© DAVIDE ELIAS/EPA
The coronavirus arrived in Bolivia amid uncertainty and panic that gave rise to racism. There are reports in which Indigenous people say they were denied medical care because healthcare workers were afraid of becoming infected. They were labeled sources of contagion for failing to comply with lockdown measures, since their livelihoods depended on in-person activities. Yet during the same period, another narrative emerged within Indigenous communities: that the Andean body was resistant to the virus because of the hardiness developed from living at high altitudes.
© ARTHUR CHERVIN
© JOÃO RELVAS/LUSA
O Prémio Nobel da Paz de 2026 foi atribuído à sul-africana Navanethem Pillay, atual juíza do Tribunal Internacional de Justiça para o genocídio em Myanmar, antiga Alta Comissária da ONU para os Direitos Humanos (2008-2014) e juiza do Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), pelo papel fundamental que tem tido “na defesa dos Direitos Humanos e no papel de garantir que os crimes de guerra e genocídios são perseguidos“.
A atribuição deste Nobel, segundo avançou a Euronews, acontece numa altura em que Israel está cada vez mais debaixo dos projetores pela ofensiva em Gaza, sendo que Pillay foi presidente da Comissão Internacional Independente de Inquérito da ONU sobre o Território Palestiniano Ocupado, que classificou as ações israelitas em Gaza como “genocídio” e é juiza do tribunal que emitiu um mandado de captura contra Benjamin Netanyahu.
Navanethem Pillay foi ainda presidente do Tribunal Penal Internacional para o Ruanda.
Nascida em Durban em 1941 numa família indiana de origem Tamil, Pillay lutou contra o apartheid e pelos ativistas presos, tendo conseguido para eles o direito a advogados, que até aí lhes era negado. Foi advogada de Nelson Mandela, tendo lutado pela sua libertação. Já como presidente, em 1995, Mandela nomeou-a juiza do Supremo Tribunal do país, sendo a primeira mulher não branca a ocupar esse cargo.
O anúncio do prémio foi feito esta sexta-feira de manhã pelo Comité Nobel da Noruega em Oslo e segue-se à polémica atribuição, no ano passado, à opositora venezuelana María Corina Machado, que depois o entregou a Donald Trump, dizendo que “ele o merecia”, uma atitude amplamente condenada a nível internacional.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Navanethem “Navi” Pillay for her efforts to promote peace and international law. The award recognizes “a person who with exceptional courage and integrity has led the way towards a more comprehensive global legal order,” the committee stated. The laureate, the committee continued, “has been instrumental in ensuring that war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are prosecuted.”
© Martial Trezzini (Martial Trezzini/Keystone via AP)
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Depois de no pretérito ano de 2025, a laureada ter sido Maria Corina Machado, com fundamento no reconhecimento pelo seu trabalho incansável na promoção dos direitos democráticos do povo da Venezuela e pela luta por uma transição justa e pacífica da ditadura para a democracia, este ano temos de adicionar o nosso Primeiro-Ministro à ‘shortlist’ de prováveis vencedores.
Neste Jardim à beira-mar plantado parece ter-se encerrado a fronteira entre governar um país e gerir um balneário, tal afirmação facilmente se sustenta na enviesada definição de urgência atribuída ao arrufo entre Cristiano e Jesus, que obrigou Luís Montenegro a realizar diversas chamadas telefónicas, designadamente para Cristiano, Jesus e Proença, na tentativa de moderar o conflito entre dois egos, que, certamente, tornam os intervenientes mais inflexíveis que muitos líderes mundiais.
Este papel intrusivo do Estado na lide da seleção nacional de futebol materializa-se numa tremenda inversão de prioridades, sendo atribuída superior relevância à prática desportiva em detrimento dos 664 horários que continuam sem professor ou do consecutivo aumento dos preços dos combustíveis que vem sufocando os portugueses.
Mas a culpa também é nossa e, sobretudo, da nossa conivência, que vem deixando que o tempo político se afaste do que é realmente pertinente para o nosso quotidiano e se esgote em reflexões a respeito de quantos minutos deve jogar Cristiano.
Neste pressuposto, talvez se mostrasse relevante aplicar a prodigiosa diplomacia do PM para zonas de conflito internacional. Ora, se um mero telefonema logra apaziguar os egos estratosféricos de Jesus e Cristiano, não se entende como ainda não se encontra o nosso PM a mediar o conflito do Médio Oriente, de Kiev ou até do Sudão.
Com o curriculum diplomático moldado a telefonemas de balneário, o nosso Chefe de Governo antevê-se mais que qualificado para contactar diretamente com os líderes em rota de colisão e ensinar-lhes como se resolvem guerras, por muito extremadas que as posições de cada lado se apresentem.
Perante o relatado, apesar de já se identificarem favoritos ao Prémio Nobel da Paz, como são exemplo Volodymyr Zelensky (pela resistência na Ucrânia), Yulia Navalnaya (pela luta da oposição russa contra o regime) e as Salas de Resposta de Emergência do Sudão (pela coragem dos voluntários a salvar vidas no terreno), a verdade é que nenhuma dessas candidaturas demonstrou a versatilidade de Montenegro, tendo agora o júri norueguês de ponderar em contrarrelógio os excecionais méritos do nosso Primeiro-Ministro.
The post Montenegro para Nobel da Paz appeared first on A Voz de Trás-os-Montes.
“Nothing in life is free,” goes an old Latin American saying, and Bolivia’s right-wing President Rodrigo Paz has proven this once again. The International Monetary Fund confirmed that it will disburse $1.9 billion to Bolivia, which will naturally have to repay the loan.
A few hours later, as part of the agreement with the neoliberal-leaning international financial institution, Paz announced that he would eliminate the subsidy on diesel, the fuel typically used by transporters and farmers for production. According to reports from La Paz, the price will increase by 100% (for now), as it will be adjusted to international market rates.
Several experts assert that the government’s decision will lead to an imminent increase in the price of food, mining, and transportation, thereby negatively impacting the country’s working population, which constitutes the vast majority.
While the government claims that these types of neoliberal measures will help control inflation, economist Fernando Romero argues that eliminating the diesel subsidy could cause inflation – which was projected to reach 14% by the end of the year – to rise to 20% by December 2026.
But this seems to matter little to a government whose primary goal – whether its own or one set by international financial institutions for the Third World – is to reduce the fiscal deficit at all costs.
“You [Bolivians] elected me to solve problems … If [the IMF] is lending us funds to revive the country, I cannot buy diesel at a high price and sell it cheaply … That is why we have decided that diesel will cost the same as it costs us to buy it abroad, and that price will be the same for everyone,” Paz said in an address to the entire country.
The truth is that this is not the first time Paz has sought to meet the IMF’s demands. In December of last year, just a few weeks after being sworn in as president, Paz raised the price of diesel and gasoline, sparking protests across the country.
A few months later, between May and June, thousands and thousands of Bolivians took to the streets to protest the government’s plan to allow land to be seized to settle debts, which was followed by demands from the Bolivian Workers’ Confederation (COB) and various peasant groups for higher wages and improved fuel supplies, among other things. Following harsh repression, the protests quickly escalated into demands for the president’s resignation, which led to increased tensions and clashes between law enforcement and thousands of workers who blocked major highways across the country. These protests left 14 dead and nearly 400 people detained.
It now appears that Paz will not back down from his policy, despite the fact that in less than a year he has faced significant protests against him that have gradually eroded his public image. According to some polls, Paz’s approval rating barely reaches 32%.
But Paz has also prepared for possible demonstrations. The Bolivian Congress, which supports Paz, has just extended the state of emergency – which had been declared last June – by 90 days. According to Interior Minister Marco Oviedo, there are: “threats of renewed and coordinated blockades, marches, and strikes, as well as early warnings regarding calls to action, escalations, ultimatums, and the mobilization of social groups [in the coming days].”
Indeed, several agricultural workers and truck drivers have announced that they will mobilize all their members unless the government reverses its plan to eliminate the diesel subsidy. “The increase in the price of diesel spells the end for all our productive sectors; that is why we have united to defend our livelihoods and our daily work, because right now, not only is there no diesel, but we are being forced to buy it at double the price,” the main leaders of these workers said at a press conference.
And while the bulk of those likely to protest against Paz will be the poorest workers, it should not be overlooked that a significant portion of industries, mining companies, and various other businesses rely on diesel to power their machinery. This suggests that discontent will arise not only among the poorest but also among the middle class and various business owners who foresee rising production costs without any real affordable alternatives.
Similarly, transportation unions have stated that if the price of fuel doubles, they will be forced to double the cost of fares. In fact, transport operators traveling between departments have already raised fares by between 50% and 100%.
Consequently, the rising costs of food, supplies, diesel, production, transportation, and so on lead several experts to predict that Paz’s decision (while it may please the IMF) will spark demonstrations and a new cycle of protests against the administration.
However, given the extension of the state of emergency, it does not appear that Paz is very interested in curbing the protests, but rather in resisting them and cementing the elimination of the subsidy in the long term, thereby bolstering the neoliberal program, which he calls “Bolivia’s new path.”
Whether Bolivian workers (who have a long tradition of resistance and popular mobilization) will succeed in thwarting the intentions of Paz and his international allies remains to be seen.
But, as seen in other countries such as Ecuador, neoliberal governments have opted for a strategy of wearing down popular protests. For example, Lenin Moreno’s government raised fuel prices only to back down in the face of massive social protests. Years later, Guillermo Lasso and Daniel Noboa did the same, until the protesters grew weary and they finally succeeded in eliminating the subsidy on certain fuels.
For now, it seems that Bolivian workers are not willing to back down, although all signs indicate that neither will the Paz administration nor future neoliberal politicians. Whoever emerges victorious will do so by sheer resistance and the ability to remain united.
Several weeks ago, a video went viral in which Nadia Beller, speaking from a health clinic, accused her ex-partner, the Argentine Fernando Cerimedo, of ordering her murder in Santa Cruz, Bolivia.
After undergoing surgery to remove two bullets from her body, Beller, who is pregnant, accused Cerimedo of being the mastermind behind the assassination attempt, but also warned that it was highly likely the justice system would be unable to act appropriately due to what she described as the close relationship between her ex-partner and Bolivia’s right-wing president, Rodrigo Paz.
In addition, Beller accused Cerimedo of several acts of corruption linked to the Paz administration and the Bolivian president’s family, and posted photos on social media of wads of Bolivian currency allegedly linked to Cerimedo.
A few hours later, on August 18, the Prosecutor’s Office arrested Cerimedo on charges of attempted femicide. Authorities arrested him at Viru Viru Airport as he prepared to leave the country for Argentina.
Investigators found messages on his cell phone that were reportedly sent from his device and could implicate him in the Beller case. In addition, the Prosecutor’s Office announced that Cerimedo will be investigated for alleged illicit enrichment.
For her part, Cerimedo’s attorney, Margarita Arce, said that the attack was planned by Beller herself – that is, it was a self-inflicted attack – to destabilize the Paz administration.
Following his arrest, news of Cerimedo’s apprehension began to appear in various media outlets. Although many people did not attach much importance to it, it turns out that, according to several journalistic investigations, Cerimedo may have been involved in several presidential elections in which the new Latin American right-wing movements won the presidencies of various countries.
A few hours after his capture, and in the face of Beller’s direct accusations, Bolivia’s presidential spokesperson, José Luis Gálvez, was forced – under pressure from journalists – to tell the press that Cerimedo had been an advisor and collaborator on Paz’s presidential campaign but did not currently hold any official position. In response, Cerimedo stated that he and Paz are merely “friends.”
But Paz is not the only leader who knows the detainee personally. Cerimedo is one of the most influential political consultants on the Latin American right and far right. He was one of the strategists for the presidential campaign of his compatriot Javier Milei, and some media outlets claim he has ties to former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, his roles in Chile – in support of the current far-right president, José Antonio Kast – as well as his activities in Honduras have been highlighted.
Cerimedo’s influence stems from his role as the founder of the right-wing media outlet La Derecha Diario, which has a clear conservative and right-wing libertarian slant. Cerimedo is also the director of the political marketing agency Numen, which was founded in Argentina.
But one of the main reasons Cerimedo is so powerful is likely his control over several “troll farms” – places from which fake accounts “like” certain news stories or posts, share content on their profiles, attack individuals, and can even influence and alter online trends, thereby exerting a certain degree of control over the narrative circulating on social media.
That’s exactly what Cerimedo did following Bolsonaro’s defeat in Brazil, when he claimed that Lula da Silva, the winner of the presidential election, had stolen the election. Cerimedo’s troll farms quickly sprang into action and began to “smear” Lula’s victory. A few months later, many Bolsonaro supporters stormed government buildings in an attempt to prevent what they called “a fraudulent presidential inauguration” – that of Lula. Some time later, Jair Bolsonaro was arrested for participating in an attempted coup, according to Brazilian authorities. Cerimedo was investigated, but no charges were filed against him.
But Cerimedo’s relationship with the Bolsonaros did not end there. A few weeks ago, the political consultant appeared online alongside Eduardo Bolsonaro – Jair’s son and Flávio’s brother (who will seek to win the election against Lula) – once again questioning the legitimacy of Lula’s past victory.
Cerimedo has never hidden the fact that he controls thousands of trolls to influence social media algorithms: “We run negative campaigns,” Cerimedo told the newspaper La Nación during the 2023 Argentine political campaign, stating that he shares damaging information about rival candidates.
That campaign – which was, by the way, very successful – paved the way for him to enter Central America, where he served as one of the key advisors to the right-wing candidate Nasry Asfura, who, following a dirty election campaign and a controversial election, became president of Honduras.
In 2025, Cerimedo personally advised Paz in Bolivia, and, according to presidential spokesperson Gálvez, he continues to be a collaborator with the executive branch: “After the campaign ended, he continued to collaborate specifically with the president’s administration, (although) he has not held a specific position within the government.”
Former Bolivian President Evo Morales said that Cerimedo is clearly an “agent of the empire,” while Mexico’s current president, the progressive Claudia Sheinbaum, warned of the danger posed by people like Cerimedo, who seek to taint politics with lies and defamation.
“Elections have been won this way in Latin America, through the spread of fake news that is very difficult to counter because they have a lot of money and sophisticated operational networks,” Sheinbaum told the press.
And while Cerimedo’s political activities have not been kept secret – thanks to a combination of cynicism and apathetic common sense – Beller’s accusations regarding alleged acts of corruption by her ex-partner and several powerful figures (including some from the governments of Argentina and Bolivia) could expose more than just political campaigns and troll farms.
Beller accuses Cerimedo of participating in operations related to fuel, gold, and even clandestine financial networks. For his part, President Milei has said that the accusation comes from Lula, Morales, and “Castro-Chavism,” although he also tried to distance himself from his former advisor: “He is someone who is not part of our circle and has no connection to us whatsoever. We severed ties in 2023.”
For now, it remains to be seen how far the investigations will go. Cerimedo will remain in custody while his trial continues. Meanwhile, various media outlets continue to investigate the connections of this powerful political consultant and his ties to a range of actors – presidents, companies, media outlets, etc. – who will be following his trial very closely.
Furthermore, the Cerimedo case has demonstrated, in the clearest possible way, a new way of doing politics in the region, one that does not depend on the power of ideas but rather on personal connections and new technologies of manipulation. These have been actively used by a radical right-wing movement in Latin America that has reaped great triumphs in recent years, regardless of the ethical cost or in the name of a “truth” that, on social media, can be as fragile as a straw snapping.
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