy in the Square” (Italia in Piazza). The action was spearheaded by grassroots trade unions, including the Unione Sindacale di Base (USB) and COBAS, alongside student collectives and housing rights coalitions.
Demonstrations affected major urban centers, including Rome, Milan, Turin, and Naples. In Milan, an estimated 60,000 people marched through the city center, resulting in the temporary suspension of public transit lines and commercial activity.
Protesters cited declining real wages, cuts to basic social protection mechanisms, and rising utility prices as the primary drivers of the mobilization.
Key demands raised by Italian protest organizers included:
• An immediate statutory minimum wage of €10 per hour.
• The automatic reintroduction of wage indexation tied to inflation metrics (scala mobile).
• Increased public funding for national healthcare (Servizio Sanitario Nazionale) and public transit systems.
• A moratorium on residential evictions involving primary residences for low-income households.
Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni issued a statement from Rome, characterizing the disruptions as politically motivated actions designed to destabilize public order during delicate national budget negotiations.
MILAN RIOTS 🙏🔥 🇮🇹
Milan is experiencing weekend unrest that began as cost-of-living protests and escalated into looting, vandalism, and clashes with police.
On Saturday and Sunday (17–19 October 2026), demonstrations in Milan and other northern Italian cities (including Turin… pic.twitter.com/GuQVFDoahE
Belgium: Public Service Strikes and Educational Budget Mobilizations
Simultaneously, on October 17, 2026, Belgium experienced significant public sector disruptions centered in Brussels and Liège. Organized by joint trade union fronts (FGTB/ABVV and CSC/ACV) in coordination with secondary and higher education student unions, the actions brought together public transport operators, municipal sanitation staff, and academic workers.
In Brussels, thousands of demonstrators gathered near the European Quarter, marching toward the federal parliament building. The movement focused on rising urban living costs and proposed structural spending cuts to secondary and university educational systems.
Protesters demanded:
The full preservation and enforcement of Belgium’s automatic wage indexation system across all employment sectors.
Increased federal budget allocations for public education, student housing, and public transit.
Legislative action to curb commercial energy price speculation and residential real estate inflation.
Federal government spokespersons stated that maintaining current fiscal trajectories was necessary to adhere to European Union public debt standards, while indicating a willingness to continue sector-specific labor dialogue.
Institutional Reactions and State Repression vs. Protesters’ Demands
As demonstrations converged across the European continent through mid-October 2026, state authorities responded with a combination of security deployments, judicial actions, and public condemnations.
Government officials framed the widespread public disruptions as threats to political stability and fiscal order, while protest coalitions emphasized that state actions prioritized debt constraints and elite economic interests over the material needs of the population.
In France, the executive branch adopted an uncompromising stance. President Emmanuel Macron publicly criticized what he described as “unbridled violence” following the escalation of high school blockades, fuel port disruptions, and urban demonstrations.
Interior Ministry directives led to the widespread deployment of specialized CRS riot control units, water cannons, and tear gas in Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and Limoges.
Law enforcement agencies reported making between 1,800 and 2,400 detentions nationwide by mid-October, with human rights monitoring groups and legal collectives expressing concern over indiscriminate police tactics, pre-emptive arrests, and severe injuries sustained by secondary school students.
In Southern Europe, local administrations similarly sought to delegitimize the protest movements. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government characterized the “Italia in Piazza” general strike as a politically motivated attempt by opposition factions to destabilize the nation during crucial state budget negotiations.
Police forces in Milan and Rome deployed water cannons and heavy cordons to clear key arterial roads and transit hubs blocked by union members and youth assemblies. In Albania, Prime Minister Edi Rama argued that persistent anti-government and student demonstrations—initially sparked by the “Flamingo Revolution” against coastal real estate privatization in Sazan and Vjosa-Narta—endangered the country’s economic integration and accession standing with the European Union.
Albanian authorities utilized water cannons and tear gas against university student blockades in Tirana, leading to dozens of detentions and criminal charges.
Across Spain and Portugal, state responses highlighted severe institutional divisions over economic reform. While Spanish local police enforced court-ordered evictions in Madrid and cleared public squares, parliamentary opposition parties blocked proposed national lease extensions and eviction bans.
In Portugal, government spokespersons maintained that market-based housing strategies and tax incentives for foreign buyers were necessary to attract capital, directly rejecting the Vida Justa movement’s demands for immediate rent controls and foreign investment caps.
From Localized Grievances to Pan-European Class Solidarity
What began as distinct domestic actions, resistance against speculative real estate projects on Albania’s protected coastline, outrage over elderly evictions and surging rents in Spain, and secondary school labor strikes over state underfunding in France, rapidly converged into a interconnected continental mobilization.
This convergence reflects shared structural drivers: the systematic erosion of real wages, the commodification of urban housing, the decline of essential public services under sustained fiscal austerity, and the compounding impact of energy inflation.
Across national borders, working-class households, student coalitions, and independent trade unions have consistently targeted the policy frameworks that prioritize fiscal deficit targets and private asset protection over public welfare and living standards.
The organizational strategy of the autumn 2026 movements highlights a shift in popular mobilization methods. By utilizing decentralized communications, student assemblies, neighborhood collectives, and grassroots trade union alliances, protest networks frequently bypassed established political parties.
This organizational horizontalism enabled rapid, cross-sector coordination—demonstrated by the simultaneous national strikes and urban blockades in France, Italy, Belgium, and Portugal on October 17, 2026.
As winter approaches, the continued alignment of labor unions, housing organizations, and youth movements suggests that Europe’s autumn of discontent may mark the beginning of a sustained, pan-European struggle for structural economic reform, market regulation, and social welfare preservation.
Sources: TeleSUR – Al Jazeera – Democracy Now – BBC – DW – France 24 – EFE – AFP – AP – The guardian – El País – El Mundo – La Radio del Sur – La República – RTVE – Xinhua – CGTN – Press TV – Anadolu Agency – RT – TRT World
Dutch MEP says government is trying to avoid EU environmental rules as protests over luxury development turn violent
MEPs have accused Albania of deploying “sneaky” practices to fast-track a proposed Trump-linked luxury resort in the country amid protests that have turned increasingly violent.
As the prime minister, Edi Rama, pledged to “listen to the voices of young people” taking to the streets, there was mounting criticism of his failure to address demonstrators who had long opposed the controversial project peacefully.
Dutch MEP says government is trying to avoid EU environmental rules as protests over luxury development turn violent
MEPs have accused Albania of deploying “sneaky” practices to fast-track a proposed Trump-linked luxury resort in the country amid protests that have turned increasingly violent.
As the prime minister, Edi Rama, pledged to “listen to the voices of young people” taking to the streets, there was mounting criticism of his failure to address demonstrators who had long opposed the controversial project peacefully.
Young people have been taking to the streets across Europe, including in Spain, France and Portugal, to protest over their unhappiness at the state of schools and the wider cost of living crisis.
In France, high school pupils have clashed with police in often violent protests over long hours, missing teachers, dilapidated classrooms and an opaque university admissions system. Pupils routinely miss months of teaching due to unfilled staff absences.
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