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O coordenador do BE visitou Covas do Barroso ouviu a população para perceber o ponto de situação sobre o projeto de exploração de lítio.
À chegada, o coordenador do BE assumiu que o processo coloca em causa a relação da população com o território. Para José Manuel Pureza, a transição energética não deve ser feita à custa das comunidades locais. “Não pode haver regeneração ambiental contra as pessoas. As pessoas estão primeiro”, afirmou, acrescentando que “neste caso, o que temos tido é um poder político forte com os fracos e muito fraco com os fortes”.
O coordenador do Bloco de Esquerda criticou igualmente aquilo que considera ser uma utilização desadequada das forças de segurança no contexto do projeto. “O poder político tem-se comportado com as pessoas de Covas do Barroso de uma maneira autoritária”, disse José Manuel Pureza aos jornalistas, apontando que um outro “pormenor que acrescenta escândalo a isto”, é que a “Guarda Nacional Republicana tenha prestado serviços a uma empresa para policiar aquilo que é um perímetro de atuação da servidão administrativa que vai muito para lá daquilo que alguma vez foi”.
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O projeto de reabilitação da antiga Estação Ferroviária de Mirandela, que deu origem à atual Estação das Artes, é finalista da 2.ª edição dos Prémios dos Fundos Europeus, na categoria “Portugal + Próximo dos Cidadãos”.
Segundo o município, a distinção reconhece “a transformação de um dos edifícios mais emblemáticos da história ferroviária de Mirandela num equipamento público multifuncional, dedicado à cultura, criatividade, educação, encontro e participação”.
A intervenção teve como objetivo preservar a identidade arquitetónica e histórica do edifício, dando-lhe novas funcionalidades. De acordo com a autarquia, as obras contribuíram para “a regeneração urbana, valorização do património ferroviário e dinamização cultural da cidade”.
A Estação das Artes é um espaço aberto a toda a comunidade, acolhendo exposições, atividades educativas, iniciativas culturais e projetos desenvolvidos em colaboração com associações, artistas, escolas e outras entidades.
A recuperação do edifício foi concretizada através de duas operações complementares cofinanciadas pelo Programa Operacional Regional do Norte – NORTE 2020.
Desde segunda-feira está aberta a votação do público, através do site dos Prémios dos Fundos Europeus.
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Vila Real é uma das cinco cidades que faz parte do Programa de Ação para a Resiliência e Restauro da Natureza em Áreas Urbanas (PRO NAT.URBE), que pretende reforçar a resposta ao calor extremo com redes de abrigos climáticos.
O programa é orientado para o restauro da natureza em contexto urbano, a adaptação às alterações climáticas e o reforço da resiliência dos territórios.
Segundo o despacho publicado em Diário da República, o PRO NAT.URBE estabelece uma estratégia entre 2026-2035 para aumentar os espaços verdes e o coberto arbóreo, recuperar linhas de água, criar corredores ecológicos e desimpermeabilizar os solos, a promoção da conectividade ecológica e o desenvolvimento de redes de conforto e abrigos climáticos.
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A Cooperativa Guadimonte e a Universidade do Algarve apresentam no próximo dia 10 de outubro, pelas 15h00, o Projeto PAVIPANA, uma iniciativa inovadora para valorizar os produtos autóctones, combater a desertificação e homenagear a resiliência das gentes locais.
A sessão pública de apresentação do projeto PAVIPANA – ‘Passas do Algarve’ – Valorização e Inovação dos Produtos Autóctones do Nordeste Algarvio, vai realizar-se no espaço do Centro de Dinamização das Cumeadas do Nordeste Algarvio (Antiga Escola Primária da Corte Pequena) – Freguesia de Odeleite, concelho de Castro Marim.
O projeto nasce da resiliência local após o trágico incêndio de Castro Marim em 2021. Na altura, um grupo de 12 jovens agricultores e produtores da Cumeada de Alta Mora uniu esforços para fundar a Guadimonte – Cooperativa Agrícola Supramunicipal. O objetivo principal é combater o despovoamento e a desertificação do interior algarvio através da inovação e da sustentabilidade.
Com um investimento elegível cofinanciado de 43.8176,10 € e uma duração de 36 meses, a iniciativa conta com a parceria científica da Universidade do Algarve (UAlg). O consórcio vai colocar a investigação ao serviço da pequena economia local através de três grandes eixos de atuação:
O nome do projeto, ‘Passas do Algarve’, é também uma homenagem cultural à expressão popular que reflete a forma historicamente difícil como os produtos locais eram colhidos, tratados e armazenados no interior. Simboliza o “suor e sofrimento” ancestral necessários para criar produtos únicos de qualidade reconhecida.
A sessão pública do dia 10 de outubro marcará o arranque oficial desta estratégia de desenvolvimento territorial. Contará com a presença de representantes da Cooperativa Guadimonte, investigadores da Universidade do Algarve, da Presidente da Câmara Municipal de Castro Marim – Filomena Sintra, o Vice-Presidente da CCDR Algarve, I.P., Eng.º Fernando Severino, bem como de outros representantes de outras entidades e agentes do território.
O projeto PAVIPANA é apoiado pelo programa financiador – Algarve 2030, pelo Portugal 2030 e pela União Europeia. Os Fundos Europeus Mais Próximos de Si.
Sobre a Cooperativa Guadimonte:
Fundada a 27 de novembro de 2021 por jovens produtores afetados pelo incêndio de Castro Marim de 16 de Agosto 2021, a GUADIMONTE foca-se na implementação de iniciativas de desenvolvimento económico e social na região do Baixo Guadiana e Nordeste Algarvio.
Il bollo auto dovrebbe ripagare la società nel suo insieme dai danni, non solo ambientali, che l’utilizzo dei veicoli produce. Perciò, in vari paesi europei l’importo della tassa di circolazione tiene conto delle emissioni di CO2. Ma non in Italia.
L'articolo Il bollo auto italiano non pensa all’ambiente proviene da Lavoce.info.
Após o primeiro turno das eleições, o Senado Federal volta a discutir o fim da escala 6×1 a partir desta terça-feira, 6 de outubro. A Proposta de Emenda à Constituição (PEC) 221/2019 reduz a jornada de trabalho para 40 horas semanais, com a possibilidade de dois dias de repouso remunerado. O Plenário realiza sessões para debater a PEC também na quarta-feira e na quinta-feira, 8 de outubro, a partir das 14h.
A análise entra na agenda do Plenário após negociações na última semana entre o presidente Lula e a cúpula do Senado para destravar o andamento da PEC. Em nota à imprensa, postada na Agência Senado, Davi Alcolumbre (UNIÃO-AP) afirma que a decisão surge a partir da “ampla relevância para a sociedade brasileira”.
Também nesta terça-feira, 6, cumprindo a Medida Provisória nº 1.394/2026, assinada por Lula, as empresas de apostas e as fintechs deverão terminar suas atividades e informar às instituições financeiras sobre os saldos dos clientes que não sacaram seu dinheiro até essa segunda-feira, prazo final para brasileiros sacarem o dinheiro dos aplicativos. Entre os dias 9 e 14 de outubro, as empresas deverão restituir dinheiro aos apostadores.
Com a definição de um segundo turno entre o presidente Lula (PT) e o senador Flávio Bolsonaro (PL-RJ) para a presidência da República, os outros candidatos começam a discutir seu apoio para o segundo turno, dia 25 de outubro. O candidato Augusto Cury (Avante) disse que não pretende continuar na política e declarou que não vai apoiar ninguém para o segundo turno.
O mesmo ocorreu com Renan Santos (Missão), que não declarou seu apoio, mas, em live na segunda-feira, 5 de outubro, afirmou que seus eleitores podem escolher em quem votar. Ronaldo Caiado (PSD) comunicou que não irá declarar seu apoio sem antes se reunir com o presidente do partido, Gilberto Kassab. Sem posicionamento direto de apoio ao candidato Flávio Bolsonaro, Romeu Zema (Novo) declarou que vai estar contra o PT.
Com um período mais curto para o segundo turno, Lula, que teve 45,16% dos votos, em seu discurso pós-apuração declarou que irá começar com uma nova campanha. Para o presidente, o segundo turno irá mostrar “a verdadeira democracia do Brasil”. Nesta segunda-feira, 5, o presidente se reuniu com apoiadores para discutir novas estratégias de campanha.
Em contrapartida, Flávio Bolsonaro comemorou o resultado nas urnas. Nesta segunda-feira, o senador se encontrou com o deputado federal Nikolas Ferreira (PL-MG) e com o governador de São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicanos), ambos reeleitos, para discutir sobre as estratégias de campanha para o segundo turno.
Estão na agenda da semana de 6 a 10 de outubro:
Agenda da semana da Pública é um serviço apresentado aos leitores, concebido com base nas informações dos portais da Câmara, Senado e STF.
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Cheap drones, heavy bombs, disrupted shipping, and vulnerable supply routes are challenging the idea that technological superiority guarantees military success. The emerging contest is not simply over who builds the smartest weapon. It is over who can adapt, produce, and keep fighting after the enemy learns how to break it. Washington’s Project Meridian offers one answer. Recent battlefields suggest a much harder test.
The Battlefield Rewrites the Blueprint
The war in Ukraine shows that military innovation does not always mean more sophisticated weapons. Sometimes it means finding a simple way around an enemy’s defenses. Russian forces did that with drones guided through fiber-optic cables instead of radio signals, allowing them to operate despite radio jamming.
During the fighting to push Ukrainian troops out of Russia’s Kursk region, fiber-optic drones threatened the roads supplying Ukrainian positions. Sustained attacks on transport made those positions harder to supply, reinforce, and evacuate. Ground that remained defensible against a direct assault became increasingly difficult to hold as supply routes came under pressure.
Drones did not replace infantry or artillery. Their value came from linking reconnaissance and strikes to a broader effort to disrupt Ukrainian logistics. A relatively small change in drone guidance helped Russian forces put pressure on the supply lines sustaining the defense, rather than just individual vehicles or positions.
A separate example from eastern Ukraine shows how drone attacks can also threaten robotic supply vehicles
Nor did the advantage remain exclusive. Ukrainian units expanded their own fiber-optic capabilities, turning a Russian breakthrough into another round of adaptation. Cable guidance removes the vulnerable radio-control link, but introduces weight, handling, and physical constraints. It does not make the aircraft invisible or indestructible. A solution to one problem creates a different set of tradeoffs.
Russia’s glide bombs demonstrate another route to military innovation. Instead of replacing existing weapons entirely, guidance and wing kits give older bombs greater reach and precision. Their heavy payloads perform tasks that small drones cannot. Their use against Ukrainian positions illustrates why the future battlefield will contain both cheap electronics and large quantities of conventional explosives.
The broader lesson is uncomfortable for anyone selling a universal replacement for the old military. New systems do not arrive on an empty battlefield. They must work with existing aircraft, artillery, engineers, supply units, and command structures. Their value depends on how those parts fit together.
That also limits what strike videos can prove. A successful attack demonstrates an outcome, not the average success rate, the number of failed missions, or the effort required to repeat it. The decisive question is whether an army can turn occasional success into a dependable military capability.
The Cost of Keeping Routes Open
The Red Sea offers a different warning. An attacker does not necessarily have to defeat a navy to impose strategic costs.
Houthi attacks pushed shipping companies toward longer routes around Africa. By late summer 2026, traffic through the Suez Canal was recovering but remained well below pre-crisis levels. Houthi attacks had pushed shipping companies onto longer, more expensive routes, showing how a regional armed group could disrupt global trade without defeating a major navy.
An interception can therefore be a tactical success without restoring normal commercial activity. The defender must protect ships and sustain confidence over time. The attacker may only need to keep the risk credible. Counting destroyed drones does not answer whether the shipping route is functioning.
The familiar comparison between a cheap drone and an expensive interceptor captures only part of this problem. Saving a merchant ship or warship can justify an expensive defensive shot. The deeper question is whether sufficient interceptors, maintenance capacity, crews, and replacement stocks remain available throughout a prolonged campaign.
Ukraine presents a related problem on land. Russian glide bombs combine substantial destructive power with relatively inexpensive conversion kits. Defending against every incoming weapon with a costly missile is not necessarily sustainable. But abandoning high-end air defenses would leave other threats unanswered.
The likely response is a layered force rather than a single miracle weapon. Different threats demand different combinations of detection, electronic warfare, physical protection, and interception. An army also needs to keep operating when some threats get through.
Kursk and the Red Sea are not interchangeable battlefields. One concerns a contested land campaign, the other pressure on maritime commerce. What connects them is the importance of maintaining a function under repeated attack. Delivering supplies and keeping shipping moving matter more than producing an impressive interception tally.
Washington Looks Upward
Washington is approaching this problem through a different starting point: global networks, industrial scale, and institutional control.
On September 30, Pete Hegseth announced Project Meridian alongside a proposed Autonomous Warfare Command and the Fortress America initiative. Meridian would examine future military capabilities, while the new command would organize the expansion of autonomous and robotic systems. Fortress America would address the resilience of bases and supply chains. These are related initiatives, not a single approved war plan.
U.S. service members at the State of the Force address, Quantico, September 30, 2026
Meridian’s advisers include Elon Musk, Palmer Luckey, and Newt Gingrich, under Pentagon technology chief Emil Michael. The study has 120 days to report. Its significance is not that three men can invent the next war. It is that major technology suppliers are being invited to help define the military capabilities Washington should pursue.
The September 30 memorandum commissions a study of future warfare
The State of the Force event at Quantico, where Project Meridian was announced, September 30, 2026
Some of the supporting infrastructure already has funding. On May 26, Space Systems Command awarded SpaceX a $2.29 billion agreement for the Space Data Network Backbone. A fully operational prototype is due by the end of 2027. The intended function is to connect military sensors and weapons through a high-capacity orbital communications network.
That addresses a real military requirement. Information has limited value if it cannot reach the people or systems that need it. But a larger network does not automatically become a more dependable one. The test is whether useful connections survive disruption, and whether units can continue operating when they do not.
Heavy-lift rockets could support the deployment of larger satellite constellations, although these programs do not yet amount to a single publicly defined architecture. Starship Flight 14 reached orbit on September 28 and deployed 26 Starlink V3 satellites. That demonstrated payload delivery, not every capability promised for the rocket. Reaching orbit once and providing dependable, economical military infrastructure are different milestones.
Starship Flight 14 launches from Starbase, September 28, 2026, carrying 26 Starlink V3 satellites
Starship’s final descent, landing burn, and splashdown during Flight 14, September 28, 2026
Golden Dome extends the ambition to missile defense. In May, the Congressional Budget Office estimated that a notional system consistent with the administration’s stated objectives could cost about $1.2 trillion over 20 years. Crucially, this was not a price tag for the Pentagon’s approved design. The final architecture had not been publicly disclosed.
A notional national missile-defense architecture assessed by the Congressional Budget Office
Estimated costs of the Congressional Budget Office’s hypothetical system, expressed in 2026 dollars
The policy risk is not simply excessive ambition. It is defining military problems in ways that favor the products already offered by influential suppliers. That deserves scrutiny without assuming that commercial involvement makes every proposal useless. A contract is evidence of spending. It is not evidence of battlefield superiority.
Elon Musk, named a co-leader of Project Meridian
Machines Still Need Factories
The American approach emphasizes integrating ambitious systems through large institutions. The battlefield experience points toward an equally important requirement: changing ordinary systems quickly.
These approaches are not mutually exclusive. Satellites and inexpensive drones can support the same force. The tension lies in their development cycles. A major space program cannot be redesigned every few weeks. A frontline drone or its communications equipment may lose effectiveness if updates take years.
The industrial base must therefore support both continuity and rapid revision. Ukraine’s drone sector demonstrates the importance of close feedback between operators and developers, but also the vulnerability of assembly dependent on imported components. A domestically assembled aircraft is not necessarily an independently sustainable capability.
Russian developers are also discussing the problem in terms broader than individual weapons. In September, the Ushkuynik center presented a drone assembly line housed in a modified shipping container. The proposal illustrates an effort to distribute production rather than concentrate it in a single factory.
These are developer proposals, not independently demonstrated solutions at national scale. Nevertheless, they identify two important problems: distributing production and closing gaps between separate defensive systems.
A workshop, a repair team, and a reliable component supplier may therefore matter as much as another model advertised as revolutionary. Military adaptation requires people who can identify a failure, explain it to engineers, approve a modification, and return workable equipment to service.
Autonomous Warfare Command: new drones, familiar geometry. All that’s missing is the secret handshake
Autonomy does not remove these obligations. The meaningful question is which task a machine can perform reliably without continuous human input, under what conditions, and with what consequences when it fails. “Autonomous” should describe a tested function, not serve as a substitute for explaining one.
Fortress America recognizes another dependency. Hegseth’s stated aim is for military installations eventually to operate under their own power, alongside stronger protection and domestic supply chains. Yet independence from the civilian grid would not by itself eliminate the need for fuel, spare parts, communications, or skilled maintenance. Resilience must extend beyond the perimeter fence.
The same principle applies at the front. Engineering and logistics deserve attention alongside strike footage. They show how forces sustain movement and support combat units, rather than merely how they destroy a target.
From Remote Control to Robotic Forces
The next stage of warfare is unlikely to resemble an army of humanoid machines replacing soldiers. A more plausible future is a force in which people fight alongside growing numbers of specialized robots, from reconnaissance aircraft to ground vehicles carrying ammunition, evacuating casualties, and supporting assaults.
That transition is already underway. Both Russian and Ukrainian forces are using ground robots for logistics, evacuation, and other battlefield tasks. In September, Ukraine’s Defense Ministry reported that its ground systems had completed more than 25,000 supply and evacuation missions in August alone. The figure is an official claim, not an independently audited total, but it illustrates how far the ambition extends beyond occasional demonstrations.
Over the next five years, the important change may be the organization of these machines into working formations. Aerial drones could scout ahead while ground robots move supplies and support troops. Humans would still set objectives and handle situations the machines cannot reliably interpret. The advantage would come from coordinating those different roles, not simply putting more unmanned vehicles on the battlefield.
Remote control, however, is not autonomy. A vehicle that needs continuous steering from an operator remains dependent on communications and human attention. Greater autonomy could allow machines to navigate, avoid obstacles, or complete limited tasks when a connection fails. None of those functions automatically makes a robot capable of independently identifying legitimate targets or deciding when to fire.
The likely result is a race between robotic capability and countermeasures. More machines may reduce the number of soldiers exposed on supply routes, but those machines will themselves become targets. Communications, batteries, maintenance, and replacement parts will remain constraints. Robotization moves some risks away from people; it does not abolish the costs of war.
Nor will inexpensive robots make heavy weapons obsolete. Small drones, armored vehicles, artillery, and aircraft perform different jobs. The stronger force will be the one that combines them effectively and changes that combination faster than its opponent.
Meridian should be judged against this prospect, not the grandeur of its language. Can Washington build systems that cooperate, survive disruption, and remain affordable enough to replace? Can its procurement machinery adapt as quickly as the battlefield demands?
The next war will not be won by whoever unveils the most impressive robot. It may favor the side that can lose machines without losing momentum, preserve human judgment without slowing every decision, and turn battlefield lessons into production before the enemy does. The real revolution is not a machine that looks like a soldier. It is an army that learns to fight differently because machines are now part of its ranks.
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It’s Friday night in Madrid. Walking down Preciados street towards Sol square, the tents and the huge banners announcing the protest encampment can already be seen some distance away. Suddenly, a voice cries out amid the crowds from an indeterminate spot on the street. It belongs to an old man with white hair, his nose and chin almost touching. His name is Héctor, he is Ecuadorian, he is going hoarse, and he deserves some credit for what he is attempting to do: standing next to the epicenter of Spain’s mass protests for decent housing, with a country convulsed and fed up with prohibitive prices and home evictions, Héctor is preaching the end of the world and urging people to return to God. “What do you think of what’s happening over there, in Sol?” the reporter asks, pointing to the packed square. Héctor, escorted by a woman named Noemí, approaches and whispers mysteriously: “The final times are always dangerous times. Uncivilized times.” He then asks Noemí to show the reporter some texts from Timothy. “The first thing people must do is repent and return to God,” he concludes. He says goodbye with a smile and goes back to his shouting.
© Jaime Villanueva
Recommending notable stories from Caitlin Dickerson, Marci Wilding, Tiffany Huang, Nick Paumgarten, and Chabeli Carrazana.
Nos dias 3 e 4 de outubro, no Parque Ribeirinho Poente, realiza-se, em versão ampliada e renovada, a 4.ª edição do festival FÉRTIL, uma coprodução entre a associação MOCES e o Município de Olhão, com entrada livre e dirigido a toda a comunidade. É uma aposta estratégica da autarquia numa programação cultural mais diversificada e eclética, a pensar em diferentes públicos e temas/formatos/linguagens, mas constitui também um declarado alinhamento municipal com as temáticas da criatividade, sustentabilidade, saúde e bem-estar, economia circular e reconexão com a natureza.
O Fértil estrutura-se em torno de quatro grandes pilares – Ambiente, Comunidade, Cultura e Inovação – que atravessam toda a programação e procuram criar um espaço de encontro, partilha, aprendizagem e participação. Ao longo dos dois dias, o público poderá encontrar uma programação multidisciplinar que cruza música, conversas, palestras, workshops, cinema, exposições, atividades para famílias, bem-estar, mercado criativo e gastronomia.
Esta nova etapa da história do festival é marcada pela transição do evento para o Parque Ribeirinho Poente, junto à Ria Formosa, encontrando neste novo espaço uma oportunidade para crescer, experimentar novas formas de programação e reforçar a ligação ao território.
Programação
A música continua a ser uma das grandes formas de encontro no FÉRTIL. No dia 3 de outubro, sobem ao palco os Sensible Soccers, enquanto no dia 4 de outubro será a vez de Rossana apresentar o seu trabalho. A programação musical conta ainda com DJ sets de Pedro Ramos, que também se associa ao festival através da Rádio Futura, e de Joana de Verona, aka Makumbeat, trazendo diferentes ritmos e ambientes para acompanhar o final das tardes e as noites do FÉRTIL.
Além do palco principal, o evento dispõe de três zonas temáticas dedicadas ao Ambiente, Comunidade e Inovação, onde, de modo descontraído, é apresentada uma programação (através de conversas, palestras e workshops) que pretende questionar, aprender, partilhar conhecimento e fomentar a participação ativa, abordando temas como as “Aldeias do Futuro”, a ideia de que a Educação é a primeira infraestrutura da sustentabilidade, a economia circular, a alimentação consciente, o planeamento e gestão de uma agrofloresta e o movimento Solar Punk.
Também as famílias têm um espaço próprio no FÉRTIL. A Associação Rotinas Selvagens será responsável pela dinamização da área dedicada às crianças e famílias, com atividades e momentos de entretenimento ao longo da tarde. A proposta é simples: criar espaço para brincar, explorar, experimentar e estar em conjunto, envolvendo diferentes gerações na experiência do festival.
Healing, criatividade e sustentabilidade nos pequenos gestos
De destacar ainda a Healing Area, dinamizada pela Positive Hands, que ocupa duas casas de madeira especialmente preparadas para acolher um conjunto de experiências dedicadas ao bem-estar e ao autocuidado. O público poderá descobrir diferentes propostas, entre massagens, terapias, consultas de tarot e outras práticas, num espaço pensado para abrandar, cuidar e recarregar energias ao longo do festival.
A criatividade volta também a ocupar um lugar central no FÉRTIL através do Artists & Fleas, que reúne projetos e criadores num mercado dedicado à produção independente, ao design, à arte e ao empreendedorismo criativo.
Na área da alimentação, o festival recebe food trucks e restaurantes com propostas diversificadas, procurando privilegiar uma abordagem mais consciente e sustentável à comida e ao consumo. No FÉRTIL, a sustentabilidade também está nos pequenos gestos. Em vez dos habituais copos de plástico reutilizáveis, o festival mantém os seus já caraCterísticos copos de barro com o selo FÉRTIL, que acompanham o evento desde as primeiras edições. E porque reutilizar é, antes de mais, usar o que já existe, o público é também convidado a trazer o seu próprio copo de casa. Uma solução simples que reduz resíduos e torna a experiência do festival ainda mais consciente.
Rede alargada de parceiros e com maior envolvimento empresarial
Reforçando a intenção de envolver ativamente a comunidade local e a região, o FÉRTIL criou uma rede partilhada de parceiros, entre eles a Fesnima, a CCDR Algarve, a Região de Turismo do Algarve, a Algarve Evolution e as empresas Necton, Viveiros Monterosa, Kodis e Coca-Cola, para além do Agrupamento de Escolas Dr. Francisco Fernandes Lopes. A estas entidades junta-se ainda um universo crescente de organizações, projetos e pessoas que acreditam na importância de criar espaços de encontro, conhecimento e transformação no território algarvio.
O festival acontece entre as 14:00 e as 23:00 dos dias 3 e 4 de outubro, com entrada livre. Toda a programação pode ser consultada no website do evento, em www.fertil.pt.
Ghana has rejected a proposed health compact with the United States that would have provided an estimated $109 million in US health funding over five years, with President John Dramani Mahama saying the agreement raised serious concerns over health data, financing obligations, and Ghana’s regulatory authority.
The decision places Ghana among a few African countries that have pushed back against new US health agreements introduced as Washington restructures its foreign assistance following the dismantling of USAID. Zimbabwe has also rejected a similar agreement, while Zambia has raised concerns over provisions in its negotiations with the United States.
Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York on September 25, Mahama said the proposed compact was presented to Ghana as a replacement for health funding previously provided through USAID.
He said Ghana’s Ministry of Health reviewed the document before preparing a Cabinet Information Paper.
“Ghana is a sovereign nation, and we have our own processes. We are a democratic country,” Mahama said.
According to the President, the Cabinet identified several provisions that raised concerns, particularly those relating to Ghana’s health information.
“One, it says that we shall give the United States our pathogen profile,” he said, adding that the agreement also required Ghana to provide medical records.
“It also says we should give our medical records. I mean, who takes another country’s medical records? And so that was strange.”
Concerns over health-data sharing have been central to resistance to the new US health agreements in several African countries.
Mahama also raised concerns about the treatment of medicines and other medical products supplied under the proposed arrangement.
He said Ghana would have been required to contribute funding to the program while, according to his account of the compact, the country’s Food and Drugs Authority would not have been able to inspect medicines or other medical products entering Ghana under the program.
“And then it also says that any medications or any medical products that shall be brought into our country, our Food and Drugs Administration has absolutely no right to inspect,” Mahama said.
“I mean, it was humiliating.”
Ghanaian officials had previously cited concerns about the proposed handling of sensitive health information as a reason for rejecting the agreement. Reporting on the negotiations also indicated that the proposed arrangement would have required additional investment from Ghana alongside the US contribution.
Mahama said the proposal was rejected after the Health Ministry presented its assessment to the Cabinet.
He described the decision as unusually swift.
“It was the compact that was thrown out in record time in our Cabinet. I’ve never seen anything thrown out as fast as that.”
He said the government subsequently instructed the Health Minister to communicate Ghana’s position to the US ambassador.
“And so, of course, we rejected it. And we asked the health minister to inform the US ambassador that we didn’t need it. We’ll manage ourselves.”
The proposed agreement would have provided Ghana with about $109 million in US health assistance over five years. The negotiations had begun in late 2025.
Ghana’s decision comes as the United States seeks to shift its approach to global health cooperation. The new US strategy places greater emphasis on recipient countries taking responsibility for financing and delivering health programs, while Washington reduces its traditional aid commitments.
Kenya became the first African country to sign the agreement which was challenged in court, followed by similar arrangements with Rwanda, Liberia, Uganda, Lesotho and Eswatini, among other countries. Ravi Ram from the People’s Health Movement (PHM) East and South Africa, told BreakThrough News in December 2025, that “Bilateral agreements between the US and Kenya and other African countries are meant to limit the ability of any one ‘partner’ country to challenge the terms of implementing the agreement, due to the unequal power relations.”
The concerns among health activists and concerned Africans is the ability of African states to determine their own health priorities, regulate medicines, control sensitive health information, and collectively negotiate the terms of international health cooperation.
Après avoir publié en 2025 le classique de l'historien du Guyana, Comment l'Europe sous-développa l'Afrique, les Éditions B42 rendent disponible en français The Groundings With My Brothers, paru à Londres en 1969. La traduction a choisi « dialogue » pour groundings, mot qui contient à la fois l'idée d'un ancrage et une référence à la culture rastafari dans laquelle « le terme créole “groundation” décrit une forme d'assemblée dans laquelle les membres de la communauté s'engagent dans une discussion ». Ce recueil est une compilation de discours de l'intellectuel guyanien Walter Rodney (1942-1980), liés à la Jamaïque, un pays dont il est chassé en 1968. C'est pendant la période où il a enseigné à l'université de Kingston que l'historien, militant de la cause noire, consolide sa conception et sa pratique de l'intellectuel engagé dans la lutte contre les oppressions, partageant ses connaissances dans les ghettos de l'île. Une position dont il ne se défera pas et qui peut être résumée selon ses termes : « Le Black Power doit s'efforcer de transformer les membres de l'intelligentsia noire en serviteurs des masses noires. »
Éditions B42, Montreuil, 2026, 136 pages, 17 euros.
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